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THE  LIFE  AND   LETTERS 

OF 

GEORGE    GORDON    MEADE 

Volume  I 


rffofwns /&i  t>  Si  ft  /M /!//■>  <*'  fry.   Kj-pfwHetJ  ^/tia/tj. 


,rr)3<2 
THE  LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


OF 


GEORGE   GORDON   MEADE 

MAJOR-GENERAL   UNITED    STATES   ARMY 


BY 
GEORGE   MEADE 

CAPTAIN  AND  AIDE-DE-CAMP  AND  BREVET  LIEUTENANT-COLONEL  UNITED   STATES  ARMY 


EDITED    BY 

GEORGE    GORDON    MEADE 


Volume  I 


NEW    YORK 

CHARLES   SCHIBNER'S   SONS 
1913 


Copyright,  1913,  by 

CHARLES  SCRIBNER'S  SONS 

Published  May,  1913 


EDITOR'S  PREFACE 

Now  that  the  fiftieth  anniversary  of  the  battle  of  Gettysburg 
is  approaching,  and  the  lesson  of  that  great  struggle  and  the  far- 
reaching  effect  of  its  result  are  to  be  brought  to  every  mind,  it  has 
become  a  duty  to  place  before  the  people  this  life  of  General  Meade. 

This  work  was  compiled  and  written  by  General  Meade's  son, 
Colonel  George  Meade,  and  is  edited  by  Colonel  Meade's  son. 

The  volumes  contain  two  sets  of  heretofore  unpublished  letters 
written  by  General  Meade  to  his  wife  during  his  absence  from  home, 
while  actively  engaged  in  the  Mexican  and  Civil  Wars,  and  a  nar- 
rative of  General  Meade's  life  during  the  periods  not  covered  by  his 
own  writings,  together  with  an  account  of  the  battle  of  Gettysburg. 

The  letters  take  the  form  of  a  diary,  and  relate  his  personal  experi- 
ences, his  views  on  men  and  affairs,  and  describe  the  operations  of 
the  army  under  Generals  Taylor  and  Scott  in  the  Mexican  War,  and 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac  in  the  Civil  War.  Such  matters  as  do  not 
bear  in  any  way  upon  the  purpose  of  this  work  have  been  omitted. 
These  letters  are  from  one  who  was  a  loving  husband,  a  professional 
soldier  in  the  highest  sense,  and  a  man  who  never  truckled  to  the 
public.  They  are  written  to  a  devoted  wife,  who  had  a  remarkable 
understanding  in  all  matters,  military  and  personal,  that  related  to 
him  and  to  whom  alone  he  wrote  with  perfect  freedom. 

The  narrative  opens  with  his  genealogy  and  early  life  up  to  the 
time  of  his  departure  for  the  Mexican  War.  Continuing,  it  takes  up 
his  career  from  the  time  of  his  return  from  the  Mexican  War  until  he 
again  leaves  for  the  field  in  the  Civil  War,  covering  his  services  in  the 
building  of  light-houses  on  the  Atlantic  coast,  the  Seminole  Indian 
trouble  in  Florida,  and  the  survey  of  the  Great  Lakes.    Again,  it 


<b 


vN  502543 


vi  EDITOR'S  PREFACE 

carries  on  the  story  from  the  time  of  his  return  from  the  Civil  War 
until  his  death,  describing  the  part  he  played  during  the  reconstruc- 
tion period  and  the  last  days  of  his  life.  The  account  of  the  battle 
of  Gettysburg  appears  in  connection  with  the  Civil  War  letters,  be- 
ginning at  the  time  when  General  Meade  was  placed  in  command 
of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac. 

This  work  was  compiled  and  written  at  the  time  when  the 
petty,  jarring  interests  of  the  Civil  War  were  having  their  day,  and 
history  was  being  distorted  by  unscrupulous  military  and  political 
aspirants. 

Colonel  George  Meade,  the  second  son  of  General  Meade,  was 
born  at  Philadelphia,  Pa.,  November  2,  1843.  He  attended,  as  a 
cadet,  the  United  States  Military  Academy,  West  Point,  N.  Y.,  for 
two  years,  and  subsequently  entered  the  service  as  a  private  in  the 
Eighth  Pennsylvania  (Militia)  Infantry,  September,  1862,  in  which 
capacity  he  served  during  the  emergency  caused  by  Lee's  invasion 
of  Maryland  in  1862.  In  October,  1862,  he  received  a  commission 
as  second  lieutenant,  Sixth  Pennsylvania  Cavalry,  "Rush's  Lan- 
cers," and  served  with  that  regiment  in  the  Army  of  the  Potomac, 
taking  part  in  the  Fredericksburg  campaign,  December,  1862,  and  in 
Stoneman's  cavalry  raid,  April  and  May,  1863.  In  June,  1863,  he 
was  promoted  to  captain  and  aide-de-camp,  United  States  Volunteers, 
on  the  staff  of  General  Meade,  commanding  the  Fifth  Army  Corps, 
Army  of  the  Potomac,  and  served  continuously  with  him  as  his  aide 
until  the  death  of  General  Meade  on  November  6,  1872,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  nine  months  from  April  to  December,  1870,  during  which 
time  he  served  with  his  regiment  in  Dakota  Territory  during  an  In- 
dian outbreak.  He  was  commissioned  first  lieutenant  United  States 
Army  in  November,  1865,  and  captain  United  States  Army  in  July, 
1866,  and  subsequently  was  brevetted  major  United  States  Army 
"for  gallant  and  meritorious  services  at  the  battle  of  Gettysburg, Pa.," 
and  lieutenant-colonel  United  States  Army  "  for  gallant  and  meri- 
torious services  in  the  campaign  ending  in  the  surrender  of  the  Army 
of  Northern  Virginia."    On  October  1,  1874,  he  resigned  from  the 


EDITOR'S   PREFACE  vii 

army,  entered  into  business  in  Philadelphia,  Pa.,  and  so  remained 
until  his  death,  February  2,  1897. 

Colonel  Meade,  at  the  time  of  his  death,  had  not  prepared  his 
account  of  the  battle  of  Gettysburg  beyond  the  morning  of  July  the 
3d,  and  the  narrative  of  the  subsequent  events  of  the  battle  has 
been  written  by  the  editor,  who  has  also  compiled  the  Gettysburg 
maps  and  added  the  foot-notes,  the  appendices,  the  official  com- 
munications on  pages  312,  313,  vol.  I,  and  pages  138,  139,  140,  193, 
196,  237,  273,  vol.  II. 

G.  G.  M. 

Philadelphia,  Pa.,  April,  1913. 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 


Editor's  Preface v 

Part  I.       Genealogy  and  Narrative  to   the  Mexican 

War  Letters,  1815-45 1 

Part  II.      Mexican  War  Letters,  1845-47 19 

Part  III.    Narrative  from  the  End  of  the  Mexican  War 

Letters  to  the  Civil  War  Letters,  1847-61     .  199 

Part  IV.     Civil  War  Letters,  1861-63 219 


LIST  OF  MAPS 


OPPOSITE 
PAGE 


Parts  of  Texas  and  Mexico  covering  the  seat  of  the  war  in 

Mexico 25 

Sketch  showing  the  position  of  the  Army  of  Occupation  oppo- 
site Matamoras        73 

Sketch  showing  the  position  of  the  Army  of  Occupation  at  the 

battle  of  Monterey        .133 

Sketch  of  the  seat  of  the  war  in  Mexico  showing  the  line  pro- 
posed to  be  occupied  by  the  American  forces  under  Gen- 
eral Taylor 167 

Parts  of  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  and  Virginia  covered  by 
the  operations  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  in  the  Civil 
War,  1861  to  1865 219 

The  Seven  Days'  Battles     .     .     .     . 279 


THE  LIFE  AND   LETTERS 

OF 

GEORGE    GORDON    MEADE 

Volume  I 


PART  I 

GENEALOGY   AND   NARRATIVE  TO   THE   MEXICAN 
WAR   LETTERS 

1815-1845 

George  Gordon  Meade  was  born  on  the  31st  of  December,  1815, 
in  the  city  of  Cadiz,  Spain,  where  his  parents,  who  were  citizens  of 
the  United  States,  were  temporarily  residing. 

His  ancestors  had  been  residents  of  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  in 
the  Province  of  Pennsylvania,  in  colonial  times.  The  first  of  whom 
there  is  any  record  was  Robert  Meade,  the  great-grandfather  of 
George  Gordon  Meade.  He  was  born  in  Ireland,  and  about  the 
year  1732  we  find  him  living  in  Philadelphia.  He  was  a  shipping 
and  commission  merchant,  doing  a  considerable  trade  with  the  West 
Indies,  principally  with  Barbadoes,  where  he  is  known  to  have  had 
relations,  and  whence  he  had  probably  come  to  Philadelphia.  The 
owner  of  real  estate  in  and  about  the  city,  a  prominent  member  of 
the  small  body  of  Roman  Catholics  who  had  settled  there,  assisting 
by  his  means  and  influence  in  building  in  the  city  the  first  chapel  de- 
voted to  his  religion,  which  was  the  foundation  of  the  present  flour- 
ishing Church  of  Saint  Joseph,  he  was  generally  regarded  as  a  man 
of  standing  and  importance  among  his  compatriots. 

He  died  in  Philadelphia  in  1754,  upon  his  return  from  a  voyage 
to  the  island  of  Santa  Cruz.  His  wife  had  died  some  years  pre- 
viously. In  his  will  he  named  three  children,  Garrett,  George,  and 
Catherine,  to  whom  he  bequeathed  his  property,  appointing  his 
brother-in-law,  George  Stritch,  of  Barbadoes,  his  executor. 

From  this  will  it  appears  that,  besides  the  property  he  owned  in 
the  Province  of  Pennsylvania,  he  had  possessions  in  Barbadoes,  and  it 
is  presumed  that  at  the  time  of  his  death  his  children  were  living 
there.  However  that  may  be,  it  is  certain  that  we  find  them  a  few 
years  subsequently  living  in  Philadelphia,  the  sons  forming  a  firm 
under  the  style  of  "Garrett  and  George  Meade,"  following  the  same 

1 


2  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

mercantile  pursuits  as  their  father  had  followed  before  them.  It 
is  evident,  from  what  has  been  learned  of  the  character  and  amount 
of  their  business,  even  in  these  early  days,  and  from  their  habits 
and  mode  of  life  as  well,  that  they  had  inherited  an  ample  patri- 
mony. Carrying  on  an  extensive  and  lucrative  business,  they  soon 
took  a  prominent  position  among  the  merchants  of  the  city.  They 
were  among  the  signers  of  the  celebrated  Non-Importation  Resolu- 
tions of  1765,  which  was  the  first  public  declaration  in  Philadelphia 
of  the  growing  dissatisfaction  at  the  course  of  the  mother  country 
toward  the  colonies. 

Catherine  married  in  Philadelphia,  in  1761,  Thomas  Fitzsimons, 
a  young  Irishman  who,  by  his  talents,  energy,  and  patriotism  for 
his  adopted  country,  rose  to  great  eminence  in  the  councils  of  the 
nation  and  of  his  State. 

George  married,  in  1768,  Henrietta  Constantia  Worsam.  She 
was  a  daughter  of  the  Honorable  Richard  Worsam,  of  His  Britannic 
Majesty's  council  in  the  island  of  Barbadoes,  who  with  his  family 
was  sojourning  in  Philadelphia,  where  he  died  in  1766,  leaving  a 
widow  and  three  daughters. 

About  the  year  1770,  after  the  death,  it  is  presumed,  of  Garrett, 
the  elder  brother,  Thomas  Fitzsimons  became  associated  in  busi- 
ness with  George  Meade,  the  firm  being  then  known  as  that  of 
"George  Meade  &  Co."  This  connection  lasted  for  several  years, 
until  the  pressing  public  duties  of  Mr.  Fitzsimons  compelled  him  to 
retire. 

Born  in  Philadelphia  in  1741,  George  Meade  lived  there  all  his 
life,  and  was  throughout  that  time  identified  with  the  progress  of 
the  city.  The  most  active  period  of  his  career  was  passed  amidst 
events  which  are  memorable  in  the  history  of  his  country.  He  early 
sympathized  with  the  cause  of  the  colonies,  and,  among  other  tokens 
of  the  substantial  support  he  gave  the  government,  we  find  his  firm, 
in  the  trying  year  of  1780,  subscribing  the  very  large  sum,  for  those 
days,  of  two  thousand  pounds  toward  organizing  the  Pennsylvania 
Bank,  which  was  to  supply  food  and  clothing  to  the  destitute  army 
of  General  Washington. 

He  was  attentive  to  all  his  duties  as  a  citizen,  known  for  his  liberal 
views,  his  benevolent  and  social  qualities,  his  hospitable  manners, 
and  his  thorough  integrity  and  high  sense  of  honor,  which  were  so 
marked  a  feature  in  his  character  that  he  was  known  in  mercantile 
circles  as  "  Honest  George  Meade." 


GENEALOGY  AND  NARRATIVE  3 

He  was  prominent  on  all  public  and  social  occasions,  though  it  is 
believed  that  the  only  public  office  he  ever  held  was  that  of  member 
of  the  common  council  in  1789-91.  He  held,  however,  many  posi- 
tions of  trust  and  confidence,  and  was  one  of  the  original  promoters 
and  vice-president  of  the  institution  of  First  Day  (or  Sunday)  schools, 
the  Rev.  Dr.  White,  afterward  Bishop  White,  being  the  president. 
A  stanch  Roman  Catholic,  and  deeply  interested  in  the  welfare  of 
his  church,  he  was  mainly  instrumental  in  the  building  of  Saint 
Mary's  Church,  of  which  he  was  one  of  the  original  trustees  and  a 
constant  attendant,  his  wife  being  equally  devoted  to  the  Church 
of  England.  He  and  Thomas  Fitzsimons  were  among  the  original 
members  of  the  Society  of  the  Friendly  Sons  of  Saint  Patrick,  a 
social  organization  which  existed  in  Philadelphia  between  the  years 
1771  and  1798,  organized  by  native-born  Irishmen  or  their  sons, 
on  the  rolls  of  which  society  were  to  be  found  the  names  of  Gen- 
eral Washington,  General  Anthony  Wayne,  Commodore  Barry, 
the  Cadwaladers,  Richard  Peters,  Robert  Morris,  General  William 
Irvine,  General  Stephen  Moylan,  and  many  others  of  that  day, 
distinguished  in  the  history  of  their  country. 

At  the  close  of  the  Revolution,  and  upon  the  revival  of  commerce 
in  America,  the  firm  of  George  Meade  &  Co.  took  a  high  position 
among  the  substantial  mercantile  houses  for  which  Philadelphia  was 
noted.  Its  vessels  were  to  be  found  in  all  foreign  ports,  and  it  be- 
came the  agent  for  some  of  the  largest  houses  in  London. 

George  Meade's  children  were  ten  in  number,  five  sons  and  five 
daughters.  Two  of  the  latter  married  brothers,  Thomas  and  John 
Ketland,  sons  of  Thomas  Ketland,  of  Birmingham,  England,  who 
were  engaged  in  business  in  Philadelphia  for  some  years  after  the 
Revolution.  Neither  left  any  descendants.  Another  of  the  daugh- 
ters married  William  Hustler,  also  an  Englishman,  whose  descend- 
ants now  live  at  Acklam  Hall,  Middlesborough-on-Tees,  Yorkshire, 
England.  The  remaining  children,  with  the  exception  of  one  son, 
died  in  early  life  and  unmarried. 

This  son  was  Richard  Worsam  Meade,  the  father  of  the  subject 
of  these  memoirs.  He  was  born  in  1778  in  Chester  County,  Penn- 
sylvania, where  the  family  was  temporarily  residing,  having,  with 
many  others,  removed  from  Philadelphia  upon  the  occupation  of 
that  place  by  the  British  army  under  General  Howe. 

After  a  thorough  education  and  careful  preliminary  training,  Rich- 
ard Worsam  Meade  entered  his  father's  counting-house,  where  he 


4  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

early  displayed  remarkable  talent.  Whilst  so  employed  he  made, 
in  the  interest  of  his  father's  house,  several  voyages  to  the  West 
Indies.  In  1795,  when  but  seventeen  years  of  age,  he  visited  Europe, 
going  out  in  charge  of  one  of  his  father's  vessels,  and  on  this  occa- 
sion made  an  extended  tour  through  England  and  France,  returning 
to  America  in  1796.  He  then  again  visited  the  West  Indies,  this 
time  embarking  in  a  business  venture  on  his  own  account  in  the 
island  of  Santo  Domingo.  Although  absent  for  only  three  years, 
he  yet  succeeded,  at  the  early  age  of  twenty-two,  by  his  talents  and 
industry,  in  achieving  an  independence,  and,  returning  to  Philadel- 
phia in  1800,  in  the  following  year  married  Margaret  Coats  Butler, 
a  daughter  of  Anthony  Butler,  of  Perth  Amboy,  New  Jersey,  and 
granddaughter  of  Colonel  William  Coats,  a  wealthy  and  prominent 
citizen  of  Philadelphia. 

Like  his  father  and  grandfather,  he  was  a  zealous  Roman  Catho- 
lic and  very  influential  in  the  church,  and  also,  like  his  father,  he 
found  his  wife  in  the  ranks  of  the  Episcopalians. 

He  had  resumed  business  on  his  return  to  Philadelphia,  at  the 
same  time  taking  charge  of  his  father's  affairs,  which,  unfortunately, 
had  become  seriously  complicated.  George  Meade,  the  father,  who 
had  hitherto  been  extremely  fortunate  in  his  operations,  and  had 
amassed  what  in  those  days  was  considered  a  very  handsome  fort- 
une, had,  with  other  moneyed  men  of  Philadelphia,  entered  exten- 
sively into  the  purchase  of  large  tracts  of  unimproved  lands  in  va- 
rious parts  of  the  country.  He  had  confidently  looked  forward  to 
a  rapid  increase  in  emigration  and  an  early  settlement  of  these  lands, 
but  the  large  outlay  involved  in  their  purchase,  together  with  the 
failure  of  certain  foreign  houses  in  the  crisis  of  1796,  had  caused 
his  financial  embarrassment  and  failure.  Every  consideration  was 
shown  by  his  creditors  to  one  who  had  held  so  high  a  position  in  the 
commercial  world.  Through  the  implicit  faith  in  his  integrity  and 
confidence  in  his  ability,  he  had  been  permitted  to  continue  in  sole 
management  of  his  affairs.  Everything  of  which  he  was  possessed, 
upon  which  he  could  raise  money,  had  been  disposed  of  for  the  benefit 
of  his  creditors,  and  in  this  way  he  had  been  enabled  to  pay  the 
greater  part  of  his  indebtedness.  The  breaking  down  of  his  health 
and  his  increasing  age,  however,  finally  compelled  him,  in  1801,  to 
take  advantage  of  the  Bankrupt  Act  passed  in  that  year,  his  son, 
Richard  Worsam  Meade,  being  appointed  assignee. 

Whilst  Richard  Worsam  Meade  was  acting  in  this  capacity  it 


GENEALOGY  AND  NARRATIVE  5 

became  necessary  for  him,  in  order  to  attend  to  certain  transactions 
growing  out  of  his  own  affairs,  to  visit  Spain,  where  he  was  detained 
much  longer  than  he  had  anticipated.  Seeing  an  excellent  oppor- 
tunity of  forming  advantageous  commercial  connections  in  that 
country,  in  which  a  man  of  capital  and  energy  could  greatly  benefit 
himself,  and  never  satisfied  unless  actively  employed,  he  established 
a  house  in  the  city  of  Cadiz,  and  in  1804  was  joined  there  by  his 
wife  and  their  two  children. 

During  this  absence  in  Spain  his  father's  health  completely  gave 
way,  and  after  a  lingering  illness  he  died  in  Philadelphia  in  1808, 
and  was  buried  in  the  family  vault  in  the  church-yard  of  Saint 
Mary's. 

The  widow  of  George  Meade,  accompanied  by  her  only  surviving 
daughter,  a  few  years  after  her  husband's  death  visited  England. 
She  was  a  woman  of  education  and  high  breeding,  of  strong  religious 
convictions,  a  devoted  wife  and  affectionate  mother.  The  death  of 
so  many  of  her  children,  just  as  they  were  growing  up,  was  a  severe 
sorrow;  but  that  and  the  loss  of  her  husband's  fortune,  and  his  con- 
sequent broken  health,  were  borne  by  her  with  exemplary  Christian 
fortitude.  The  religious  principles  of  her  husband,  and  his  active 
partisanship  with  the  colonies  in  their  early  differences  with  Great 
Britain,  were,  it  is  surmised,  the  cause  of  opposition  on  the  part  of  her 
father  to  their  earlier  marriage;  but,  although  she  would,  in  form- 
ing that  connection,  be  compelled  to  live  in  America,  widely  sepa- 
rated from  her  own  immediate  family,  she  was  resolute  in  her  decision. 

Her  letters  from  England  during  this  visit,  which  was  under- 
taken with  the  object  of  visiting  her  only  surviving  sister,  whom  she 
had  not  seen  for  very  many  years,  are  full  of  the  warmest  affection 
for  the  many  friends  she  had  made  in  America  and  of  pleasant  mem- 
ories of  her  life  in  that  country.  She  looked  forward  with  pleasure 
to  her  return  to  Philadelphia;  but  this,  from  many  causes,  was  de- 
layed until  increasing  age  and  infirmity  rendered  it  impossible,  and 
she  died  near  Edgebarton,  Berkshire,  England,  about  1822,  nearly 
eighty  years  old. 

Richard  Worsam  Meade  remained  in  Spain  for  seventeen  years, 
a  stay  far  beyond  his  original  expectations.  Pie  was,  in  1806,  ap- 
pointed naval  agent  of  the  United  States  for  the  port  of  Cadiz. 
His  residence  in  the  country  covering  the  whole  period  of  the  Penin- 
sular War,  he  entered,  during  the  invasion  of  Spain  by  the  French, 
into  numerous  contracts  with  the  Spanish  Government  involving 


6  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

large  amounts  of  moneys  and  supplies,  and  in  this  way  contributed 
materially  to  the  support  of  the  Spanish  cause,  Spain  becoming 
largely  indebted  to  him  for  funds  and  merchandise.  Morally,  too, 
his  presence  in  Cadiz,  at  the  critical  period  of  the  siege  of  that  place, 
was  recognized  as  valuable  by  the  Supreme  Junta  organized  for  its 
defence,  not  only  for  the  supplies  that  his  house  was  known  to  be 
able  to  furnish,  but  for  his  cheering  personal  presence.  In  conse- 
quence of  these  services,  the  Cortes  of  Spain,  assembled  in  Cadiz  in 
1811  and  1812,  offered  to  confer  upon  him  the  full  citizenship  of  the 
country,  but  he  publicly  declined  the  offer,  stating  as  his  reason 
that,  while  he  fully  appreciated  the  honor,  nothing  could  induce 
him  to  relinquish  his  position  as  an  American  citizen. 

The  intimate  relations  existing  between  Mr.  Meade  and  those  in 
power,  the  valuable  assistance  he  had  rendered,  his  affability  and 
knowledge  of  the  world,  conferred  upon  him  a  high  social  position 
among  all  classes  of  men,  both  native  and  foreign.  Thus  personally 
attractive  and  prominent,  nothing  more  was  needed  but  what  he 
possessed  in  his  wife,  noted  for  her  beauty  and  charming  manners, 
to  cause  his  house  to  be  the  resort  of  all  that  was  most  cultivated 
and  refined  in  the  society  of  Cadiz.  His  large  wealth  enabled  him 
to  surround  himself  with  all  that  was  luxurious;  his  gallery  of  paint- 
ings, collected  at  this  period  under  the  most  favorable  circumstances, 
was  well  known  in  after  days  in  Philadelphia  for  the  number  of  its 
choice  works  of  art. 

His  family,  during  the  period  over  which  we  have  passed,  had 
been  increased  by  six  children,  the  youngest  of  whom  was  George 
Gordon  Meade,  born  in  the  city  of  Cadiz  on  the  31st  of  December, 
1815. 

The  return  of  Ferdinand  VII  to  the  throne  of  Spain  so  compli- 
cated and  delayed  all  matters  of  business,  especially  such  as  related 
to  contracts  with  the  various  local  governments,  that  Mr.  Meade 
was  greatly  embarrassed  and  delayed  in  obtaining  a  settlement  of 
his  claims.  Both  he  and  his  wife  were  most  anxious  to  return  to 
America,  where  several  of  the  older  children  were  at  school.  She 
had  already  made  one  voyage  to  Philadelphia,  in  1810,  believing 
that  her  husband  would  be  able  shortly  to  follow,  but,  disappointed 
in  this,  she  had  returned  to  Cadiz  in  the  following  year,  leaving 
three  of  the  children  behind  her. 

To  add  to  Mr.  Meade's  embarrassments  at  this  time,  he  became 
involved  in  certain  legal  complications  arising  from  administering  the 


GENEALOGY  AND  NARRATIVE  7 

affairs  of  other  persons.  It  appears  that  he  had  been  appointed 
assignee  for  an  insolvent  agent  of  an  English  firm  doing  business  in 
Cadiz.  In  the  settlement  of  its  affairs,  he,  by  direction  of  the  proper 
authority,  the  Tribunal  of  Commerce,  took  certain  action  which  in- 
volved him  in  suits  at  law  with  some  of  the  creditors,  and  through 
false  representations  he  was  arrested  and  confined  in  the  prison  at 
Santa  Catalina,  in  Cadiz,  where  he  remained  for  nearly  two  years, 
until  finally  released  by  a  royal  order,  issued  at  the  urgent  demand 
of  the  United  States  minister  to  Spain. 

The  inability  of  Spain  to  liquidate  promptly  her  indebtedness  to 
Mr.  Meade,  and  the  absolute  necessity  of  his  remaining  in  that  coun- 
try to  look  after  his  extensive  interests,  rendered  the  time  of  his 
return  to  America  so  uncertain  that  he  finally  determined  to  send  in 
advance  to  Philadelphia  his  wife  and  those  of  his  children  who  had 
still  remained  with  them.  She  sailed  in  1817  and  duly  arrived  in 
Philadelphia,  and  after  her  departure  Mr.  Meade  removed  to  Madrid, 
where  he  continued  his  exertions  for  the  payment  of  the  moneys 
due  him. 

In  the  meantime  the  treaty  of  1819  between  the  United  States 
and  Spain,  known  as  the  Treaty  of  Florida,  having  been  ratified  by 
both  governments,  all  just  claims  of  American  citizens  then  existing 
against  Spain  were,  by  the  terms  of  that  treaty,  assumed  by  the 
United  States  in  exchange  for  the  cession  of  Florida  by  Spain.  Thus 
released,  Mr.  Meade,  in  1820,  took  his  departure  and  joined  his 
family  in  Philadelphia.  But,  after  a  few  years'  residence  in  that 
city,  they  removed  to  Washington,  so  that  Mr.  Meade,  being  at  the 
seat  of  government,  could  there  more  advantageously  prosecute  his 
claim  under  the  Treaty  of  Florida,  for  this  claim,  through  legal  tech- 
nicalities and  other  impediments,  still  remained  unsettled. 

The  family  now  consisted  of  ten  children — seven  daughters  and 
three  sons — two  having  been  born  since  the  return  to  the  United 
States.  Of  these  children,  George  Gordon  Meade  was  the  eighth 
child  and  second  son.  A  few  days  after  his  birth  he  had  been  bap- 
tized by  the  curate  of  the  parish  of  "Nuestra  Senora  del  Rosario" 
at  Cadiz,  with  the  name  of  George,  after  his  grandfather,  his  god- 
mother being  Catherine  Gordon  Prendergast,  a  daughter  of  Mr. 
Jacob  Gordon,  a  Scotchman,  long  resident  with  his  family  in  Spain, 
between  whom  and  the  Meades  the  closest  intimacy  existed.  It 
was  owing  to  this  intimacy  that,  as  a  token  of  the  high  esteem  in 
which  Mr.  Meade  held  Mr.  Gordon  and  all  his  family,  the  name  of 


8  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

Gordon  was  subsequently  added  to  that  which  his  infant  son  had 
received  at  baptism. 

When  about  eight  years  of  age  George  Gordon  Meade  was  placed 
at  a  well-known  private  school  in  Philadelphia,  kept  by  William  R. 
White,  formerly  professor  of  the  ancient  classics,  at  the  University 
of  Virginia,  and  Henry  Hood,  who  graduated  with  distinction  at 
Trinity  College,  Dublin.  The  school  was  regarded  as  an  excellent 
one;  the  pupils  were  the  children  of  the  better  class  of  citizens;  and 
he  remained  there  for  about  three  years,  receiving  the  usual  educa- 
tion of  boys  of  his  age.  He  was  considered  an  amiable  boy,  full  of 
life,  but  rather  disposed  to  avoid  the  rough-and-tumble  frolics  of 
youths  of  his  age;  quick  at  his  lessons,  and  popular  with  both  teachers 
and  scholars. 

On  the  removal  of  the  family  to  Washington,  George  was  placed, 
in  1826,  at  a  boarding-school  at  Mount  Airy,  a  few  miles  from  Phila- 
delphia, known  as  the  American  Classical  and  Military  Lyceum. 
The  principals  of  the  school  were  M.  Constant  and  A.  L.  Roumfort, 
the  latter  a  graduate  of  the  Military  Academy  at  West  Point.  They 
were  both  men  of  marked  ability  and  were  assisted  by  a  corps  of 
excellent  instructors.  Among  those  constituting  the  board  of  ex- 
aminers were  General  Cadwalader,  General  Bernard,  U.  S.  Engi- 
neers; Dr.  Chapman,  Joseph  Hopkinson,  Charles  J.  Ingersoll, 
Nicholas  Biddle,  Thomas  Camac,  and  Richard  Worsam  Meade,  the 
father  of  George. 

The  institution  was  modelled  upon  West  Point,  the  boys  being 
instructed  in  the  manual  of  arms  and  in  company  drill,  and  at  cer- 
tain times  they  performed  sentry  duty.  An  "officer  of  the  day" 
was  regularly  appointed,  whose  duty  it  was  to  report  any  breach  of 
discipline,  and  the  report  was  read  aloud  after  breakfast  to  the 
assembled  cadets.  It  was  sought  to  instil  a  high  sense  of  honor 
into  the  performance  of  these  duties. 

During  young  Meade's  stay  at  the  school  he  was  instructed  in 
English,  French,  Latin,  Greek,  arithmetic,  and  algebra.  He  showed 
the  greatest  aptitude  for  the  mathematical  part  of  the  course  of  study, 
but  he  was  commended  also  by  his  instructors  for  general  progress 
in  his  studies,  and  as  being  a  youth  of  promise.  He  was  very  popu- 
lar among  his  school-mates,  and  the  friendships  formed  at  this  early 
stage  of  his  career  lasted  in  many  instances  throughout  life.  The 
school  was  the  favorite  one  for  the  sons  of  the  principal  families  of 
Philadelphia,  and  many  pupils  came  from  distant  parts  of  the  coun- 


GENEALOGY  AND  NARRATIVE  9 

try,  especially  the  South.  There  were  there  representatives  of  the 
Biddies,  Willings,  Ingersolls,  Coxes,  Hewsons,  and  Bories  of  Phila- 
delphia; of  the  Middletons,  Andrewses,  Herberts,  Draytons,  Duvals, 
and  others,  from  various  States.  Some  of  these  he  was  destined  to 
meet  again  as  fellow-students  at  West  Point,  and  some,  as  Edmund 
Schriver,  Henry  DuPont,  Percival  Drayton,  and  James  S.  Biddle, 
in  the  army  or  the  navy. 

Young  Meade  was  still  attending  this  school  when  intelligence  of 
his  father's  serious  illness  was  brought  to  him.  Although  hastening 
to  Washington  as  rapidly  as  the  means  of  travel  in  those  days  ad- 
mitted, he  failed  to  arrive  before  his  father's  death,  on  the  25th  of 
June,  1828. 

Mr.  Meade's  bitter  and  constant  disappointment  in  the  prosecu- 
tion of  his  claim  under  the  Treaty  of  Florida  had  had  much  to  do 
with  the  termination  of  his  career  at  the  comparatively  early  age  of 
fifty.  He  had  had  to  contemplate,  year  after  year,  the  injustice 
through  which  the  property  which  he  as  a  private  citizen  of  the 
United  States  had  accumulated  by  honest  industry,  in  a  life  of  vol- 
untary exile,  had  gone  into  the  coffers  of  the  state,  never  to  be  re- 
covered, by  means  of  a  treaty  of  which  his  country  had  reaped  the 
full  benefit  in  the  acquisition  of  territory.  He  had  had  to  strive, 
year  after  year,  unavailingly  to  obtain  the  justice  never  received, 
and  at  last,  reduced  in  fortune  to  what  may  justly  be  called  poverty, 
considering  the  affluence  in  which  he  had  lived,  broken  in  health 
and  spirits,  he  succumbed,  his  death  his  silent  protest  against  the 
injustice  of  his  country! 

George's  mother,  thus  suddenly  deprived  of  her  natural  support, 
and  without  those  means  with  which  she  had  lived  in  the  greatest 
luxury  for  many  years,  and  with  several  young  children,  too,  for 
whose  support  and  education  it  became  necessary  to  provide,  was 
obliged,  under  the  very  altered  circumstances  under  which  she 
found  herself,  to  retrench  and  conform  her  daily  life  to  stern  neces- 
sity. As  one  means  of  economizing  she  deemed  it  prudent  to  re- 
move George  from  the  academy  at  Mount  Airy  at  the  end  of  the 
year  already  provided  for.  After  accompanying  his  father's  remains 
to  Philadelphia  for  burial  in  the  family  vault  at  Saint  Mary's  Church, 
he  resumed  his  place  in  the  school.  At  the  end  of  the  academic 
year  he  returned  to  Washington  and  was  for  a  short  time  a  pupil 
of  Salmon  P.  Chase,  the  distinguished  secretary  of  the  treasury 
under  Mr.  Lincoln's  administration,  who,  at  the  time,  was  the  head 


10  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

of  a  school  for  boys  in  that  city.  Upon  the  breaking  up  of  this  school, 
his  mother  placed  him  temporarily  at  the  Mount  Hope  Institution,  a 
boarding-school  in  Baltimore,  Maryland,  of  which  Professor  Fred- 
erick Hall,  of  Middlebury  College,  Vermont,  was  principal. 

While  Mrs.  Meade  was  occupied  with  the  affairs  of  George  and 
those  of  the  other  children  she  did  not  neglect  the  prosecution  of 
her  husband's  claim.  Endowed  with  a  fine  mind,  peculiarly  adapted 
to  business,  and  having  thorough  knowledge  of  her  husband's  affairs, 
she  battled  unflinchingly  to  secure  justice  from  the  government. 
With  unabated  ardor  and  untiring  energy,  she,  for  her  children's 
sake,  pressed  her  suit,  but  her  efforts  in  that  direction,  as  well  as  those 
of  her  children,  after  her  decease,  were  wholly  unsuccessful,  and  the 
claim  still  remains  unpaid. 

It  had  been  the  desire  of  George's  mother  to  give  him  a  collegiate 
education,  and,  as  his  tastes  leaned  that  way,  to  let  him  enter  one 
of  the  pursuits  of  civil  life,  his  pronounced  preference  being  for  the 
law.  Her  altered  circumstances,  however,  would  not  permit  this, 
and  believing,  from  the  aptitude  which  he  had  shown  for  mathe- 
matics and  from  his  studious  habits,  that  he  would  succeed  at  West 
Point,  and  it  also  having  been  the  wish  of  his  father  that  he  should 
go  there,  she  determined  to  apply  for  an  appointment  for  him. 
Although  she  did  not  intend  that  he  should  continue  in  the  profes- 
sion of  arms  beyond  the  period  when  it  is  considered  honorable  to 
resign,  as  having  performed  service  equivalent  to  the  education  re- 
ceived at  the  academy,  she  proposed  in  this  way  to  secure  him  a  good 
education,  hoping  that,  by  the  time  he  was  graduated,  her  affairs 
would  be  brighter,  and  he  would  shortly  be  able  to  follow  his  own 
predilections.  His  eldest  brother,  Richard  Worsam  Meade,  had  al- 
ready, in  the  year  1826,  been  appointed  a  midshipman  in  the  navy. 

In  the  meantime  George  remained  at  the  school  at  Mount  Hope, 
which  he  had  entered  December,  1829,  to  await  the  result  of  his 
mother's  application  for  an  appointment  for  him  as  cadet  at  the 
Military  Academy.  During  this  interval  of  waiting  he  seems  to 
have  pursued  his  studies  with  ardor.  During  a  year  he  read,  in 
Latin,  Csesar's  Commentaries  and  six  of  the  orations  of  Cicero;  in 
French,  Telemaque  and  Charles  XII  of  Sweden;  in  mathematics, 
Colburn's  Arithmetic  and  Algebra,  Walker's  Geometry,  Playfair's 
Euclid,  and  Trigonometry  in  Gummies'  Surveying;  Goodrich's 
History  of  the  United  States,  Hart's  Geography,  and  the  greater 
part  of  Comstock's  Chemistry  and  Natural  Philosophy;  which  was 


GENEALOGY  AND  NARRATIVE         11 

doing  very  well  for  a  lad  of  fifteen.  The  principal  of  the  school  pro- 
nounced him  a  boy  of  decided  parts,  of  uncommon  quickness  of  per- 
ception and  readiness  in  acquiring  knowledge;  studious  withal,  and 
exceptionally  correct  in  his  deportment.  This  school,  as  well  as  the 
others,  he  left  with  the  respect  and  good  wishes  of  the  teachers  and 
the  affection  of  his  school-mates. 

His  mother,  having  failed  in  her  first  application  for  an  appoint- 
ment for  her  son  to  the  Military  Academy  at  West  Point,  was  suc- 
cessful in  her  second,  and  in  the  summer  of  1831  George  was  appointed 
by  President  Andrew  Jackson  to  a  cadetship,  and  entered  the  institu- 
tion in  September  of  that  year,  at  the  age  of  fifteen  years  and  eight 
months.  He  was  quite  small  in  stature  at  this  time,  slender  and 
delicate  in  appearance,  and  there  were  friends  of  his  family  who 
thought  that  he  would  be  unequal  to  the  severe  training  of  the 
academy. 

His  course,  during  the  four  years  of  cadet  life,  though  not  brilliant, 
was  creditable.  He  was  much  better  prepared  than  the  average  of 
those  who  entered  the  academy,  and  he  at  once  took  a  good  stand 
in  his  class  and  maintained  it.  His  class  on  entering  numbered 
ninety-four  members,  of  which  only  four  were  younger  than  himself. 
Arranged,  as  they  are  at  first,  alphabetically,  he  came  about  the 
middle  of  the  class.  Arranged  in  the  order  of  merit,  as  they  are 
subsequently,  he,  at  the  close  of  the  first  year,  stood  number  twenty- 
one  in  the  class.  At  the  end  of  the  second  year,  he  stood  number 
eighteen  in  his  class,  then  numbering  sixty-one. 

His  bearing  was  dignified  and  manly,  his  manners  affable,  his 
opinions  were  of  weight  among  the  members  of  the  corps,  and  he 
was  universally  liked  and  respected. 

He  was  naturally  studious  and  found  no  difficulty  in  maintaining 
in  his  studies  the  stand  which  he  had  taken  among  his  fellow-cadets, 
but  he  regarded  the  military  exercises  as  such  mechanical  work  that 
this  part  of  the  course  was  very  distasteful  to  him,  and  his  not  taking 
a  higher  stand  is  attributed  to  his  lack  of  interest  in  the  monotonous 
guard-mounting,  drill,  and  the  endless  minutise  of  routine.  After 
his  return  from  the  usual  furlough,  at  the  end  of  the  second  year  of 
the  course,  during  the  two  years  still  remaining  before  graduation, 
his  desire,  which  had  never  ceased,  to  be  permitted  to  leave  the 
academy  and  engage  in  civil  pursuits,  seemed  to  grow  in  strength. 
The  ease  with  which  he  mastered  his  studies  and  kept  up  with  his 
class  rendered  any  great  exertion  on  his  part  unnecessary,  and  often, 


12  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

in  after  life,  he  referred  to  this  cause,  and  the  dislike  for  the  military 
duties,  as  having  produced  a  certain  amount  of  inattention,  that  told 
unfavorably  upon  his  general  standing  before  he  was  graduated 
from  the  institution.  At  the  end  of  the  third  year  he  stood  number 
seventeen  in  his  class  of  sixty.  At  the  end  of  the  fourth  and  last 
year  he  stood  number  nineteen  in  his  class,  then  reduced  to  fifty-six. 
He  was  graduated  on  the  1st  of  July,  1835,  and  assigned  as  brevet 
second  lieutenant  to  the  Third  Regiment  of  Artillery. 

Among  those  of  his  class  who  in  after  years  became  prominent 
in  military  and  civil  life  were  George  W.  Morrell,  Henry  L.  Kendrick, 
Montgomery  Blair,  Archibald  Campbell,  Herman  Haupt,  Henry  M. 
Naglee,  Joseph  H.  Eaton,  Marsena  R.  Patrick,  Thomas  B.  Arden, 
and  Benjamin  S.  Roberts. 

It  is  customary  to  allow  the  class  graduating  from  West  Point  a 
leave  of  absence  for  three  months  before  the  members  are  obliged 
to  report  for  duty  to  the  various  posts  assigned  them.  Lieutenant 
Meade,  availing  himself  of  this  leave,  sought  and  obtained,  after  a 
few  days  spent  in  Washington  with  his  mother,  employment  as  an 
assistant  on  the  survey  of  the  Long  Island  Railroad,  and  continued 
on  the  work  until  the  end  of  September.  His  object  in  thus  passing 
the  time  of  his  leave  of  absence  was,  first,  to  reimburse  his  mother 
for  the  expense  of  his  outfit  as  an  officer  of  the  army,  and,  secondly, 
to  make  such  acquaintances  and  connections  as  would  open  to  him 
a  future  in  civil  life  and  enable  him  to  resign  from  the  army.  The 
construction  of  railroads  was  at  that  period  assuming  importance, 
and  seemed  to  offer  great  opportunities  to  a  young  man  beginning 
life  as  a  civil  engineer.  He  had,  in  truth,  gone  to  West  Point  some- 
what against  his  will,  and,  as  has  been  mentioned,  he  had  desired  to 
leave  the  institution  and  take  his  chances  in  some  walk  of  civil  life. 
Moreover,  he  felt  that  the  routine  incident  to  service  in  the  line  of 
the  army  was  unsuited  to  him,  and  it  was  also  feared,  and  he  was  duly 
warned,  that  his  constitution  was  not  sufficiently  strong  to  with- 
stand a  tour  of  duty  in  the  enervating  climate  of  southern  Florida, 
where  his  regiment  was  then  stationed.  As,  however,  the  time  ap- 
proached for  him  to  make  his  decision,  the  responsibility  of  giving 
up  a  permanent  position  weighed  so  heavily  upon  him  that  he  re- 
solved on  trying  an  active  campaign  with  his  company,  then  at 
Tampa  Bay. 

Fortunately  for  him,  it  occurred  about  this  time  that  his  brother- 
in-law,  Commodore  Alexander  James  Dallas,  was  placed  in  command 


GENEALOGY  AND  NARRATIVE         13 

of  the  West  India  squadron.  By  special  permission  of  the  war  de- 
partment, Lieutenant  Meade  was  authorized  to  accept  the  commo- 
dore's invitation  to  take  passage  with  him  and  thus  join  his  company 
at  Tampa  Bay.  On  the  8th  of  October  they  sailed  from  Hampton 
Roads  in  the  flag-ship,  the  frigate  Constellation,  and  after  a  somewhat 
stormy  passage  arrived  in  the  harbor  of  Gustavia,  in  the  island  of 
Saint  Bartholomew.  After  a  few  days  delightfully  spent  there  the 
Constellation  sailed  for  Saint  Thomas,  and  thence,  touching  at  Santa 
Cruz,  to  La  Guayra,  on  the  Spanish  main.  From  La  Guayra  they 
sailed  for  Porto  Cabello,  Curacoa,  and  finally  cast  anchor  in  the 
harbor  of  Havana.  The  stay  at  the  different  places  at  which  the 
ship  had  touched  had  been  most  agreeably  passed  in  a  constant 
round  of  official  courtesies,  balls,  dinners,  and  gayeties. 

From  Havana  they  proceeded  to  Trinidad,  where  they  remained 
for  a  short  time,  and  January  6,  1836,  found  the  Constellation  back 
again  at  Havana,  where  this  most  interesting  and  enjoyable  cruise 
came  to  an  end,  for  it  was  there  that  Commodore  Dallas  heard  of  the 
massacre  of  Major  Dade  and  his  command.  This  was  the  beginning 
of  the  Florida  War. 

On  the  day  following  the  receipt  of  this  intelligence  Commodore 
Dallas  sailed  for  Key  West,  and  upon  his  arrival  there  detached  the 
marines  belonging  to  his  own  ship  and  those  of  the  Saint  Louis,  which 
sailed  in  company  with  him,  to  reinforce  the  garrison  at  Fort  Brooke, 
Tampa  Bay,  then  supposed  to  be  besieged.  Lieutenant  Meade  ac- 
companied this  force  and  so  reached  his  station. 

Lieutenant  Meade  at  once  entered  upon  active  duty,  and  in  the 
subsequent  operations  under  General  Scott  he  accompanied  the 
column  under  Colonel  Lindsay.  He  was  not,  however,  destined  to 
remain  in  this  country  long.  After  a  short  tour  of  duty  his  health 
gave  way,  and  he  became  unequal  to  the  efficient  discharge  of  his 
duties.  The  hardships  of  the  service  in  a  semi-tropical  climate 
caused  him  to  suffer  from  repeated  attacks  of  fever,  and  these,  work- 
ing upon  a  constitution  not  thoroughly  established  at  that  time,  so 
debilitated  him  that,  in  the  spring  of  1836,  he  was  pronounced,  upon 
surgical  examination,  unfit  to  march  with  the  army,  which  was  about 
entering  upon  an  active  campaign  against  the  Indians.  A  change  of 
climate  being  advised,  he  was  in  April  ordered  to  escort  to  the  North 
Fork  of  the  Canadian  River,  Arkansas,  a  party  of  Seminoles  who 
had  consented  to  emigrate.  Embarking  in  a  small,  uncomfortable 
schooner  at  Tampa,  they  went  to  New  Orleans;    thence  to  Little 


14  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

Rock,  Arkansas;  thence  up  the  Arkansas  River  to  Fort  Smith;  and 
thence  to  Fort  Coffee,  where  they  disembarked  and  journeyed  over- 
land to  their  final  destination.  It  was  with  great  satisfaction  that 
Lieutenant  Meade  at  last  safely  turned  over  to  Lieutenant  Van 
Home,  of  the  Third  Infantry,  the  charge  which  he  had  brought  so 
many  hundred  miles,  which  had  not  been  made  up  of  the  most 
agreeable  travelling  companions. 

This  duty  ended,  Lieutenant  Meade,  in  obedience  to  orders,  pro- 
ceeded to  Washington  and  in  person  reported  to  the  adjutant- 
general. 

He  had  been  promoted  in  the  meantime  to  a  second  lieutenancy, 
his  commission  bearing  date  December  31,  1835.  His  health  still 
preventing  his  return  to  his  regiment,  he  was  assigned,  in  July,  to 
duty  in  the  ordnance  department,  and  ordered  to  report  to  Water- 
town  Arsenal,  Massachusetts;  but  whilst  on  duty  there,  urged  by 
his  constant  desire  of  retiring  from  the  army,  and  influenced  by  the 
prospect  held  out  to  him  of  immediate  employment  in  civil  life,  he, 
on  the  26th  of  October,  1836,  resigned  his  commission. 

In  the  following  month  he  was  appointed  an  assistant  engineer 
in  the  construction  of  the  Alabama,  Florida,  and  Georgia  Railroad, 
of  which  his  brother-in-law,  Major  James  D.  Graham,  was  chief 
engineer,  and  reported  for  duty  at  Pensacola,  Florida.  He  was  en- 
gaged on  this  work  until  April,  1837,  when  the  war  department  re- 
quiring a  survey  of  the  mouth  of  the  Sabine  River,  the  boundary-line 
between  the  United  States  and  the  republic  of  Texas,  instructions 
were  sent  to  Captain  W.  H.  Chase,  of  the  Corps  of  Engineers,  who 
was  stationed  at  Pensacola,  to  select  some  competent  person  and 
despatch  him  at  once  to  make  the  survey.  Captain  Chase  selected 
Mr.  Meade,  who  sailed  from  Pensacola,  Florida,  in  a  small  schooner, 
and  after  having  successfully  executed  the  required  service,  which 
was  to  ascertain  the  depth  of  the  water  on  the  bar  at  the  mouth  of 
the  river,  and  the  degree  of  navigability  of  the  river  for  small  sea- 
going vessels,  reported  the  results,  according  to  his  instructions,  direct 
to  the  secretary  of  war. 

Mr.  Meade's  next  employment  was  as  principal  assistant-engineer 
with  Captain  Andrew  Talcott,  who  had  been  selected  by  a  special 
board  of  engineers  to  conduct  a  survey  of  the  delta  of  the  Mississippi, 
with  the  view  of  ascertaining  the  practicability  of  improving  the 
navigation  of  the  mouths  of  the  river.  Upon  this  important  work  a 
large  force  of  men  was  employed,  divided  into  two  brigades,  the 


GENEALOGY  AND  NARRATIVE         15 

second  of  which  was  under  the  charge  of  Mr.  Meade.  His  employ- 
ment, beginning  November,  1837,  lasted  through  about  six  months' 
hard  work  in  the  field,  in  which  operations  were  conducted  with  the 
greatest  care  and  minuteness,  when  the  party  returned  to  the  city 
of  New  York,  where,  during  the  winter  of  1838-39,  it  finished  com- 
piling and  drawing  the  maps  which  were  to  accompany  the  report. 
The  valuable  services  rendered  by  Mr.  Meade  toward  this  work 
have  been  referred  to  by  a  distinguished  brother-officer  in  the  fol- 
lowing terms:  "My  second  recollection  of  him  .  .  .  was  upon  an 
elaborate  survey  and  investigation  at  the  mouths  of  the  Mississippi 
River,  in  which  the  facts  elicited  by  some  original  experiments  of 
his,  led  me,  many  years  after,  to  a  series  of  investigations  which  de- 
veloped the  law  governing  the  formation  of  bars  and  shoals  at  the 
mouth  of  that  river,  from  which  most  important  consequences  have 
followed  for  the  improvement  of  navigation  and  the  increase  of 
commerce." 

This  work  closed  in  February,  1839,  and  Mr.  Meade  found  him- 
self again  in  Washington,  between  which  place,  Philadelphia,  and 
Schooley's  Mountain,  New  Jersey  (at  that  time  a  fashionable  summer 
resort),  he  seemed  to  pass  in  a  manner  suggestive  of  some  attraction 
to  him  in  those  places  much  more  absorbing  than  their  usual  resources 
would  suggest.  He  was  able,  however,  to  intermit  this  occupation 
sufficiently  to  accept,  in  January,  1840,  the  position  of  assistant, 
on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  in  the  astronomical  part  of 
the  survey  for  determining  and  marking  the  boundary-line  between 
the  United  States  and  Texas,  whose  independence  had  just  been 
recognized  by  the  United  States,  and  he  joined  on  the  Sabine 
River  the  commission  convened  under  treaty  stipulations  for  that 
purpose. 

After  a  great  deal  of  unnecessary  delay,  caused  by  differences  of 
opinion  between  the  commissioners  on  the  respective  sides,  which 
circumstance  was  all  the  more  annoying  to  Mr.  Meade,  for  he  deemed 
the  duties  which  solicited  his  attention  in  the  North  quite  as  im- 
portant as  those  to  which  he  was  contributing  in  the  determination 
of  the  boundary-line  between  the  United  States  and  Texas,  the  work 
was  at  last  satisfactorily  completed,  and  he  returned  to  Washington. 
There,  in  August,  1840,  he  was  appointed  by  the  secretary  of  war 
civil  assistant  on  the  survey  of  the  northeastern  boundary-line  be- 
tween the  United  States  and  the  British  Provinces,  which  survey  was 
then  being  organized  by  Major  James  D.  Graham,  of  the  Corps  of 


16  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

Topographical  Engineers,  the  commissioner  on  the  part  of  the  United 
States. 

During  these  years  Mrs.  Meade  continued  to  reside  in  Washing- 
ton, and  in  the  intervals  of  this  constant  change  of  duty  her  son 
had  made  her  house  his  home.  Intelligent,  well-educated,  vivacious, 
and  fond  of  society,  he  was  naturally  welcomed  in  all  his  comings  and 
goings  by  a  large  circle  of  friends.  Among  those  at  whose  houses  he 
was  a  constant  visitor  was  the  Honorable  John  Sergeant,  a  distin- 
guished member  of  Congress,  whose  sojourns  at  the  capital  were 
brightened  by  the  presence  of  his  wife  and  daughters.  Mr.  Sergeant 
worthily  represented  a  long  line  of  ancestry,  eminent  in  ability  and 
learning.  A  profound  constitutional  lawyer  and  a  leader  at  the  bar 
in  his  native  city,  Philadelphia,  often  occupying  local  offices  there 
of  trust  and  honor;  representative  in  the  State  assembly,  president 
of  the  State  constitutional  convention,  the  almost  continuously 
honored  choice  of  Philadelphia,  from  the  Fourteenth  to  the  Twenty- 
seventh  Congresses  inclusive;  the  representative  of  the  general  gov- 
ernment on  several  important  foreign  missions,  the  nominee,  in 
1832,  of  his  party  for  Vice-President,  when  Henry  Clay  was  nomi- 
nated for  President,  Mr.  Sergeant  was  now  occupying  what  was  des- 
tined to  be  his  last  public  position  in  a  long  and  brilliant  national 
career.  His  private  life  was  in  keeping  with  his  public  one.  He 
was  a  sincere  Christian  and  charitable  to  a  fault.  Broad  in  his 
views,  hospitable,  of  engaging  manners  and  great  conversational 
powers,  his  home,  bountifully  endowed  through  the  reward  of  his 
professional  labors,  was  the  centre  of  all  that  was  refined  and 
distinguished. 

It  was  in  this  atmosphere,  and  amid  these  associations,  that 
young  Mr.  Meade  was  destined  to  seek  and  win  his  future  bride. 
Between  himself  and  Margaretta,  the  eldest  child  of  Mr.  Sergeant, 
early  sprang  up  an  attachment  that  was  to  prove  as  devoted  as  they 
were  mutually  worthy  to  inspire  it.  Margaretta,  the  constant  com- 
panion of  her  venerable  father,  had  received  her  education  under  his 
immediate  eye,  and  had  been  reared  in  the  refined  and  brilliant 
circle  that  surrounded  him.  Notwithstanding,  however,  the  depth, 
and  from  many  points  of  view,  the  reasonableness  of  this  attach- 
ment between  Mr.  Meade  and  Miss  Sergeant,  the  uncertainty  at- 
tending his  permanent  occupation,  together  with  the  still  unsettled 
condition  of  his  mother's  affairs,  caused  the  proposed  marriage  to  be 
considered  with  grave  deliberation.    But  Mr.  Sergeant's  opportuni- 


GENEALOGY  AND  NARRATIVE         17 

ties  had  been  so  great  for  obtaining  a  knowledge  of  the  character  of 
his  daughter's  suitor,  and  he  had  become  so  impressed  with  his  worth, 
that  his  deliberations  ended  with  a  cordial  consent,  and  he  often 
afterward  predicted  for  the  young  man  a  useful  and  brilliant  career. 

On  the  31st  of  December,  1840,  the  marriage  of  Mr.  Meade  and 
Miss  Sergeant  took  place  in  Philadelphia,  at  the  residence  of  the 
bride's  parents,  amid  a  brilliant  assembly  of  the  friends  of  both 
families.  He  retained  his  position  on  the  survey  of  the  northeastern 
boundary-line,  his  winters,  when  field  work  was  closed  for  the  season, 
being  spent  in  Washington,  where  the  office  of  the  commission  was 
established. 

Notwithstanding  Mr.  Meade's  efforts  to  secure  permanent  civil 
employment,  he  found  that,  without  influence,  he  was  unable  to 
obtain  it,  except  on  public  works,  where  its  tenure  was  upon  the 
good-will,  or  perhaps  caprice,  of  the  officers  in  charge.  In  addition 
to  this,  Congress,  in  a  spirit  of  retrenchment,  was  proposing  to  utilize 
on  these  works  the  services  of  the  Corps  of  Topographical  Engineers 
instead  of  those  of  civilians.  Feeling  now,  with  increased  responsi- 
bilities, that  his  position  was  very  insecure,  he  determined  after  due 
deliberation,  and  consultation  with  friends,  to  re-enter  the  army,  an 
opportunity  now  offering  itself  in  an  appointment  to  one  of  the 
scientific  corps.  Through  the  influence  of  the  Honorable  Henry  A. 
Wise,  the  brilliant  and  influential  member  of  Congress  from  Vir- 
ginia, who  had  also  married  a  daughter  of  Mr.  Sergeant,  Mr.  Meade 
was,  on  the  19th  of  May,  1842,  appointed  by  President  Tyler  a 
second  lieutenant  in  the  Corps  of  Topographical  Engineers,  and  was 
continued  as  an  assistant  on  the  survey  of  the  northeastern  boundary- 
line,  upon  which  duty  he  remained  until  November,  1843,  when, 
being  relieved,  he  was  ordered  to  report  to  Major  Hartman  Bache, 
of  the  Topographical  Engineers,  on  duty  in  the  construction  of 
light-houses  and  in  surveys  on  Delaware  Bay,  head-quarters  in 
Philadelphia. 

This  station  at  Philadelphia  was  in  all  respects  a  most  agreeable 
one  to  Lieutenant  Meade.  His  duties  were  of  the  most  congenial 
kind,  and  made  doubly  agreeable  by  the  pleasant  relations  existing 
between  him  and  his  superior  officer.  He  was  for  the  first  time  able, 
through  some  probable  permanence  of  abode,  to  have  his  own  house, 
and  in  his  frequent  absences  on  duty  from  the  city  he  had  at  least 
the  satisfaction  of  knowing  that  he  left  wife  and  children  sur- 
rounded by  kind  relations  and  friends. 


18  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

He  had  been  for  a  little  over  a  year  and  a  half  in  the  enjoyment 
of  all  these  advantages,  when,  on  the  12th  of  August,  1845,  he  unex- 
pectedly received  orders  to  repair  at  once  to  Aransas  Bay,  Texas, 
and  report  for  duty  with  the  military  force  assembling  there. 

The  complications  between  the  United  States  and  Mexico,  grow- 
ing out  of  the  gaining  of  her  independence  by  Texas,  and  her  sub- 
sequent annexation  to  the  United  States,  had  at  this  time  assumed 
so  serious  an  aspect  that  the  force  which,  as  a  precautionary  measure, 
had  been  collected  at  Fort  Jessup,  Louisiana,  under  the  command 
of  Brigadier-General  Zachary  Taylor,  and  known  as  the  army  of 
observation,  was  ordered  to  proceed  to  some  point  on  the  coast  of 
Texas,  convenient,  in  case  of  necessity,  for  advancing  to  the  western 
frontier  of  that  State.  General  Taylor  had  selected  Aransas  Bay  as 
that  point,  and  had  proceeded  there  early  in  July,  1845. 

It  was  with  no  light  heart,  but  with  the  promptness  of  a  true 
soldier,  that  Lieutenant  Meade  bade  farewell  to  his  quiet  home  and 
set  forth  on  the  second  day  after  receiving  his  orders,  leaving  his 
wife  and  three  little  children,  one  of  whom  was  so  ill  that  he  never 
expected  to  see  him  again.  But  in  this  trying  moment  he  was  nobly 
supported  by  his  young  wife,  who  thus  early  in  their  career  evinced 
that  unselfish  devotion  to  his  interests  and  welfare  which,  through- 
out life,  was  to  lighten  the  burden  of  his  ever-increasing  responsibili- 
ties and  support  him  in  the  faithful  discharge  of  his  important  trusts. 

Lieutenant  Meade  was  at  this  time  in  the  thirtieth  year  of  his 
age.  His  constitution,  greatly  strengthened  and  improved  within 
the  ten  years  which  had  elapsed  since  his  experience  in  Florida,  was 
now,  comparatively  speaking,  robust.  During  that  time  he  had  been 
constantly  and  actively  employed  in  important  service,  in  which 
he  had  always  gained  the  esteem  of  those  with  whom  he  had  come 
in  contact.  How  he  bore  himself  in  this  new  field  .of  activity  is 
clearly  seen  in  the  following  series  of  letters,  throwing  light  on  his 
innermost  thought  and  life,  written  to  his  devoted  wife,  and  doing 
their  part  in  attesting  what  manner  of  man  he  was. 


PART  II 

MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS 

1845-1847 

To  Mrs.  George  G.  Meade: 

Washington  City,  D.  C,  August  15,  1845. 

I  trust  you  have  not  placed  any  fond  hopes  on  seeing  me  come 
back  from  this  place.  I  found  on  my  arrival  here  this  morning  that 
there  was  nothing  to  be  done  but  to  proceed  to  the  destination  as- 
signed me.  Since  leaving  Philadelphia  the  news  is  more  belligerent 
from  Mexico,  and  though  I  have  not  the  slightest  fear  of  any  hostili- 
ties on  the  part  of  the  Mexicans,  yet  the  existence  of  such  reports 
renders  it  a  point  of  honor  for  me  to  go.  From  all  I  can  hear  (for 
besides  seeing  many  people  who  pretend  to  know,  I  have  met  one 
gentleman  who  resides  at  the  very  place  I  am  going  to,)  all  agree 
in  pronouncing  it  as  healthy  a  country  as  any  in  the  world,  and  if 
I  can  only  escape  New  Orleans,  that  there  will  be  but  little  danger 
afterwards.  Of  course  I  shall  take  every  precaution  at  New  Orleans, 
and  leave  the  city  as  soon  as  I  possibly  can,  and  I  really  am  in  hopes 
that  I  shall  get  safely  there  and  in  a  short  time  return  to  our  dear 
home. 

In  the  meantime  keep  up  your  spirits  and  take  care  of  your 
health  and  that  of  the  children.  No  one  can  tell  how  my  heart  was 
rent  at  parting  with  you;  but  I  believe  it  is  for  the  best  that  we 
should  be  parted,  if  I  am  to  go,  for  the  terrible  agony  I  endured  at 
the  very  sight  of  you  and  my  dear  children,  it  would  be  impossible 
to  describe.  However,  there  is  no  use  in  fretting  over  what  cannot 
be  helped,  and  there  only  remains  for  us  to  pray  God  to  protect  us 
and  bring  us  again  together  in  his  good  pleasure. 

I  suppose  you  have  to-day  seen  Mr.  Pemberton,1  who  was  kind 
enough  to  accompany  me  to  New  Castle.  I  found  his  society  most 
agreeable,  as  it  prevented  me  from  giving  way  to  my  pent-up  and 
lacerated  feelings,  and  I  felt  deeply  grateful  to  him  for  his  kindness. 

1  Israel  Pemberton,  of  Philadelphia,  associated,  as  civil  engineer,  with  Lieu- 
tenant Meade,  in  the  survey  of  the  delta  of  the  Mississippi  in  1838-39. 

19 


20  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

We  arrived  at  Baltimore  about  twelve  o'clock,  and  I  went  up  to  the 
Exchange  Hotel  and  got  a  bed,  and  had  quite  a  comfortable  sleep 
till  breakfast  this  morning,  at  half  past  seven,  after  which  I  got  into 
the  cars  and  came  down  here.  After  seeing  Salvadora,1  and  after- 
wards Margaret,1 1  went  to  the  Bureau  and  reported  myself  to  Colonel 
Abert.  He  was  very  civil  to  me,  gave  me  some  additional  articles 
to  take  with  me,  and  impressed  upon  me  the  necessity  of  staying  as 
short  a  time  as  possible  in  New  Orleans.  I  then  saw  Captain  Swift, 
and  had  some  conversation  with  him,  and  learned  from  him  that 
there  was  no  absolute  necessity  of  very  great  hurry.  He  said  I  might 
go  down  the  river  if  I  wanted  to,  and  gave  it  as  his  opinion  that 
there  would  be  no  trouble  there  (that  is,  in  Texas),  and  that  the 
Colonel  would  recall  me  as  soon  as  it  could  possibly  be  done,  as  he 
wanted  now  officers  for  other  duty.  All  this  is  of  course  consoling, 
and  we  must  hope  for  the  best.  After  this  I  called  on  the  Secretary 
of  War  to  offer  to  take  despatches.  He  also  was  very  polite,  but  had 
nothing  to  send  by  me,  although  I  met  in  his  office  a  Colonel  Rogers 
from  Corpus  Christi,  Texas,  which,  if  you  look  on  your  map,  you 
will  find  is  just  below  the  Aransas  Pass.  He  it  was  who  told  me  the 
place  was  most  healthy  and  delightful  as  a  residence,  and  gave  me 
some  letters  to  take  to  his  sons  there.  Upon  the  whole,  I  feel  better 
after  coming  here,  and  now  I  shall  start  with  a  lighter  heart. 

Keep  up  your  spirits;  all  will  yet  be  well,  and  it  may  not  be  long 
before  I  will  be  with  you  again. 

I  think  now  of  going  by  the  river  route,  going  from  here  to 
Wheeling,  and  thence  to  Cincinnati,  and  from  thence  to  New  Or- 
leans, in  which  case  I  shall  leave  here  to-morrow  morning  early,  at 
six  o'clock.  Write  to  me  at  New  Orleans,  and  tell  me  all  about  the 
dear  children  and  mother  and  all  your  family.  Do  not  write  despond- 
ingly,  but  give  me  the  aid  of  your  cheerfulness  to  assist  me  in  my 
trials,  and  may  the  Almighty  ruler  of  all  things,  bless  and  protect 
you  and  the  dear  children,  and  in  his  own  time  restore  me  to  you. 

Cincinnati,  August  21,  1845. 
I  have  progressed  far  on  my  long  journey,  having  thus  arrived 
here  last  night  too  late  to  do  anything  but  go  to  bed.     I  cannot  say 
that  I  am  any  more  reconciled  to  our  parting  than  the  first  moment 
I  was  made  aware  we  had  to  part. 

I  will  give  you  now  a  little  account  of  my  journey.    I  left  Wash- 
1  Sisters  of  Lieutenant  Meade. 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  21 

ington  on  Friday  morning,  having  received  all  the  kindness  and  atten- 
tion possible  from  Salvadora  and  her  husband.  In  the  cars  from 
Washington  I  met  Major  Craig,1  on  his  return  to  Philadelphia,  who 
said  he  would  call  and  tell  you  he  had  met  me.  At  the  Relay  House 
I  parted  with  him  and  got  into  the  cars  for  Cumberland,  where  I  met 
Mr.  Randall,2  who  married  Miss  Wirt,  and  was  in  Congress  with 
your  father  the  last  session  he  served.  Mr.  Randall  being  a  very 
intelligent  gentleman,  we  sat  together  and  conversed  during  the  whole 
day,  till  evening,  when  we  arrived  at  Cumberland,  where  he  remained. 
I  found  his  society  most  agreeable.  At  Cumberland  I  took  the  mail 
stage  for  Wheeling,  and  found  myself  with  but  one  passenger,  a 
young  merchant,  from  Huntsville,  Alabama,  returning  from  Phila- 
delphia, where  he  had  been  purchasing  goods.  On  account  of  his 
admiration  of  Philadelphia,  he  being  a  sterling  Whig,  and  withal  a 
very  intelligent  man,  I  took  to  him.  We  arrived  at  Wheeling  at 
eleven  o'clock  Sunday  night,  and  finding  the  water  very  low,  I  de- 
termined to  go  overland  to  this  place  and  depend  upon  taking  the 
river  here.  I  left  Wheeling  at  six  o'clock  Monday  morning,  and 
reached  Zanesville  late  that  night,  started  early  the  next  morning, 
travelled  all  night,  and  got  here  about  ten  last  night.  I  took  a  bath, 
went  to  bed,  and  had  sweet  dreams  of  you  and  my  children.  I  have 
found  here  many  acquaintances,  mostly  of  the  army;  one,  Captain 
Irwin,  an  old  friend,  who  has  been  running  round  the  town  with  me 
this  morning,  assisting  me  in  making  purchases  of  articles  necessary 
for  my  outfit,  such  as  horse  equipments,  bed  and  bedding,  etc.  I 
very  much  fear  this  will  be  a  most  ruinously  expensive  business,  and 
I  wish  to  heaven  I  was  out  of  it;  but  it  was  absolutely  necessary  to 
procure  these  things,  and  I  could  get  them  cheaper  here  than  in  New 
Orleans,  besides  my  intention  of  spending  no  longer  time  than  abso- 
lutely necessary  in  that  city.  I  shall  leave  here  to-night  or  early 
to-morrow  morning  for  down  the  river,  and  may  probably  spend  a 
day  at  Louisville,  where  I  understand  that  Elizabeth3  and  her  chil- 
dren are  staying.  I  also  expect  to  overtake  there  a  young  officer 
of  our  corps,  on  his  way  to  Texas,  whom  I  find  by  the  books  at  the 
hotels  is  just  one  day  ahead  of  me.  I  shall  then  proceed  immediately 
to  New  Orleans,  and  if  there  is  not  a  vessel  going  soon  to  this  place, 

1  Major  Henry  K.  Craig,  of  the  Ordnance  Department. 

2  Hon.  Alexander  Randall,  Representative  from  Maryland  in  the  Twenty- 
seventh  Congress. 

3  Elizabeth  Ingraham,  wife  of  Alfred  Ingraham,  and  sister  of  Lieutenant 
Meade. 


22  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

I  will  go  to  some  place  in  the  neighborhood  of  New  Orleans  known 
to  be  healthy,  and  wait  there  till  one  should  be  ready.  At  New 
Orleans  I  expect  to  see  your  dear  handwriting,  as  I  am  some  days 
behind  the  mail.  I  cannot  tell  you  how  anxious  I  am  to  hear  from 
you,  of  my  dear  mother,  who  I  trust  is  more  reconciled  to  my  de- 
parture, and  of  my  dear  boys,  who,  alas,  are  too  young  to  feel  it. 
Give  my  very  best  love  to  dear  mother,  and  tell  her  I  will  soon  write 
to  her,  maybe  I  will  do  it  before  I  leave  here,  but  I  am  in  such  a  whirl 
of  excitement,  that  I  can  hardly  keep  still,  and  writing  makes  me 
most  melancholy. 

I  want  you  to  subscribe  for  me  to  the  Tri-weekly  National  Intelli- 
gencer and  the  Weekly  Herald,  and  have  them  sent  to  New  Orleans, 
to  the  care  of  Colonel  Hunt,  Quartermaster  U.  S.  Army.  I  also 
want  you  to  get  off  my  bookcase  the  "Maps  of  the  Stars,"  published 
by  the  Society  for  the  Diffusion  of  Useful  Knowledge. 

Louisville,  Ky.,  August  23,  1845. 

I  arrived  here  early  this  morning,  and  should  have  proceeded 
immediately  on,  as  there  were  boats  going  on;  but  knowing  that 
they  were  subject  to  a  detention  of  two  or  three  hours  in  going  through 
the  canal,  which  is  here  cut  round  the  falls  or  ripples  of  the  Ohio,  I 
determined  to  come  on  shore  and  see  Elizabeth  and  her  girls,  whom 
I  found  at  a  lovely  spot  on  the  banks  of  the  river,  about  three  miles 
below  here.  She  looked  and  said  she  was  very  well,  all  the  children 
were  so,  and  she  was  very  much  gratified  at  my  visit.  After  staying 
with  her  as  long  as  I  thought  myself  justified  in  doing,  I  returned, 
and  took  a  hack  with  my  luggage  and  drove  to  the  end  of  the  canal, 
three  miles  from  here,  and  arrived  just  in  time  to  see  the  boat  glid- 
ing gracefully  down  stream.  I  had  nothing  to  do  but  return  to  the 
excellent  house  where  I  am  now  stopping,  and  wait  for  the  next  boat, 
which  will  probably  leave  to-morrow  morning.  I  was  exceedingly 
put  out  and  disappointed. 

I  am  well  thus  far,  and  had  an  agreeable  passage  of  about  twenty- 
four  hours  from  Cincinnati  here.  After  I  start  from  here  I  shall 
make  every  effort  to  push  on.  We  have  dates  from  New  Orleans  to 
the  14th  inst.;  it  was  then  perfectly  healthy.  God  grant  it  may 
continue  so.  Nothing  new  in  Mexican  affairs,  which  I  still  think  is 
a  mere  bubble  to  induce  the  offer  of  mediation  from  England  or 
France,  and  thus  give  them  (Mexico)  a  chance  to  creep  out  of  an 
awkward  position. 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  23 

New  Orleans,  Sept.  4,  1845. 

I  arrived  here  to-day  about  2  p.  M.,  very  well  in  health  and  much 
improved  in  spirits.  The  city  is  as  yet  perfectly  healthy,  and  I  find 
here  a  vessel  loading  for  Aransas  Bay,  which  will  probably  leave 
to-morrow  afternoon;  I  have  therefore  a  chance  of  getting  out  of  this 
pestilential  hole  unharmed. 

I  had  a  tedious,  though,  on  the  whole,  a  pleasant  journey  here.  I 
wrote  you  from  Louisville,  telling  you  of  my  missing  a  steamboat. 
The  next  day  I  got  one,  and  had  very  good  luck  till  we  got  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Ohio;  there  I  took  the  first  boat  that  passed  down, 
and  she  proved  to  be  one  very  heavily  laden  from  St.  Louis,  with  a 
most  prudent  captain,  who  lay  by  every  night  for  fear  of  snags  and 
getting  aground.  At  first  I  complained  of  this  as  wasting  so  much 
time,  but  in  the  end  I  was  reconciled,  for  almost  every  day  we  passed 
some  less  prudently  managed  boat,  some  aground  on  a  bar,  others 
snagged  and  in  a  sinking  condition,  while  we  met  with  no  accident, 
but  once  grounding  when  opposite  Natchez,  when  we  had  supposed 
ourselves  beyond  all  danger  and  were  running  at  night.  Luckily,  it 
was  so  near  Natchez  we  were  enabled  to  get  the  ferryboat  there,  that 
lightered  us,  and  we  continued  our  journey,  after  a  detention  of 
twelve  hours,  and  reached  here  safely,  as  I  said  before,  about  2  p.  m. 
The  vessel  I  go  in  to-morrow  is  an  excellent  one,  which  has  been 
running  as  a  packet  between  this  and  Vera  Cruz,  and  is  now  in  the 
employ  of  the  Government.  The  voyage  is  about  three  days,  and 
every  one  represents  the  situation  there  as  healthy  and  desirable,  so 
you  must  cheer  up  yourself  and  also  dear  mother. 

There  are  a  great  many  rumors  of  war  and  hostile  operations  on 
the  part  of  the  Mexicans,  but  none  that  are  authentic,  or  to  be  relied 
on.  I  cannot  believe  as  yet  the  Mexicans  are  so  blind  to  their  true 
interests  as  madly  to  rush  into  a  war  with  us,  especially  after  they 
find,  as  they  have  done  by  this  time,  that  we  are  expecting  and  pre- 
paring for  such  a  contingency.  General  Taylor1  will  in  a  few  weeks 
have  with  him  a  force  amounting  to  between  four  and  five  thousand 
men,  and  any  number  of  militia  in  the  States  of  Louisiana,  Mississippi, 
Arkansas,  and  others,  only  waiting  for  the  call  to  rush  to  his  assist- 
ance. When  the  Mexicans  ascertain  this,  and  that  our  Government 
is  in  earnest,  they  will  deliberate  a  good  deal  before  they  commence 
active  operations,  and  it  appears  to  be  well  understood  we  are  to 

1  Brigadier-General  Zachary  Taylor,  commander  of  the  American  "Army  of 
Occupation,"  afterward  President  of  the  United  States. 


24  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

wait  for  them  to  commence.  All  this  I  mention  to  make  your  mind 
easy  as  to  my  safety.  I  fear  nothing  but  disease,  and  I  shall  have 
excellent  medical  attendance,  and  every  care  in  case  I  am  sick. 

New  Orleans,  September  5,  1845. 

The  vessel  did  not  sail  to-day,  as  was  expected,  owing  to  its  rain- 
ing, which  prevented  her  being  loaded,  as  she  is  carrying  over  a 
quantity  of  hay,  which  would  have  been  damaged.  She  only  waits 
for  a  few  clear  hours  to  take  this  hay  on  board,  and  she  will  be  off, 
and  as  the  night  is  fair  (now  9  P.  M.),  I  expect  this  will  be  done 
to-morrow,  and  we  will  sail  during  the  course  of  the  day.  I  paid 
her  a  visit  this  morning,  and  found  her  a  staunch,  well-built  vessel, 
what  is  called  an  hermaphrodite  brig,  one  of  the  kind  best  suited  to 
the  navigation  of  the  Gulf,  and  as  she  was  built  for  a  packet  schooner 
to  Vera  Cruz,  she  has  excellent  accommodation  for  the  cabin.  I 
esteem  myself  exceedingly  fortunate  in  going  in  her,  as  they  have 
been  sending  the  troops  in  river  steamboats,  and  vessels  of  a  kind 
entirely  unsuited  to  the  weather  to  be  expected,  and  it  is  very  lucky 
no  accident  has  yet  happened. 

I  shall  have  several  fellow-passengers  to-morrow,  one  a  surgeon  in 
the  army,  and  another  a  young  officer  joining  his  regiment;  there  are 
also  some  citizens  going  over. 

Lieutenant  Ringgold,  who  left  a  few  days  before  me  with  de- 
spatches for  General  Taylor,  left  this  morning  on  his  return  to 
Washington,  where  he  will  be  in  a  week.  Happy  fellow,  I  felt  very 
badly  as  I  saw  him  going  off  in  the  finest  spirits!  Well,  well,  who 
knows?  it  may  not  be  long  before  I  am  in  a  similar  position,  though 
I  fear  at  present  view,  and  from  all  I  can  learn,  that  it  will  be  a  pro- 
longed affair,  and  probably  occupy  all  winter  and  spring;  however, 
let  us  hope  for  the  best. 

New  Orleans,  September  6,  1845. 

We  have  had  to-day  fine,  clear  weather,  the  vessel  is  loaded,  and 
we  shall  be  off  in  an  hour  or  two  (5  p.  m.). 

I  wrote  you  a  long  letter  last  night;  this  is  my  last  from  here, 
and  the  next  will  be  from  Aransas  Bay,  and  will  probably  not  reach 
you  for  ten  or  twelve  days  after  this.  I  feel  much  better  to-day  than 
yesterday,  when  I  was  fatigued  and  heated.  I  believe  I  am  quite 
well,  and  look  with  great  gratification  upon  getting  out  of  this  pesti- 
lential hole,  without  disease,  or  there  being  any  in  it. 


PAETS     or 

TEXAS&MEXICO 


^ — \Z£pf~*-  -,.   ._ 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  25 

Captain  Cram,  my  senior  officer,  arrived  to-day,  and  accompanies 
us  to  Aransas  Bay;  also  Captain  Sanders,1  who  married  Miss  Wilkins, 
and  who  is  an  old  friend  of  mine. 

Depot  St.  Joseph's  Island,  Texas,  September  14,  1845. 

I  arrived  here  two  days  ago,  well,  hearty,  and  in  good  spirits, 
having  made  the  most  delightful  voyage  from  New  Orleans  I  ever 
made;  not  at  all  sea-sick,  pleasant  company,  cool  breezes,  and  good 
fare.     God  be  thanked! 

If  you  look  on  your  map  you  will  find  the  Aransas  Pass  laid  down; 
I  am  there,  just  inside  the  open  sea,  on  the  point  of  the  island  to  the 
north.  This  point  is  a  large  depot  of  provisions,  having  a  bar  to 
enter  it,  on  which  is  only  eight  feet  of  water,  consequently  all  large 
vessels  anchor  outside,  are  lightered  by  two  steamers,  and  their  con- 
tents forwarded  to  Corpus  Christi  (where  is  the  main  army)  by  two 
smaller  steamers  of  light  draft.  I  have  been  for  the  last  two  days 
getting  my  things  ashore  here,  very  much  occupied,  and  am  now 
going  to  join  the  army  at  Corpus  Christi,  twenty-five  miles  from 
here,  on  the  right  bank  of  the  river  Nueces,  immediately  at  its  mouth; 
so  you  can  follow  me. 

Captain  Cram,  my  senior  officer,  goes  down  with  me,  also  Mr. 
Wood,  the  subaltern  of  our  corps,  below  me.  I  presume  after  we 
get  fixed  at  Corpus  Christi,  where  we  shall  be  to-night,  I  shall  know 
something  of  my  movements.  I  never  was  better  in  my  life,  and  I 
can  see  at  a  glance  that  this  point  and  Corpus  Christi,  of  similar 
formation,  are  as  delightful  and  as  healthy  spots  as  any  in  the  world. 
It  is  a  pure  sand  formation,  surrounded  by  salt  water  and  always 
having  a  fresh  breeze,  without  mosquitoes,  ticks,  or  any  of  the  an- 
noying vermin  of  the  South.  Nothing  but  the  hot  sun,  from  which, 
if  you  are  shaded,  you  are  cooler  than  at  any  place  in  the  North. 

A  terrible  disaster  occurred  yesterday,  which  I  only  mention  to 
guard  you  against  false  rumors.  The  steamer  Dayton,  chartered  by 
the  Government  in  the  commencement  of  the  affair,  the  only  one 
that  could  be  procured,  yesterday,  on  her  return  from  Corpus  Christi, 
where  she  had  been  discharged,  owing  to  the  arrival  here  of  staunch 
and  good  boats  to  take  her  place,  exploded,  killing  two  officers, 
Lieutenant  Higgins  and  Lieutenant  Berry,  of  the  Fourth  Infantry, 
and  some  eight  or  ten  men,  and  badly  wounding  some  three  or  four 
other  officers,  none  of  whom  are  dangerously  hurt,  but  badly  bruised. 
1  John  Sanders,  of  Philadelphia. 


26  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

I  was  not  on  her,  and  the  boat  I  am  going  on  has  since  been  examined 
and  pronounced  to  be  in  perfect  order;  so  be  easy  on  my  account. 

Camp  at  Corpus  Christi,  Texas,  September  18,  1845. 

I  wrote  you  some  days  ago,  from  the  Depot  at  St.  Joseph's  Island, 
about  twenty-five  miles  from  here,  where  we  were  landed  from  the 
vessel  that  brought  us  from  New  Orleans.  The  same  day  we  came 
up  here  in  a  steamboat,  and  arrived  at  night.  The  next  morning  we 
came  on  shore,  and  reported  ourselves  to  General  Taylor,  whom  I 
found  to  be  a  plain,  sensible  old  gentleman,  who  laughs  very  much 
at  the  excitement  in  the  Northern  States  on  account  of  his  position, 
and  thinks  there  is  not  the  remotest  probability  of  there  being  any 
war.  He  is  said  to  be  very  tired  of  this  country,  and  the  duty  as- 
signed to  him,  and  it  is  supposed  will  return  on  the  arrival  of  Gen- 
eral Worth,1  who  is  expected  daily,  and  who  will  then  assume  the 
command. 

General  Taylor,  so  says  rumor,  is  a  staunch  Whig,  and  opposed 
in  toto  to  the  Texas  annexation,  and  therefore  does  not  enter  heart 
and  soul  into  his  present  duties;  all  this,  however,  is  mere  rumor 
and  is  entre  nous. 

Since  my  arrival  we  have  been  fixing  ourselves  in  camp,  and  pre- 
paring for  orders,  which  we  have  received  to-day.  We  are  to  start 
to-morrow  early,  with  an  escort  of  thirty  soldiers  and  two  officers, 
to  make  a  survey  of  the  river  Nueces,  which  empties  itself  at  this 
point,  from  the  village  of  San  Patricio,  down  here,  a  distance  of  thirty 
miles.  We  expect  to  be  absent  about  two  weeks,  and  all  going  in 
boats.  Should  the  weather  be  fine  I  have  no  doubt  we  shall  have  a 
pleasant  expedition,  but  at  present  it  looks  very  threatening,  and  we 
have  had  showers  and  squalls  for  two  days  past,  doubtless  the  com- 
mencement of  the  equinoctial  gale. 

I  find  matters  pretty  much  as  I  expected  here;  Colonel  Abert's2 
grand  plan  to  carry  out  which,  I  was  added  to  the  number  of  officers 
asked  for,  is  an  entire  failure,  as  General  Taylor  has  his  own  views 
and  plans,  and  does  not  intend  to  trouble  himself  with  those  of 
other  people,  so  that  there  was  no  use  in  my  coming,  and  I  might 
have  been  of  more  service  at  the  Tortugas.3    But  now  that  I  am  here 

1  Brigadier-General  William  J.  Worth,  U.  S.  A. 

2  Colonel  John  J.  Abert,  of  the  Topographical  Engineers. 

3  Survey  of  the  Dry  Tortugas  Islands  off  the  south  coast  of  Florida,  in  charge 
of  Major  Hartman  Bache,  of  the  Topographical  Engineers,  brother-in-law  of 
Lieutenant  Meade. 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  27 

I  want  to  see  it  out.  I  find  the  climate  thus  far  delicious,  the  sun 
hot  in  the  middle  of  the  day,  but  when  shaded  from  it,  a  fine  cool 
breeze  always  felt  blowing. 

The  command,  consisting  of  nearly  three  thousand  men,  has  a 
very  small  sick  report,  and  nearly  all  of  them  are  cases  of  dysentery, 
attributable  to  the  water  we  drink  here.  The  camp  is  situated  on  a 
beautiful  shell  beach,  having  a  fine  surf  on  it,  where  we  can  bathe, 
and  an  extensive  plain  on  which  the  troops  are  encamped.  The  only 
drawbacks  are  the  wood  and  water.  The  only  wood  is  what  is  here 
called  the  Mesquite,  which  is  a  scrubby  little  tree,  more  resembling 
a  brush  than  a  tree,  and  which  is  so  crooked,  rough,  and  dwarfish, 
that  it  can  be  used  for  no  other  purpose  than  for  fire  wood,  and  is 
very  poor  for  that.  The  water  is  obtained  by  digging  holes  in  the 
beach,  and  letting  the  water  percolate  into  them,  when  it  becomes 
fresh  enough  to  drink.  Of  course  the  supply,  both  of  wood  and  water, 
is  limited,  and  the  latter  so  brackish  as  to  induce  its  moderate  use. 

Major  William  Graham,1  who  is  here,  has  been  as  kind  as  a 
brother  to  me,  and  took  me  into  his  tent  and  treated  me  with  all 
possible  attention  until  I  was  fixed  in  my  own  quarters.  Captain 
Alden,  who  married  Miss  Coleman,  is  also  here;  so  is  Captain  Wag- 
gaman,  Tyler's  nephew,  who  dined  with  us  on  that  celebrated  day; 
so  also  is  Captain  McCall,2  who,  by-the-bye,  is  looking  very  badly, 
as  he  had  been  very  sick  before  he  came  here,  but  is  recruiting  rapidly 
here;  all  my  acquaintances  from  Houston  are  coming  down  here, 
and,  in  fact,  I  am  among  all  my  old  associates. 

Headquarters  Army  of  Occupation, 

Corpus  Christi,  Texas,  October  9,  1845. 

1  believe  I  have  never  yet  given  you  any  account  of  our  expedi- 
tion up  the  river  Nueces,  from  which  we  have  returned  about  a 
week,  and  on  which  we  were  absent  some  thirteen  days.  I  do  not 
know  that  it  will  interest  you,  but  as  this  place  is,  independent  of 
army  movements,  exceedingly  dull,  you  must  prepare  yourself  to 
hear  a  great  deal  about  things  which,  doubtless,  you  consider  very 
trifling  and  insignificant;  but  to  my  story: 

General  Taylor,  being  desirous  of  obtaining  information  concern- 
ing the  country  lying  adjacent  to  the  river  Nueces,  and  through 

brother  of  Major  James  D.  Graham,  killed  in  battle  September,  1847,  in 
Mexico. 

2  George  A.  McCall — afterward  commanded  the  division  known  as  the  "Penn- 
sylvania Reserve"  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  in  the  Civil  War. 


28  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

which  his  army  will  have  to  operate,  in  the  event  of  an  advanced 
movement  taking  place,  ordered  a  reconnoissance  to  be  made  by 
Captain  Cram  and  party,  to  be  escorted  by  thirty  infantry  soldiers, 
commanded  by  two  officers.  We  left  here  early  one  morning  in  five 
Mackinaw  boats,  and  proceeded  up  a  large  bay  into  which  the  Nueces 
flows,  and  went  to  the  head  in  search  of  the  river.  Being  totally 
ignorant  of  the  country,  we  missed  the  mouth  of  the  river,  and  the 
first  night  out  was  spent  by  some  of  the  gentlemen  in  their  boats; 
but  I  was  lucky  in  finding  a  good  place  ashore  to  camp,  where,  being 
joined  by  one  of  the  boats  loaded  with  provisions,  I  pitched  my  tent, 
had  a  good  supper  that  night,  and  breakfast  next  morning.  The 
next  day  we  made  another  ineffectual  attempt  to  ascend  the  river, 
and  got  into  a  bayou,  which  led  us  into  lakes,  and  then  into  other 
bayous,  till,  finally,  we  reached  a  lake  having  so  little  water  that  we 
could  advance  no  farther.  Under  these  circumstances  we  encamped 
for  the  night,  and  the  next  morning  early,  I  was  sent  out  with  four 
men  to  explore  the  country  around,  and  ascertain  if  the  river  was  in 
our  neighborhood.  A  few  miles  traveling  brought  me  to  the  stream 
which  debouched  into  the  bay,  about  its  middle,  instead  of  its  head. 
I  returned,  set  the  party  on  the  right  road,  which  obliged  us  to  re- 
trace our  steps,  and  the  third  day  out  we  encamped  on  the  banks  of 
the  Nueces.  After  getting  into  the  river  we  had  comparatively  easy 
work.  We  ordinarily  arose  at  daybreak,  had  breakfast,  took  down 
our  tents,  loaded  the  boats,  and  by  seven  o'clock  were  en  route. 
Then,  about  one  o'clock,  we  stopped  and  had  a  little  lunch  and  at 
4  p.  m.  we  stopped  for  the  day,  unloaded,  and  had  the  camp  pitched, 
and  supper  ready  by  sundown.  During  the  day,  and  after  we  halted, 
some  of  the  men  would  take  their  muskets  and  go  along  the  banks, 
and  were  always  sure  to  bring  us  in  some  wild  turkeys,  very  delicious 
birds.  We  saw  plenty  of  deer,  but  were  not  fortunate  enough  to 
get  any  venison.  Indeed,  you  would  be  surprised  to  learn  that  the 
country  is  very  difficult  to  travel  through.  It  is  nearly  all  prairie, 
but  having  a  most  luxurious  growth  of  long  grass,  as  high  as  a  man 
almost,  which  breaks  you  down  in  marching  through  it,  so  that 
starting  a  deer  or  other  animal  it  is  impossible  to  overtake  him  unless 
you  are  mounted  on  a  horse.  The  roads,  too,  through  the  country, 
are  rendered  impassable  by  a  heavy  rain;  the  soil  is  so  soft  they  be- 
come boggy  after  a  few  hours,  so  that  traveling,  and  particularly 
marching  large  bodies  of  men,  will  be  a  very  difficult  operation.  It 
took  us  some  four  days  to  ascend  the  river,  when  we  arrived  at  what 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  29 

was  once  the  town  of  San  Patricio,  now  entirely  in  ruins  and  deserted. 
This  place  was  settled  by  almost  three  hundred  Irish  emigrants, 
under  the  protection  of  the  Mexican  Government;  but,  during  the 
war  that  devastated  this  country,  it  was  a  prey  to  both  parties,  and 
now  there  is  not  one  stone  standing  on  another,  and  no  traces  of  a 
settlement  except  some  cultivated  ground.  We  stayed  at  this  place 
two  days,  and  arrived  three  days  afterwards  here,  at  the  main  camp, 
in  fine  health,  all  of  us  improved  by  the  trip,  except  Mr.  Wood,  our 
young  Topographical  Sub,  who  was  obliged  to  return  the  second  day 
of  the  expedition,  from  illness,  but  soon  recovered  here.  You  may 
imagine  how  healthy  a  place  this  is,  when  we  have,  collected  here, 
nearly  four  thousand  men  who  have  come  from  all  parts  of  the  coun- 
try, and  many  from  the  upper  Lakes,  nearly  all  passing  through 
New  Orleans,  and  many  detained  there,  and  yet  until  this  time  there 
have  been  only  two  or  three  deaths  from  disease,  though  there  have 
been  several  from  accidents,  such  as  blowing  up  of  steamboats, 
strokes  of  lightning,  drowning,  etc.  Nearly  all  have  been  affected 
by  the  diarrhoea  consequent  upon  the  change  of  life  and  water,  but 
these  cases  have  all  been  mild,  though  many  of  the  men  are  drunken, 
dissipated  fellows  who,  you  would  suppose,  would  be  carried  off  by 
any  disease.  We  have  here  a  fine  breeze  blowing  constantly,  which 
tempers  the  ardor  of  the  sun;  but  at  this  season  the  sun  begins  to 
lose  its  powerful  effect,  and  the  middle  of  the  day  is  the  most  agree- 
able part  of  it. 

Corpus  Christi,  October  10,  1845. 
I  find  my  position  here  most  agreeable.  Already  have  we  per- 
formed one  most  important  duty,  which,  as  I  have  told  you,  was 
extremely  pleasant;  but,  since  our  return,  I  have  been  much  occupied 
in  making  drawings,  which,  as  it  has  been  done  under  the  eyes  of  all 
the  army,  has  enabled  us  to  show  them  that  we  are  not  idlers  and 
mere  civilians,  but  that,  in  anticipation  of  war,  we  are  the  first  em- 
ployed,  and  our  duties  of  a  most  important  nature.  We  are  now 
told  to  hold  ourselves  in  readiness  to  leave  at  a  moment's  notice, 
and  make  a  reconnoissance  of  the  Brazos  de  Santiago,  an  arm  of  the 
sea,  which  juts  in  near  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Grande,  and  approaches 
within  twenty  miles  of  the  Mexican  town  of  Matamoras,  where  they 
have  troops  and  supplies.  This,  therefore,  is  not  only  an  important, 
but  an  honorable  duty,  inasmuch  as  the  Mexicans  may  endeavor  to 
interrupt  our  labors.    We  will  however  go  in  a  steamer  from  here, 


30  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

accompanied  by  one  hundred  men  from  the  artillery  and  infantry, 
and  take  a  field-piece  with  us  to  keep  off  Mexicans.  For  this  duty 
every  one  is  applying,  and  we  are  considered  most  fortunate  in  being 
on  it.  I  have  not  the  remotest  idea  the  Mexicans  will  dare  to  oppose 
us;  for,  in  the  first  place,  all  accounts  agree  in  representing  their 
force  at  Matamoras  as  contemptible,  and  again,  they  know  that  any 
act  of  that  kind  would  be  an  open  act  of  hostility,  and  would  inevita- 
bly bring  upon  them  most  severe  retribution  from  our  large  force  and 
an  open  invasion  of  their  country;  in  fact,  they  know  we  would  like 
no  better  chance  than  some  such  excuse  to  pounce  upon  them,  and 
they  are  too  wide-awake  and  too  conscious  of  their  weakness  to  give 
us  any  such  argument  on  our  side.  Do  not  apprehend  any  trouble 
therefore.  Our  duty  is  peaceful,  will  be  peacefully  accomplished, 
and  there  is  no  probability  of  any  hostilities  on  either  side.  All  the 
troops  have  now  arrived  that  are  coming  here.  Captain  Ramsay1 
came  yesterday.  He  is  looking  very  well,  but  he  says  he  left  Mrs. 
Ramsay  at  Frankford,  quite  sick,  and  all  alone.  I  wish  you  could 
get  out  to  see  her,  as  you  might  be  of  some  service  to  her.  He  tells 
me  Major  Craig  is  going  to  live  out  there,  so  that  you  will  lose  your 
delightful  neighbor.  Talking  of  ladies,  puts  me  in  mind  we  have 
one  in  the  camp  here,  the  wife  of  a  surgeon.  Everybody  unites  in 
condemning  her  coming  here,  as  she  is  only  in  the  way,  and  has  to 
live  most  uncomfortably.  She  is  in  a  tent,  living  in  the  roughest  man- 
ner, and  has  not  even,  I  think,  a  female  attendant.  I  have  seen  her 
once  or  twice.  She  appears  contented  and  is,  comparatively  speak- 
ing, comfortably  fixed;  but  she  is  entirely  out  of  place. 

October  11,  1845. 
The  mail  will  leave  early  to-morrow  morning,  by  a  steamer  for 
New  Orleans;  so  that  in  twelve  days  you  will  receive  this.  How 
much  I  wish  I  could  accompany  it.  What  joy  to  be  once  more  at 
the  northeast  corner  of  Schuylkill  Seventh  and  Spruce  Streets;  but, 
alas,  it  is  useless  to  be  speculating  on  impossibilities!  Here  I  am, 
and  here  I  must  stay,  and  the  best  thing  I  can  do  is  to  be  cheerful 
and  contented.  My  health,  thank  God,  is  excellent,  and  as  long  as 
it  so  continues  I  shall  be  reconciled.  I  would  have  preferred  going 
with  Major  Bache;  but  I  should  have  been  much  more  exposed, 
and  my  life  in  greater  danger  from  disease  than  now;  though  the 
certainty  of  returning  to  you,  and  having  an  office  in  Philadelphia, 
1  Captain  George  D.  Ramsay,  of  the  Ordnance  Department. 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  31 

would  have  reconciled  me  to  all  that.  I  therefore  join  with  the 
major  in  our  mutual  regret  at  not  serving  together,  for  I  have  found 
him  the  most  thorough-bred  gentleman  I  ever  met.  Our  intercourse 
has  been  of  the  most  delightful  character,  and  I  am  highly  gratified 
that  a  year  should  have  passed  on  duty  with  him,  with  so  pleasant 
a  conclusion. 

I  should  like  to  write  to  mother,  but  the  fact  is  I  am  so  occupied 
that  I  have  devoted  all  my  spare  time  in  writing  to  you.  You  tell 
me  she  has  sent  you  a  piece  of  Thalberg's.  I  trust  you  will  practice 
very  hard,  and  bring  yourself  back  to  your  former  exquisite  perform- 
ance. You  cannot  tell  how  much  I  now  regret  the  opportunity  I 
possessed  the  year  I  was  in  Philadelphia  of  learning  Spanish.  Its 
knowledge  would  now  be  to  me  invaluable.  Here  we  are,  four  thou- 
sand strong,  talking  of  invading  Mexico,  and  not  a  man  who  can 
make  himself  understood  to  a  Mexican,  or  who  could  interpret  in 
the  event  of  desiring  to  obtain  information  from  him.  Thus  we  are 
obliged  to  depend  upon  worthless  characters,  who,  living  on  the 
frontier,  have  picked  up  a  little  knowledge  of  the  language,  and 
whose  character  is  such  that  it  becomes  a  question  how  far  informa- 
tion can  be  communicated  through  them.  I  am  asked  a  hundred 
times  a  day  to  interpret  with  traders  and  others,  from  the  supposi- 
tion that  I  can  converse  from  my  being  in  the  Army  Register  as 
born  in  Spain;  and  upon  one  or  two  occasions  I  have  been  able  to 
understand,  and  make  myself  understood,  from  the  little  I  have 
picked  up  in  my  wanderings.  How  little  we  appreciate  the  value  of 
time  till,  alas,  it  is  gone! 

Camp  at  Corpus  Christi,  Texas,  October  16,  1845. 
A  steamer  leaves  to-day  for  New  Orleans,  requiring  some  repairs, 
and  gives  me  an  opportunity  of  writing  to  you  again,  sooner  than  I 
expected  when  I  last  wrote,  a  few  days  ago.  Nothing  has  since 
occurred  of  much  importance,  except  that,  much  to  my  regret,  our 
expedition  to  the  Brazos  Santiago  has  been  postponed,  owing  to  the 
necessity  of  sending  the  steamer  to  New  Orleans,  which  was  to  have 
taken  us  down  there.  I  understand  we  are  now  to  be  employed  in 
making  a  survey  of  this  bay  and  the  entrances  into  it,  which  will  be 
very  pleasant  duty,  but  not  quite  so  interesting  or  so  exciting  as  the 
other.  I  still  continue  pretty  well,  though  I  have  just  had  an  attack 
of  the  very  prevalent  disease  here,  of  diarrhoea.  The  water  is  so  bad 
and  the  climate  so  changeable,  that  almost  every  man  in  the  camp 


32  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

is  affected  with  it  more  or  less;  but  it  is  very  mild  in  its  effect,  and 
easily  yields  to  medical  treatment. 

I  have  been  very  much  tempted  here  to  commit  extravagances. 
The  Mexicans  from  the  frontier,  who  come  in  great  numbers  to  trade, 
bring  with  them  the  most  exquisite  fabrics,  which  they  call  blankets, 
all  made  by  hand  by  the  females,  and  of  the  most  beautiful  pat- 
terns and  colors.  I  have  been  tempted  to  get  a  couple  for  you,  as 
they  would  make  beautiful  piano  or  table  covers;  but  their  cost, 
varying  from  ten  to  fifty  dollars,  according  to  the  workmanship  and 
variety  of  colors,  has  prevented  me.  When  I  go  away,  should  I 
have  any  spare  cash,  I  may  bring  some. 

If  I  only  preserve  my  health,  and  can  see  a  definite  limit  to  my 
stay,  I  would  be  contented;  for  I  am  delighted  beyond  measure 
with  the  climate,  and  am  thus  far  most  agreeably  surprised  in  my 
duties,  finding  them  easier  and  more  agreeable  than  I  had  expected. 
I  find  they  are  looked  upon  in  a  light  more  important  than  I  had 
hoped  they  would  be,  for  by  the  main  body  of  the  army  I  had 
been  led  to  believe  we  were  considered  a  sort  of  incubus. 

I  have  found  here  many  of  my  old  fellow-campaigners  in  Florida, 
all  of  whom  have  met  me  most  warmly,  only  regretting  I  had  ever 
left  the  service  at  all.     This  has  been  exceedingly  gratifying  to  me. 

We  are  here  without  any  news.  Everything  quiet  on  the  Mex- 
ican frontier,  and  not  the  slightest  prospect  of  any  collision.  Our 
army  is  occupied  in  drilling  and  perfecting  its  discipline;  and,  as 
far  as  that  is  concerned,  this  is  a  very  good  movement.  Things  will 
remain  this  way,  I  presume,  till  the  meeting  of  Congress,  and  then, 
I  presume,  some  definite  course  of  action  will  be  decided  upon,  and 
I  trust  we  shall  all  be  out  of  the  country  by  next  summer. 

Camp  at  Corpus  Christi,  Texas,  October  21,  1845. 
The  weather  has  been  disagreeably  cold  and  changeable  in  the  last 
few  days,  and  both  the  gentlemen  of  our  corps  who  are  here  with 
me  have  been  and  are  very  ill — Captain  Cram  with  a  severe  attack  of 
dysentery,  and  Lieutenant  Wood  with  a  violent  bilious  remittent 
fever.  I  myself  have  had  a  return  of  the  diarrhoea  so  prevalent  here, 
and  all  these  things  combined  to  make  me  low-spirited.  Do  not  be 
frightened  about  me,  but  the  sight  of  two  gentlemen  so  sick,  with  no 
friendly  hand  near  them,  no  accommodation  of  any  kind  whatever 
in  a  flimsy  tent,  made  me  feel  badly  not  only  for  them,  but  for  my- 
self, in  anticipation  of  being  similarly  situated.     Still,  I  trust  I  shall 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  33 

keep  well,  and  if  taking  care  of  myself  will  do  so,  I  am  certain  of  it. 
Both,  I  am  glad  to  say,  are  to-day  better,  though  still  very  sick,  but 
not  in  any  danger.  The  health  of  the  army  still  continues  good; 
there  are  very  few  who  are  really  sick,  but  almost  every  one  you 
meet  is  complaining  of  some  little  disorder,  all  trifling  things,  but 
still  making  them  uncomfortable  and  preventing  that  enjoyment  of 
life  which  results  from  vigorous  health.  Though  I  should  not  call 
the  climate  bad,  I  by  no  means  call  it  good,  for  it  is  very  changeable, 
the  mid-day  sun  excessively  hot,  the  nights  cold,  with  very  heavy 
dews;  so  that  you  have  to  be  most  careful  in  your  clothing,  and  dress 
yourself  three  or  four  times  a  day  to  suit  the  various  temperatures. 
Then  again,  when  the  "Northers/'  or  winds  from  the  North,  blow, 
the  thermometer  will  fall  forty  degrees  in  a  few  hours,  and  from 
having  been  burned  by  the  sun,  you  are  frozen  by  the  cold  air,  so 
that  it  requires  a  pretty  stout  constitution  to  stand  the  racket.  I 
have  been  very  much  complimented  for  keeping  on  my  legs,  when 
both  of  my  brother  Topogs  (as  they  call  us)  are  down.  The  general 
impression  is  they  got  their  sickness  on  the  Nueces  expedition;  but 
I  know  that  is  a  mistake,  for  I  was  in  excellent  health  on  that  expedi- 
tion, and  after  I  returned. 

We  have  nothing  new  here.  A  gentleman  arrived  in  camp 
to-day  who  has  just  returned  from  Monterey,  in  Mexico,  the  other 
side  of  the  Rio  Grande,  where  he  saw  Arista,  the  Mexican  general 
who  commands  on  that  frontier,  who  said  there  was  not  the  remotest 
probability  of  war,  that  Mexico  was  utterly  unprepared  for  any  such 
emergency,  and  utterly  powerless  and  unable  to  make  any  prep- 
arations. So  it  seems  we  are  not  even  to  have  the  consolation  of  a 
little  glory,  but  are  to  remain  here  rusting  in  idleness,  or  rather  in 
drilling  and  parading.  What  my  occupation  will  be  I  cannot  say. 
The  sickness  of  Captain  Cram  has  prevented  all  the  expeditions 
hitherto  planned  for  us,  and  I  have  nearly  completed  all  the  draw- 
ings of  our  trip  up  the  Nueces.  If  I  can  only  keep  well,  I  shall  be 
contented  to  go  anywhere,  and  do  anything;  and  if  I  get  sick  I  will 
try  to  get  out  of  the  country. 

October  24,  1845. 

Both  of  our  sick  gentlemen  have  been  mending  since  my  last. 

Captain  Cram  is  still  confined  to  his  bed,  though  the  doctor  thinks 

him  decidedly  better.    Mr.  Wood's  fever  has  been  broken,  and  he 

has  regained  strength  enough  to  walk  about,  and  has  obtained  sick 


34  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

leave  of  two  months.  He  will  leave  in  a  few  days  for  Kentucky,  his 
home,  and  return  here  at  the  end  of  his  leave  if  he  should  be  well 
enough. 

The  papers  from  New  Orleans  bring  us  the  inaugural  address  of 
the  new  President  of  Mexico,  Herrera,  in  which  he  gives  up  the 
whole  affair,  says  "the  usurped  territory  is  occupied  by  our  forces, 
but  that  the  internal  state  of  Mexico  is  such  that  they  cannot  redress 
by  arms  their  grievances,  to  which  they  must  submit,  and  calls  upon 
the  Mexicans  to  wake  from  their  lethargy,  and  prepare  themselves  to 
resist  any  further  invasion  of  their  territory."  This  is  acknowledging 
they  can  do  nothing,  and  are  ready  to  negotiate,  so  I  suppose  the 
question  of  war  is  settled;  but,  unfortunately,  that  will  not  break 
up  this  force  here.  It  will  doubtless  be  kept  here  till  negotiations 
upon  the  subject  of  boundary  are  brought  to  a  close,  and  then  a 
certain  portion  of  it  will  be  stationed  on  the  frontier,  as  settled  by 
treaty,  and  the  rest  dispersed  over  the  country  at  their  old  stations. 
In  the  meantime  we,  the  Topographical  Engineers,  will  be  kept  here 
as  long  as  it  is  kept  together,  and  then  ten  to  one  but  we  are  retained 
to  trace  the  boundary  line  in  conjunction  with  Mexican  officers;  so 
that  I  have  the  pleasant  prospect  of  spending  a  year  here,  at  the 
least,  if  not  more.  Well,  if  God  will  only  grant  me  good  health,  I 
will  not  complain.  It  is  very  expensive  for  me,  and  in  that  light  is 
objectionable;  but  I  suppose,  if  I  were  not  here,  I  should  be  some- 
where else  separated  from  you,  and  perhaps  with  you  not  as  advan- 
tageously situated  as  you  are  now. 

Camp  at  Corpus  Christi,  Texas,  November  3,  1845. 

When  I  last  wrote  to  you  I  was  not  well;  indeed,  I  had  been 
quite  unwell,  though  I  was  about  and  in  motion.  I  am  glad  to  say 
I  am  now  quite  well  again,  having  gotten  entirely  rid  of  my  cold  and 
cough,  and  I  trust,  with  a  little  prudence  and  precaution,  to  keep 
well. 

We  have  no  news  at  all,  there  is  a  complete  stagnation  in  such 
matters.  The  orders  have  been  received  from  Washington  to  put 
the  troops  in  as  comfortable  winter  quarters  as  can  be  made,  and  the 
only  excitement  now  is,  whether  this  will  be  done  here,  or  whether 
we  shall  be  dispersed  over  the  country  in  places  where  there  is  more 
timber  and  better  water.  That  the  army  is  not  to  be  recalled  this 
winter  is,  however,  certain;  but  for  what  purposes  we  are  kept  here, 
or  how  long  our  stay  will  be,  is  still  indefinite.    I  trust,  however, 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  35 

you  have  gotten  over  your  illusions  of  my  sudden  return,  and  that 
my  previous  letters  will  have  prepared  you  for  this,  for  it  is  no  more 
than  I  expected. 

But  I  must  not  be  so  gloomy;  I  have  a  great  deal  to  be  thankful 
for;  I  have  been  preserved  thus  far,  and  if  God  will  only  grant  me 
good  health,  I  can  patiently  wait  His  good  will  for  the  joyous  moment 
that  is  to  bring  me  back.  Besides,  there  are  many  similarly  situated 
with  myself;  some,  I  might  almost  say,  even  more  unfortunately. 
There  is  my  friend,  Captain  Alden;  I  wonder  at  his  apparent  calm- 
ness and  enjoyment  of  life.  His  pride  will  not  allow  him  to  leave, 
when  active  service  is  possible;  indeed  he  could  not;  and  in  fact,  his 
attachment  to  his  profession  is  such,  that  nothing  but  similar  cir- 
cumstances would  induce  him  to  think  of  it.  Yet  from  conversation 
I  think  he  feels  very  much  his  position.  By-the-bye  I  wish  you  to 
call  and  see  Mrs.  Alden,  and  put  yourself  out  to  be  civil  to  her,  and 
you  may  say  you  do  it  because  I  have  written  to  you  of  the  extreme 
courtesy  and  kindness  of  Captain  Alden  to  me.  I  also  want  you  to 
try  and  get  out  to  see  Mrs.  Ramsay,  at  Frankford,  whose  husband 
is  in  the  tent  next  me,  and  his  case  is  harder  than  mine,  for  he  left 
his  wife  ill  in  bed  and  was  obliged  to  leave  her  and  his  family  away 
from  her  relatives  and  their  friends,  and  dependent  on  strangers  for 
civility  and  kindness. 

There  are  now  here  seven  officers,  all  of  whom  were  in  Philadelphia 
when  I  came  away,  Major  Thomas  and  Major  Randall  having  reached 
here  a  few  days  ago.  The  latter  gentleman  expressed  great  regret 
he  had  not  seen  you  when  he  called  on  coming  away. 

A  camp  where  there  is  no  active  service  is  a  dull  and  stupid 
place,  nothing  but  drill  and  parades,  and  your  ears  are  filled  all 
day  with  drumming  and  fifeing.  All  this  is  very  pretty  for  such  as 
have  never  seen  it,  but  fifteen  years  of  such  business  takes  off  the 
edge  of  novelty. 

We  are  to  have  in  a  few  days  a  grand  review  of  the  whole  army, 
which  will  be  an  interesting  sight  from  the  number  of  men  we  have. 
In  one  point  of  view,  my  position  is  of  advantage  to  me,  as  it  enables 
me  to  make  the  acquaintance  of  nearly  two-thirds  the  officers  of  the 
army,  and  you  would  be  surprised  how  many  there  are  highly  edu- 
cated and  refined  gentlemen  among  them.  I  do  not  believe  any 
army  in  the  world  can  compare  with  them  in  this  respect.  I  have 
seen  nothing  like  dissipation,  except  in  some  very  few  instances; 
but  there  will  be  black  sheep  in  every  flock,  and  I  have  been  most 


36  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

gratified  to  find  such  a  state  of  high-toned  gentlemanly  feeling,  so 
much  intelligence  and  refinement,  among  a  body  of  men  the  larger 
proportion  of  whom  have  been  in  the  western  wilds  for  years. 

Corpus  Christi,  Texas,  November  12,  1845. 

I  had  intended  writing  you  a  long  letter,  but  the  day  before 
yesterday  I  received  orders  to  proceed  upon  an  exploration  of  the 
Laguna  Madre,  which  is  an  inside  passage  from  hence  to  the  mouth 
of  the  Rio  Grande.  Being  sent  as  principal  engineer  upon  this  occa- 
sion, owing  to  the  continued  ill-health  of  Captain  Cram,  I  have  had 
a  great  deal  to  do,  and  have  been  cheated  out  of  the  time  I  had  pro- 
posed devoting  to  writing  to  you. 

We  have  now  some  news  which  gives  me  a  glimmering  of  hope 
that  I  may  not  be  kept  here  forever.  We  received  a  few  days  ago 
an  official  communication  from  Commodore  Connor,1  informing  Gen- 
eral Taylor  that  Mexico  had  at  last  consented  to  negotiate  with  the 
United  States  upon  the  subject  of  a  boundary.  This  settles  defi- 
nitely the  question  of  war,  and  leads  me  to  hope  that  the  whole  affair 
will  be  settled  before  the  spring,  and  enable  me  and  many  other 
victims  to  rejoin  our  disconsolate  wives. 

You  must  excuse  the  brevity  of  this  epistle,  and  be  contented 
with  the  intelligence  it  brings  you,  that  I  am  quite  well  and  in  excel- 
lent spirits  at  my  approaching  departure.  I  shall  be  absent  from 
here  some  ten  days,  so  that  you  may  expect  an  interval  of  two  weeks 
between  this  letter  and  its  successor. 

Camp  op  Corpus  Christi,  Texas,  December  1,  1845. 

My  last  letter  to  you  was  dated  on  the  12th  ult.,  just  on  the  eve 
of  my  departure  on  an  expedition  down  the  Laguna  Madre.  I  was 
out  some  ten  days,  and  since  my  return  have  been  so  much  occupied 
with  preparing  the  drawings  and  the  reports,  that  I  believe  I  have 
allowed  an  opportunity  to  write  you  to  escape  me. 

We  had  very  bad  weather  upon  our  expedition,  and  I  was  much 
exposed.  Upon  two  separate  occasions  my  tent  was  blown  over  my 
head,  and  I  wet  through  and  through.  Indeed,  I  returned  much  the 
worse  for  my  exposure,  having  become  quite  bilious  and  slightly 
jaundiced.  The  weather  has  been  extremely  cold,  and  the  high 
winds  that  constantly  prevail  here  prevent  you  from  getting  your 
tent  comfortable.     Indeed  in  all  my  experience  of  field  service,  I 

1  Commodore  David  Connor,  U.  S.  Navy,  commanding  the  Gulf  Squadron. 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  37 

have  never  been  so  comfortless  as  now.  I  feel  the  cold  here  more 
than  in  Maine,  because  there  we  had  no  wind,  and  plenty  of  fuel, 
and  could  encamp  in  the  woods.  Here  it  is  all  open  beach,  where  the 
wind  sweeps  in  gales,  day  and  night,  and  there  is  barely  wood  suffi- 
cient for  cooking  purposes,  to  be  procured.  It  is  a  fine  climate  in 
summer,  when  the  wind  tempers  the  burning  rays  of  the  sun,  but 
now,  when  the  winds  are  from  the  north,  and  cutting  cold,  it  is  the 
most  disagreeable  and  trying  I  was  ever  in.  I  shall  consider  myself 
lucky  if  I  can  get  out  of  it  without  rheumatism  or  some  such  pleasant 
remembrance  of  it. 

Camp  at  Corpus  Christi,  Texas,  December  9,  1845. 

I  wrote  my  last  letter  to  you  on  the  1st  inst.  I  am  sorry  to  say 
I  have  been  quite  unwell  in  the  meantime,  having  suffered  from  a 
regular  attack  of  jaundice.  I  have  been  as  yellow  as  an  orange, 
and  although  not  sick  enough  to  keep  my  bed,  yet  I  have  felt  very 
badly,  and  have  been  under  the  influence  of  medicine  all  the  time. 
You  cannot  imagine  the  total  want  of  comfort  which  one  is  sub- 
jected to  here.  It  has  been  storming  and  raining  incessantly  for  the 
last  three  weeks,  and  when  one  is  taking  medicine  it  is  no  very  agree- 
able accompaniment  to  be  sleeping  in  wet  tents. 

The  worst  effect,  however,  of  the  disease,  was  upon  my  mind. 
It  made  me  very  low-spirited  and  gloomy,  and  for  some  days,  com- 
bined with  the  bad  weather,  rendered  me  quite  miserable.  I  am, 
however,  now  getting  over  it;  all  the  uncomfortable  sensations  have 
left  me,  and  my  complexion  is  gradually  clearing.  I  attribute  the 
attack  to  my  recent  exposure  on  the  Laguna  Madre,  though  I  have 
no  doubt  it  has  been  coming  on  gradually  ever  since  I  left  Phila- 
delphia, for  the  state  of  mind  I  was  in  for  some  time  after  leaving 
home  was  enough  of  itself  to  produce  it. 

I  must  now  tell  you  of  a  very  great  temptation  to  which  I  have 
been  subjected,  and  am  in  fact  still  so.  The  Medical  Director,  or 
Chief  Surgeon,  here  is  Doctor  Craig,1  a  brother  of  Major  Craig,  our 
neighbor.  He  has  been  attending  me,  and  the  other  day  he  came 
to  me  and  said:  "I  think  you  had  better  go  out  of  the  country,  you 
are  not  well,  and  it  may  take  some  time  for  you  to  get  over  this  thing. 
Everything  is  settled  here,  and  there  is  confessedly  no  necessity  of 
your  services  any  longer.  I  will  give  you  the  necessary  certificate, 
and  General  Taylor  will  give  you  a  leave  in  a  minute."    I  thanked 

1  Surgeon  Presley  H.  Craig,  of  the  Medical  Department. 


38  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

him  for  his  good  offices,  but  told  him  I  would  prefer  trying  to  get 
over  it  here,  as  I  did  not  like  leaving  on  sickness,  unless  it  were  a 
case  of  absolute  necessity.  I  made  him  this  answer  for  these  reasons : 
In  the  first  place,  it  always  operates  injuriously  against  an  officer  to 
leave  active  service  on  account  of  sickness;  for,  even  if  malicious 
people  do  not  impute  his  sickness  to  a  desire  to  get  away,  it  will 
certainly  militate  against  him  on  the  score  of  efficiency,  and  he  will 
be  looked  upon  as  unable  to  perform  hard  service.  Then  again,  I 
inquired  of  some  of  the  younger  medical  officers  with  whom  I  was 
intimate,  and  they  frankly  told  me  they  did  not  consider  my  case 
one  which  required  change  of  climate,  that  I  could  be  cured  here  as 
well  as  elsewhere,  although  they  acknowledged  the  utter  want  of 
comfort  and  proper  means  of  taking  care  of  the  sick  might  render 
my  recovery  longer  than  if  I  were  in  a  good  house.  Then  again, 
General  Taylor  could  only  give  me  leave  for  two  months,  and  at  the 
end  of  that  time,  should  I  be  well,  (and  I  have  no  doubt  I  would  be,) 
I  would  be  obliged  to  return  here;  so  that,  using  all  the  despatch 
practicable,  I  would  not  have  more  than  two  or  three  weeks  to  spend 
with  you,  and  should  have  to  endure  again  all  the  agony  of  another 
departure.  Finally,  I  should  be  obliged  to  bear  all  my  own  expenses 
from  here  home  and  back  again,  as  the  Government  makes  no  allow- 
ance to  officers  travelling  on  leave.  This,  at  the  least,  would  be 
two  hundred  dollars  out  of  my  pocket,  which  I  did  not  think  myself 
authorized  to  spend.  Still,  you  may  imagine  what  a  powerful  temp- 
tation it  was.  At  night,  when  I  thought  of  seeing  you  and  my  dear 
children,  the  happiness  I  should  enjoy  in  once  more  having  you  all 
around  me,  I  would  be  almost  crazy,  and  determined  the  next  morn- 
ing I  would  go  and  get  my  leave.  Could  I  have  been  assured  that 
I  would  not  be  obliged  to  return  here,  and  that  they  would  put  me 
on  some  other  duty,  I  would  go  in  spite  of  the  expense;  but  I  had  no 
such  assurance,  and  the  general  impression  in  the  camp  seems  to  be 
that  in  the  course  of  two  or  three  months  this  large  force  will  be 
broken  up  and  we  engineer  officers  all  sent  home.  All  accounts  agree 
in  stating  the  Mexican  question,  as  far  as  war  is  concerned,  to  be 
settled,  and  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose  so  large  a  force  will  be 
kept  here;  especially  as  our  relations  with  Great  Britain  are  assum- 
ing so  belligerent  an  aspect.  All  these  things  considered,  I  thought 
it  and  still  think  it  best  to  wait.  If  I  find  I  do  not  get  over  this 
jaundice,  that  it  is  likely  to  hang  on  and  unfit  me  for  service,  of 
course  I  will  then,  as  I  have  told  you  all  along,  have  no  hesitation  in 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  39 

taking  a  sick  leave;  but  I  am  very  confident  there  is  no  apprehension 
of  that  kind,  and  I  believe  Dr.  Craig  offered  to  get  me  out,  more 
from  his  kindness  of  heart,  having  taken  a  fancy  to  me,  and  seeing 
there  was  no  particular  use  in  my  remaining,  and  presuming  I  was 
very  anxious  to  join  you  and  our  dear  children.  I  hope  you  will  not 
blame  me  for  the  course  I  have  taken,  and,  rest  assured,  whenever 
I  conceive  a  change  of  climate  to  be  necessary,  I  will  not  hesitate  an 
instant  about  going. 

Camp  at  Corpus  Christi,  Texas,  December  17,  1845. 

Since  I  last  wrote  the  weather  has  been  much  more  favorable,  the 
sun  having  actually  shone  for  two  days,  which  it  had  not  done  before 
for  six  weeks.  My  jaundice,  too,  is  almost  entirely  gone,  my  appetite 
and  spirits  returned,  and  altogether  life  is  another  thing  to  what  it 
was  a  week  ago.  I  now  congratulate  myself  very  much  for  having 
refused  a  sick-leave;  for  although  I  was  sure  I  should  get  well  here, 
yet  I  did  not  expect  to  be  restored  so  soon. 

There  are  a  thousand  reports  in  the  camp,  making  the  period  of 
our  remaining  almost  any  length  from  one  month  to  a  year;  but  I 
presume  the  truth  is  nothing  is  known  about  it,  even  at  Washington, 
and  my  own  opinion  is  that  it  depends  entirely  on  the  negotiations 
with  Mexico  which  are  at  present  being  carried  on.  We  will  with- 
out doubt  await  the  termination  of  these.  Should  it  be  favorable, 
and  the  questions  at  issue  be  settled,  we  will  be  withdrawn;  but, 
should  it  be  unfavorable,  I  think  we  will  be  thrown  forward  to  occupy 
the  line  of  boundary  as  claimed  by  the  United  States,  and  take 
forcible  possession  of  it  and  let  Mexico  do  what  she  can.  In  the 
first  case,  I  should  suppose  next  spring  would  be  ample  time  to  come 
to  a  definite  conclusion,  and  I  might  therefore  look  to  getting  out  in 
April  or  May;  but  should  the  second  case  occur,  there  would  be  no 
telling  how  long  we  might  be  kept  here.  As  to  the  Tortugas,  I  fear 
there  is  but  little  chance  of  my  getting  there.  I  have  a  letter  from 
Pemberton,  of  the  16th  of  November.  He  says  they  have  been 
three  weeks  at  the  Tortugas,  and  expect  to  finish  by  the  middle  of 
this  month;  and  if  they  have  as  good  luck  in  favorable  weather  as 
they  already  have  experienced,  they  will  finish  the  whole  by  May, 
about  the  time  I  hope  to  get  away  from  here.  I  have  therefore 
pretty  much  made  up  my  mind  to  being  absent  from  you  till  next 
summer,  and  this  I  shall  consider  good  luck.  If  I  only  keep  my 
health  I  shall  be  contented,  hard  as  is  the  separation  from  you  and 


40  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

my  dear  children;  but  then  I  am  a  soldier  and  must  take  a  soldier's 
fortune. 

This  will  reach  you  about  Christmas  time.  God  bless  you  all 
and  grant  you  a  Merry  Christmas. 

December  18,  1845. 

This  did  not  go  yesterday,  as  I  expected,  the  steamer  from  New 
Orleans,  which  is  at  St.  Joseph's,  having  postponed  her  departure 
for  a  day.  This  will  probably  reach  you  more  rapidly  than  my 
letters  usually  do,  but  still  not  soon  enough  to  be  a  Christmas  gift. 
It  may  get  there  by  New  Year's,  and  probably  on  our  wedding  day. 
Only  think,  five  years  have  elapsed  since  our  fortunes  were  united! 

I  suppose  you  know  that,  in  a  camp  like  this,  where  we  are  sup- 
posed to  be  awaiting  active  service,  allusions  to  wives  and  children 
are  considered  in  bad  taste,  and  one  who  is  always  talking  about  his 
wife  is  an  object  of  ridicule.  General  Taylor  was  telling  me,  no 
later  than  yesterday,  of  what  he  considered  a  fine  joke,  of  a  young 
officer  coming  to  him  and  frankly  saying:  "General,  my  wife  keeps 
writing  to  me  constantly  to  come  home,  and  really  seems  very  un- 
happy at  my  absence.  I  have  come  to  ask  a  furlough  to  visit  her." 
The  general  said  he  laughed  and  told  him  that,  if  he  granted  him 
permission  to  be  absent  on  such  grounds,  he  would  not  have  a  mar- 
ried officer  in  camp,  as  he  presumed  all  wives  were  unhappy  at  their 
husbands'  absence,  and  all  wanted  them  back. 

It  appears  to  me  strange  that  there  should  be  so  many  married 
officers;  I  suppose  at  least  two-thirds  of  the  officers  here  are  mar- 
ried. To  be  sure,  under  ordinary  circumstances,  they  are  pretty 
well  off,  as  when  in  garrison,  they  can  always  have  their  families 
with  them.  I  believe  our  corps  is  decidedly  the  worst  for  married 
men,  for  this  kind  of  work  is  our  only  duty,  and  we  are  necessarily 
absent  the  greater  portion  of  our  time;  but  with  the  rest  of  the 
army  it  is  only  on  occasions  of  this  kind,  when  they  take  the  field, 
and  leave  their  posts,  that  they  are  separated  from  their  families. 
Still,  I  would  not  exchange,  for  neither  you  nor  I  could  exist  at  those 
posts,  mostly  on  the  Western  frontiers.  No,  the  more  I  see  of  our 
army,  the  more  am  I  reconciled  to  the  corps  I  belong  to;  indeed  it  is 
the  only  one  I  would  be  attached  to.  In  a  few  days  I  shall  be  thirty 
years  of  age.  Only  think  how  old,  what  a  dream  has  the  last  ten 
years  been  to  me  since  I  left  West  Point,  what  a  waste  of  energy  and 
time!    I  tremble  sometimes  when  I  think  what  I  might  have  been, 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  41 

and  remember  what  I  am,  when  I  reflect  on  what  I  might  have  ac- 
complished if  I  had  devoted  all  my  time  and  energies  to  one  object, 
an  object  where  my  exertions  would  have  told  in  my  advancement; 
but,  alas,  it  is  useless  to  speculate  on  what  is  passed !  It  is  said  that 
the  road  to  Satan's  Dominions  is  paved  with  good  intentions,  and  I 
have  no  doubt  many  an  acre  is  covered  with  mine.  It  is  the  better 
part  now  to  make  the  most  of  a  bad  bargain,  and  put  the  best  face 
on  it. 

You  never  say  anything  about  Willie1  in  your  letters.  How  does 
he  get  on  at  college?  I  presume  he  is  with  you  by  this  time  for  the 
Christmas  vacation.  I  have  often  thought  of  him  while  here,  on 
account  of  his  military  mania,  and  should  like  to  have  him  here  for 
a  few  weeks,  to  give  him  some  insight  into  the  pomp  and  circum- 
stance. Remember  me  to  him  and  to  Spencer,2  who,  I  suppose,  is 
most  an  M.D.  by  this  time,  ready  to  kill  people  on  the  most  approved 
and  scientific  principles. 

Camp  at  Corpus  Christi,  Texas,  December  25,  1845. 
To-day  is  Christmas.  Need  I  say  how  I  have  longed  to  be  with 
you,  and  how  my  heart  has  beat  with  the  recollections  of  former 
happy  Christmas  Days!  Last  night  I  lay  for  hours  on  my  rude  bed, 
in  my  tent,  with  the  cold  wind  whistling  around  me,  and  felt  warm 
and  happy,  as  I  related  to  memory  the  truly  happy  Christmas  Eves 
I  had  spent  with  you.  I  thought  of  last  year.  Do  you  recollect 
what  a  beautiful,  clear  night  it  was,  and  mother  and  Mariamne3  and 
myself  going  out  in  a  cab  and  making  purchases;  how  thronged  the 
streets  were  with  crowds  of  happy  faces;  what  hustle  and  commotion 
in  each  house  when  the  bell  was  rung;  what  joyous  and  merry  meet- 
ings then  were  held?  And,  afterwards,  at  the  Major's4  to  see  the 
interest  with  which  he  was  putting  aside  the  various  presents  for 
each  of  his  children!  Alas,  poor  fellow,  like  myself,  he  has  but  the 
recollection  of  these  pleasures  to  support  him  now!  Here  nothing 
is  seen  or  heard  but  the  regular  sound  of  the  drum,  sending  the  men 
to  bed,  and  the  shouts  of  drunken  men  in  the  little  town  adjoining 
our  camp,  which  has  sprung  into  existence  since  the  arrival  of  the 

1  William  Sergeant,  Mrs.  Meade's  brother. 

2  Spencer  Sergeant,  Mrs.  Meade's  brother. 

3  Mariamne  Huger,  wife  of  Thomas  B.  Huger,  U.  S.  Navy,  and  sister  of 
Lieutenant  Meade. 

4  Major  Bache. 


42  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

army.  Still,  I  am  most  thankful  to  Almighty  God  for  the  blessings 
He  has  thus  far  showered  upon  us;  you  and  my  dear  children,  healthy, 
comfortable,  and  happily  fixed;  me,  though  separated  from  you, 
still  in  good  health  and  as  good  spirits  as  I  could  be  under  the  cir- 
cumstances. With  ample  means  to  support  us,  all  our  wants  grati- 
fied, blessed  with  the  loveliest  children,  at  once  a  source  of  pride  and 
the  most  perfect  happiness,  who  that  reflects  on  this  picture  but 
must  say  'tis  black  ingratitude  to  complain!  And  if  I  have  com- 
plained, it  has  been  because  I  was  not  well,  irritable  from  indisposi- 
tion, and  because  I  did  not  reflect,  and  instead  of  expatiating  on  my 
annoyances,  turn  over  in  my  mind  all  the  blessings  of  which  I  was 
the  recipient. 

I  wrote  you,  I  believe,  in  my  last  letter,  that  I  had  quite  gotten 
over  my  attack  of  jaundice;  indeed  it  was  quite  a  trifling  affair, 
though  I  was  a  funny  object  to  look  at  and  felt  much  depressed.  I 
have  been  quite  well  now,  over  a  week,  the  weather  has  cleared  up, 
and  I  have  been  riding  every  day.  In  addition  to  which  I  have  had 
my  tent  made  more  comfortable,  by  lining  inside,  and  having  a  rough 
chimney-place  constructed,  in  which  I  have  a  little  fire  that  I  sit  by 
to  read  and  write.  I  am  now,  in  fact,  very  snug,  and  have  really 
enjoyed  myself  the  last  few  days.  The  last  mail,  too,  brought  the 
Message,  and  the  Secretary  of  War's  Report,  by  which  we  see  there 
is  no  probability  of  leaving  here  before  the  negotiations  with  Mexico 
are  definitely  settled.  All  appear  now  to  have  made  up  their  minds 
to  a  residence  here,  at  least  till  June,  and  though  this  is  a  long  time, 
yet  it  is  definite,  it  has  a  limit,  and  is  preferable  to  the  annoying 
state  of  mind  one  was  in  before,  when  there  was  a  hope  of  an  earlier 
return,  and  the  probabilities  were  constantly  being  discussed  and  the 
subject  agitated,  so  that  you  could  not  help  thinking  about  it  all  the 
time.  Now  it  is  settled,  and  every  one  is  occupied  in  making  him- 
self comfortable,  and  finding  out  means  of  occupation  and  amuse- 
ment, and  I  have  no  doubt  the  time  will  thus  soon  fly. 

December  26. 
I  am  in  hopes  you  will  see  Captain  Alden,  who  will  be  able  to 
give  you  some  account  of  me,  as  we  were  often  together.  He  is  a 
most  excellent  gentleman  and  officer,  very  pious  withal,  but  never 
obtruding  his  religion  on  those  around  him.  I  was  unfortunately 
absent  when  he  left  here,  or  I  should  have  requested  him  especially 
to  make  you  a  visit. 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  43 

My  friend,  Captain  Ramsay,  my  next  door  neighbor  in  the  camp, 
of  whom  I  see  a  great  deal,  has  been  quite  under  the  weather  for 
some  days  past. 

December  27. 

I  was  interrupted  last  night  by  the  entrance  into  my  tent  of  sev- 
eral officers,  who  remained  with  me,  smoking  cigars  and  chatting, 
until  it  was  too  late  to  resume  my  letter.  It  was  as  well,  for  this 
morning  I  have  received  yours  of  the  7th  inst.,  unsealed.  I  suppose 
it  has  edified  some  young  post-office  clerk  on  the  route,  and  perhaps, 
who  knows,  but  it  has  been  copied  as  a  model.  I  would  advise  you 
in  the  future  to  look  to  the  sealing  of  your  letters. 

I  am  very  glad  to  find  by  your  letters  that  you  go  out  sometimes, 
as  you  mention  having  been  to  Mrs.  Hopkinson's  and  were  going  to 
Mrs.  Vanderkemp's.  I  see  no  earthly  reason  to  prevent  your  going 
upon  any  occasion  that  presents  itself,  and  particularly  to  musical 
parties  where  you  are  invited  to  play.  It  is  your  duty  to  enjoy 
yourself  rationally  and  in  moderation;  and  by  abstaining  from  the 
pleasures  of  refined  society,  you  are  as  censurable  as  if  you  went  to 
the  other  extreme  and  gave  your  whole  time  and  attention  to  it. 
So,  take  my  advice  and  follow  my  example;  make  yourself  as  happy 
and  enjoy  yourself  as  much  as  you  can,  consistently  with  a  proper 
regard  for  your  position.  For  I  readily  grant  it  is  unbecoming  to  see 
a  woman,  whose  husband  is  absent,  running  anywhere  and  every- 
where in  search  of  pleasure,  forgetting  her  self-respect,  and  making 
herself  the  subject  of  comment.  But  upon  this  score  I  have  no  fears 
of  you,  and  I  should  really  be  glad  to  hear,  as  I  have  already  stated 
above,  of  your  going  out  sometimes;  and  the  more  agreeably  is  your 
time  spent,  the  more  contented  and  happy  I  shall  be  here. 

January  1,  1846. 
I  have  had  rather  a  stupid  day  of  it  for  the  First  of  the  year.  In 
the  morning  I  was  engaged  making  official  complimentary  visits  to 
the  "big-bugs"  of  the  camp,  all  of  whom  had  egg-nogg  and  cake  for 
their  visitors;  then  we  had  a  race,  gotten  up  by  the  officers  for  their 
amusement;  and  then  I  dined  with  a  party  who  endeavored  to  be 
as  merry  as  they  could  be  under  the  circumstances;  and,  in  the 
evening,  I  accompanied  them  to  the  theatre;  for  you  must  know 
that  since  our  arrival  here  they  have  built  a  theatre  and  imported 
a  company  of  strolling  actors,   who  murder  tragedy,   burlesque 


44  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

comedy,  and  render  farce  into  buffoonery,  in  the  most  approved  style. 
And  now  late  at  night  I  am  jotting  down  a  few  thoughts  to  you. 

Camp  at  Corpus  Christi,  Texas,  January  10,  1846. 

I  have  no  idea  we  will  go  to  war  with  England  about  the  Oregon.1 
Both  countries  have  too  much  at  stake  to  hazard  their  prosperity 
for  the  small  strip  of  land  in  dispute;  but  I  fear  the  talk  about  war 
will  have  its  influence  on  the  Mexican  Government,  and  the  hope  of 
seeing  us  involved  in  difficulties  will  give  it  an  opportunity  of  pro- 
longing the  negotiations,  and  if  a  good  chance  offers,  of  breaking 
them  off,  in  the  hopes  of  assistance  from  England.  On  the  other 
hand,  England  will  exert  all  her  influence  with  Mexico  to  keep  off  a 
settlement  of  her  difficulties  with  us,  in  order  to  embarrass  us,  and 
render  us  more  ready  to  compromise  upon  the  Oregon.  In  other 
words,  England  and  Mexico  will  play  into  each  other's  hands  against 
us,  in  the  hope  that  by  both  pressing  us  at  the  same  time  they  will 
each  obtain  more  favorable  terms.  This  view  is  confirmed  by  in- 
telligence received  within  a  few  days  from  Matamoras,  on  the  Mex- 
ican frontier,  by  which  we  learn  that  General  Paredes  (in  command 
of  the  army  destined  to  operate  against  Texas),  has  declared  against 
the  existing  government,  on  the  ground  of  its  compromising  the 
national  honor,  in  consenting  to  negotiate  with  the  United  States; 
that  he  has  effected  a  revolution,  and,  by  the  last  accounts,  was 
within  thirty  leagues  of  the  capital,  with  seven  thousand  men. 
Should  he  succeed  in  overturning  the  existing  government,2  there 
would  be  an  end  to  negotiations,  and  the  whole  affair  will  return  to 
the  state  in  which  it  was  three  months  ago.  I  have  no  idea  he  would 
declare  war,  and  if  he  did,  it  would  be  a  mere  paper  affair;  but  it 
will  cause  postponements  and  delays,  and  our  course  will  without 
doubt  be  to  take  possession  of  the  line  of  boundary  which  we  had 
proposed  to  treat  for,  and  to  hold  it  with  our  troops  till  they  have 
the  good  sense  to  give  us  peaceable  possession  of  it.  Under  all  these 
circumstances  I  see  no  probability  of  this  force  being  broken  up, 
though  we  may  in  a  short  time  advance  to  the  Rio  Grande. 

It  may  be  that  things  will  turn  out  better,  and  that  a  treaty  may 
be  made  before  Paredes  succeeds.  I  trust  in  heaven  it  will  be  so,  for 
I  am  heartily  sick  and  tired  of  this  country,  though  I  am  more  com- 

1  The  Oregon  boundary  question. 

2  Paredes  had  already  overthrown  Herrera,  having  become  President  of  the 
Mexican  Republic,  December  29,  1845. 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  45 

fortable  and  better  off  than  I  have  been  since  my  arrival  here,  but 
I  dislike  the  state  of  uncertainty  in  which  everything  is,  and  would 
prefer  being  in  a  place  where,  though  I  might  have  harder  work,  yet 
I  would  have  the  satisfaction  of  knowing  that  after  having  finished 
a  certain  amount  of  it,  I  could  return. 

Camp  at  Corpus  Christi,  Texas,  January  20,  1846. 

Your  letters  of  the  29th  ultimo  and  1st  instant  have  come  to 
hand  since  I  last  wrote  you.  I  had  been  in  perfect  ignorance  of  the 
prevalence  of  the  small-pox  in  Philadelphia,  till  you  informed  me, 
for  I  never  see  here  a  Philadelphia  paper.  I  endeavor  to  hope  from 
your  letters  that  all  danger  is  over;  still,  I  am  and  shall  continue 
very  anxious  till  I  hear  again.  I  try  not  to  dwell  on  the  risk  you 
have  been  running,  and  am  sometimes  frightened  to  death  when  I 
think  what  may  have  happened  since  you  last  wrote.  I,  however, 
place  my  trust  in  that  Gracious  Providence  which  has  hitherto  so 
wonderfully  blessed  and  protected  us. 

I  received  a  sweet  letter  from  my  dear  mother,  written  on  my 
birthday  and  our  wedding  day.  It  was  in  a  melancholy  tone,  which 
drew  tears  to  my  eyes.  She  looks  back  thirty  years,  to  the  day  of 
my  birth,  when  she  says  she  was  living  in  affluence  and  luxury,  and 
fondly  hoped  her  children  would  never  know  want,  and  then  she 
speaks — but  I  will  quote  her  own  words,  for  I  fear  upon  this  point 
we  have  both  done  her  injustice:  "Although  in  my  ignorance  I  was 
cruel  enough  to  send  you  to  West  Point,  an  act  for  which  I  never 
shall  forgive  myself,  and  never  cease  to  regret,  I  did  not  dream  that 
you  would  enter  the  army,  my  dear  George.  It  was  the  moral 
standing  of  the  Institution,  and  the  education  which  you  could  not 
escape  if  you  remained  there,  also  the  intention  of  your  lamented 
father,  who  said  your  mathematical  head  fitted  you  for  it,  that  led 
me  to  commit  the  act;  but  I  was  not  then  as  wideawake  as  I  am  now/' 

This  infernal  revolution  in  Mexico  is  deranging  all  plans  and  de- 
stroying all  hopes.  The  accounts  from  that  country  are  contradic- 
tory and  vague. 

I  am  much  obliged  to  Captain  Alden  for  reporting  me  so  well 
and  in  such  good  spirits.  No  doubt  in  his  happiness  in  the  restora- 
tion to  his  wife  and  in  the  delightful  post  he  has  been  assigned  to, 
he  saw  everything  couleur  de  rose. 


46  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

January  21. 

By  an  accidental  delay  this  letter  has  not  gone  when  I  intended 
to  forward  it,  and  I  am  better  satisfied,  as  it  gives  me  an  opportunity 
of  informing  you  that  I  am  ordered  on  another  expedition  and  shall 
leave  here  immediately.  It  will  be  under  the  charge  of  Captain 
Mansfield,  Corps  of  Engineers,  and  I  shall  return  to  my  humble 
vocation  of  a  sub.  Like  the  former  ones,  it  will  also  be  a  marine 
expedition,  the  object  being  to  examine  the  Aransas  Bay,  a  large 
body  of  water  lying  to  the  north  of  this  place.  I  believe  it  is  pre- 
sumed we  shall  be  gone  some  two  weeks;  you  must  therefore  not  be 
surprised  if  you  do  not  hear  from  me  for  some  time  after  you  get 
this. 

I  am  of  course  very  glad  to  have  professional  occupation,  but 
would  have  preferred  a  land  expedition,  on  which  I  should  have  had 
the  advantage  of  being  on  horseback,  the  exercise  being  so  beneficial; 
but  I  would  rather  go  in  boats  than  be  doing  nothing. 

Depot  at  St.  Joseph's  Island,  January  26,  1846. 

We  have  reached  this  point  on  our  expedition.  We  are  about 
thirty  miles  from  Corpus  Christi,  and  shall  leave  here  immediately, 
on  our  way  up  the  coast  along  the  inside  passage.  We  will  visit  the 
little  towns  of  Copano,  Lamar,  La  Baca,  Linnville,  and  Matagorda, 
in  succession.  You  will  see  most  of  these  places  marked  on  the  map 
I  left  with  you,  and  thus  can  trace  our  route.  We  are  fitted  out  for 
a  month's  expedition,  though  I  trust  to  be  back  sooner,  and,  in  fact, 
the  General  intimated  he  would  probably  have  to  send  for  us,  as  the 
recent  intelligence  from  Mexico  is  of  an  important  character.  It  ap- 
pears that  the  revolution  under  Paredes  has  made  great  headway, 
that  Vera  Cruz  and  all  the  important  towns  have  declared  in  his 
favor,  and  but  little  confidence  is  placed  in  the  troops  of  the  City  of 
Mexico,  upon  which  Paredes  is  marching  with  a  large  force.  All 
things  look  as  if  the  next  news  would  be  his  having  overturned  the 
Government  and  established  himself  in  power.  This  must  lead  to 
some  action  on  the  part  of  ours,  either  in  the  shape  of  declaration  of 
war,  or  acts  of  hostilities,  or  possessing  ourselves  of  such  portion  of 
territory  as  we  deem  ourselves  entitled  to,  through  Texas. 

Even  the  existing  Government,  which  consented  to  negotiate 
with  us,  has  declined  to  receive  Mr.  Slidell1  as  a  Minister  Plenipo- 

1  John  Slidell,  minister  from  the  United  States  Government,  was  sent  to  the 
Mexican  Government  on  their  consent  to  "receive  a  commissioner  to  settle  the 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  47 

tentiary,  though  it  is  willing  to  receive  him  as  an  agent  simply. 
This  will  demand  some  action  on  our  part,  even  if  Paredes  is  unsuc- 
cessful; so  that  all  things  look  like  protraction  and  delay.  I  have  no 
idea  we  will  ever  get  a  fight  out  of  them;  it  will  be  a  paper  war 
entirely;  but  we  shall  be  detained  here  upon  the  contingency,  and 
Heaven  only  knows  when  they  will  settle  the  thing. 

Matagorda,  Texas,  February  18,  1846. 

At  length  I  have  an  opportunity  of  sending  you  a  few  lines  to  let 
you  know  where  I  am  and  what  I  am  doing.  My  last  letter  to  you 
was  of  the  date  of  the  26th  ultimo,  written  at  St.  Joseph's,  just  on 
the  eve  of  my  departure.  Since  then  we  have  been  knocking  about 
the  bays  between  Corpus  Christi  and  this  place,  making  surveys, 
and  visiting  towns,  and  places  where  towns  are  to  be. 

I  am  glad  to  say  our  expedition  has  been  more  agreeable  than 
I  anticipated,  although  we  have  had  as  bad  weather  as  we  could 
well  have  anticipated.  Indeed  we  have  experienced  a  succession  of 
" Northers' '  and  rains,  but  most  fortunately  have  managed  always 
to  reach  good  quarters  just  as  they  made  their  appearance.  I  have 
never  experienced  more  hospitality  than  has  been  extended  to  us  by 
the  inhabitants  wherever  they  have  had  it  in  their  power,  and  at 
this  place  we  are  quite  in  clover.  This  little  town  has  about  five 
hundred  people,  but  they  are  of  a  much  better  class  than  those  you 
generally  meet  with,  as  it  is  one  of  the  old  settlements  of  the  country, 
and  has  a  great  deal  of  substantial  wealth  in  it.  I  have,  besides, 
met  here  several  people  from  Philadelphia,  and  have  been  much 
gratified  at  being  able  to  talk  of  the  old  place.  I  am  writing  this 
letter  in  the  office  of  Mr.  Fisher,  a  son  of  Rhodes  Fisher,  the  brother 
of  Coleman,  and  half-brother  of  William.  Mrs.  Fisher  resides  here 
with  her  family,  consisting  of  two  daughters,  one  married  to  a  young 
lawyer  of  this  place,  the  other  quite  a  pretty  and  sweet  girl,  named 
Rebecca,  unmarried.  There  are  three  sons,  one  of  whom  has  been 
a  great  deal  in  Philadelphia,  and  was  there  when  we  were  married. 
Upon  this  we  had  a  good  joke.  When  we  came  here,  three  of  us,  all 
married,  we  heard  so  much  of  the  beauty  of  the  young  ladies  here 
that  we  agreed  to  keep  silence  and  pass  ourselves  off  for  young  men, 
and  enjoy  our  few  days  under  the  delusion.     But  most  unfortunately 

present  dispute";  afterward  sent  as  a  commissioner  by  the  Confederate  States 
Government,  with  James  M.  Mason,  to  Great  Britain  and  France,  and  captured 
on  the  British  steamer  Trent  in  1861. 


48  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

each  one  of  us  found  an  acquaintance,  like  Mr.  Fisher,  who  asked 
me  if  I  was  the  Mr.  Meade  who  married  Miss  Sergeant,  when  of 
course  I  had  to  say,  yes,  and  thus  was  blown.  However,  it  has 
served  to  make  all  merry  at  our  expense. 

Among  other  people  here  I  found  a  Dr.  Hultner,  an  excellent 
musician,  especially  on  the  harp,  who  resided  some  time  in  Phila- 
delphia, and  had  given  lessons  to  many  of  our  acquaintances,  and  to 
whom  I  was  drawn  from  the  simple  fact  of  his  telling  me  he  had  often 
heard  you  play,  as  he  used  to  go  to  the  Bories,  where  he  gave  lessons. 

We  arrived  here  last  night  and  expect  to  stay  here  to-morrow.  I 
send  this  through  the  Texas  post-office,  and  trust  it  will  reach  you 
in  good  time  to  let  you  know  I  am  well  and  am  enjoying  a  little  of 
civilization. 

I  regret  to  say  that  everything  looks  unfavorable.  Paredes  has 
succeeded  in  his  revolution,  and  now  we  must  either  look  for  war,  or 
delays,  and  dilly-dallyings;  for  negotiations,  and  then  long  parleys, 
before  this  question  is  settled.  I  hope  for  a  war  and  a  speedy  battle, 
and  I  think  one  good  fight  will  settle  the  business;  and,  really,  after 
coming  so  far  and  staying  so  long,  it  would  hardly  be  the  thing  to 
come  back  without  some  laurels. 

St.  Joseph's  Depot,  Texas,  February  24,  1846. 

We  have  just  arrived  at  this  place  (now  9  p.  m.),  and  as  there  is 
a  steamer  here  that  will  probably  leave  to-morrow,  I  avail  myself  of 
the  opportunity  to  send  you  a  few  lines  without  waiting  for  my 
reaching  Corpus  Christi,  where  all  your  letters  are  waiting  for  me. 
We  shall  go  there  to-morrow,  and  I  will  write  you  again  as  soon  as 
I  can.  In  the  meantime  I  can  only  tell  you  I  am  quite  well  and  have 
stood  my  expedition  in  open  boats,  now  thirty-two  days  long,  much 
better  than  I  thought  at  first  I  would. 

The  report  down  here  is  that  the  army  is  in  a  few  days  to  move 
from  Corpus  Christi  and  take  up  a  position  on  the  left  bank  of  the 
Rio  Grande,  opposite  Matamoras.  It  is  believed  here  that  this  will 
be  effected  without  any  opposition  on  the  part  of  the  Mexicans;  in 
fact,  at  present  they  have  not  the  means  of  making  any,  as  they 
only  have  three  hundred  men  at  Matamoras.  We  have  received  the 
intelligence  of  the  success  of  Paredes,  and  also  divers  proclamations 
from  him,  calling  out  troops  and  making  grand  preparations  on 
paper  to  reconquer  Texas.  But  all  this  is  believed  to  be  palaver, 
unless  we  get  into  a  war  with  England  about  Oregon,  and  then  Brit- 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  49 

ish  troops  may  be  sent  to  assist  the  Mexicans,  and  we  may  have 
some  work.  But,  unless  that  occurs,  with  all  the  bluster  of  Paredes 
I  do  not  believe  we  will  be  disturbed  in  the  peaceful  possession  of  the 
country,  this  side  of  the  Rio  Grande.  Our  squadron  is  also  ordered 
to  Vera  Cruz,  and  I  sincerely  trust  these  movements  may  induce  the 
Mexicans  to  come  to  some  understanding,  that  this  question  may  be 
settled.  Still,  it  will  take  time,  and  now  I  have  no  hope  of  seeing 
you  and  my  dear  children  this  winter. 

I  could  not  in  honor  leave  now,  were  I  permitted  to  do  so,  al- 
though I  could  have  done  so  a  month  ago,  when  things  were  in  a 
comparatively  quiet  state.  But  now  the  forward  movement  of  the 
troops  and  the  refusal  to  treat  with  Mr.  Slidell  place  the  prospect 
of  active  operations  within  the  range  of  possibility,  though  I  do  not 
think  them  probable;  yet  there  is  enough  to  force  every  one  in  good 
health  to  stick  by  the  army,  and  no  one  could  leave  it  with  reputa- 
tion. You,  I  am  sure,  would  not  wish  me  to  jeopardize  myself,  and 
will  I  am  confident  be  resigned  when  you  are  aware  of  the  circum- 
stances in  which  I  am  placed. 

Major  Craig  has  arrived  at  Corpus  Christi,  and  left  during  my 
absence,  which  I  regret,  as  I  should  have  liked  him  to  tell  you  how 
he  had  seen  me.  I  also  understand  Captain  Cram,  of  our  corps,  has 
gone  off  on  sick  leave.  Thus  two  out  of  the  three  with  whom  I 
came  here  have  gone  home  sick.  Lieutenant  Wood  has  not  yet  re- 
turned. So  that  your  delicate-looking  husband  is  not  so  very  ineffi- 
cient, after  all;  for,  though  I  say  it  myself,  there  is  not  another 
officer  in  the  army  who  has  been  more  occupied  and  more  exposed 
than  myself  during  the  last  six  months. 

My  last  letter  was  written  to  you  from  Matagorda,  where  we 
spent  three  days  most  delightfully,  having  been  treated  in  the 
kindest  manner  by  the  inhabitants. 

Camp  at  Corpus  Christi,  Texas,  March  2,  1846. 

I  reached  here  yesterday,  having  been  detained  two  days  at  St. 
Joseph's  Island  by  bad  weather.  We  got  here  about  eight  o'clock  in 
the  evening,  and  I  occupied  myself  from  that  time  till  bedtime  read- 
ing all  your  sweet  letters  and  those  of  my  dear  mother,  which  I 
found  here  for  me. 

I  find  everyone  here  in  a  state  of  excitement  incident  to  our  ap- 
proaching march  on  the  Rio  Grande.  It  appears  General  Taylor 
has  received  positive  orders  from  Washington  to  march,  and  he  is  to 


50  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

take  up  a  position  on  the  river,  immediately  opposite  Matamoras. 
The  good  people  of  Corpus  Christi,  who  have  been  living  on  us  as 
did  the  flies  on  the  fox  in  the  fable,  and  who  see  in  our  departure  the 
total  breaking  up  of  their  place,  have  been  making  the  most  gigantic 
efforts  to  frighten  the  General  from  going,  on  the  plea  of  there  being 
a  very  large  Mexican  force  ready  to  oppose  him;  but  General  Taylor 
is  not  to  be  turned  in  this  way  from  a  matter  of  duty,  and  he  told 
them  if  there  were  fifty  thousand  Mexicans  he  would  try  his  best  to 
get  there.  These  reports  of  Mexican  forces,  all  exaggerated,  and 
most  of  them  coined  here,  will  doubtless  find  their  way  into  the 
Northern  papers,  but  you  must  not  mind  them,  and  give  credence  to 
nothing  but  what  you  get  from  me.  General  Taylor  is  well  advised 
of  the  movements  of  the  opposite  party,  and  we  know  that  they  have 
no  more  troops  there  than  they  have  had  all  along,  except  a  column 
of  three  thousand,  under  a  General  Ampudia,  who  left  the  city  of 
Mexico  the  middle  of  January,  and  who  had  not  reached  San  Luis 
Potosi,  half  of  the  distance,  by  the  last  accounts,  though  five  weeks 
had  elapsed  since  he  started.  This  is  but  slow  marching,  and  does 
not  betray  much  impatience  to  drive  the  d — d  Yankees  out  of  the 
country.  It  is  considered  extremely  probable  that  they  may  rein- 
force their  army  on  the  Rio  Grande,  and  that  they  will  place  de- 
tached bodies  in  position  on  this  side;  but  their  object  will  not  be 
to  oppose  us,  but  to  demonstrate  to  the  world  that  they  held  military 
occupation  of  the  country  when  we  came  there,  and  were  obliged  to 
yield  to  superior  numbers.  I  do  not  think  they  can  be  so  insane  as 
to  provoke  a  war  by  an  act  of  hostility,  and  the  opinion  among  all 
sensible  persons  here  is  that  our  movement  will  be  peaceably  effected. 
Still,  every  preparation  is  being  made  for  the  reverse  contingency, 
and  if  they  do  undertake  to  oppose  us,  they  will  have  to  fight  pretty 
hard  before  they  can  succeed.  I  mention  these  things  that  you  may 
not  be  disturbed  by  any  of  the  numerous  reports  that  will  doubtless 
reach  you. 

March  4. 

Not  much  of  importance  to  add  to  my  letter  to-day.  The  ac- 
counts from  the  Rio  Grande  are  still  conflicting,  some  saying  the 
Mexicans  are  concentrating  to  meet  us,  and  others  that  they  have 
all  recrossed  the  river  to  get  out  of  our  way.  My  own  opinion  is 
still  that  there  is  no  such  good  luck  for  us  as  a  brush  with  them,  and 
that  all  will  be  quietly  effected. 

Major  Graham  left  to-day,  in  command  of  one  hundred  men,  to 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  51 

escort  a  train  of  sixty  wagons  with  provisions,  to  establish  a  depot 
on  the  route,  some  forty  miles  from  here,  about  one-third  the  whole 
distance  to  the  river.  When  he  left,  the  mess  to  which  I  belonged 
was  broken  up,  and  I  was  much  complimented  by  being  invited  to 
join  General  Taylor's  mess,  and  informed  I  should  accompany  the 
General  on  the  march.  In  fact,  I  believe  the  old  man  has  taken 
something  of  a  fancy  to  me,  and  I  am  considered  as  being  in  luck. 

Captain  Cram  left  here  on  sick  leave,  some  weeks  before  I  returned, 
and  Lieutenant  Wood  has  not  yet  got  back  from  his  sick  leave. 
This  makes  me  the  senior  officer  of  Topographical  Engineers  with 
the  army,  though  there  is  another  one  here,  Lieutenant  Blake,  who 
came  here,  however,  under  some  special  instructions,  and  is  not 
therefore  considered  regularly  attached,  though  he  accompanies  Gen- 
eral Worth's  brigade,  a  subordinate  position  to  mine. 

March  5. 
Everything  here  is  hurry-scurry,  preparatory  for  the  march. 
The  orders  are  out.  The  dragoons  and  Major  Ringgold's  company 
of  artillery  move  on  the  eighth  (Sunday),  and  the  First,  Second  and 
Third  Brigades  follow  on  each  succeeding  day.  My  position  is  not 
yet  settled,  as  I  thought  it  was,  as  it  was  intimated  to  me  I  would 
probably  accompany  the  dragoons  in  the  advance.  This  is  very 
agreeable  to  me,  as  my  proper  position  is  with  the  advance  party. 
Should  that  be  the  case,  I  will  leave  in  two  days,  as  they  go  on  the 
eighth.  I  will  manage  to  send  you  a  few  more  lines  before  I  go,  and 
then  my  next  letter  will  be  from  the  banks  of  the  Rio  Grande. 

The  letters  of  Lieutenant  Meade  written  between  March  5th  and 
April  2d,  the  army  then  being  settled  opposite  Matamoras,  were 
never  received,  having  been  either  lost  in  the  mail  or  captured  by 
some  prowling  band  of  the  guerillas  who  infested  the  country. 

As  Lieutenant  Meade  states  in  his  last  letter  that  came  to  hand, 
the  advance  of  General  Taylor's  army,  consisting  of  the  Second 
Dragoons  and  Ringgold's  Battery,  under  command  of  Colonel  D.  N. 
Twiggs,  Second  Dragoons,  began  its  march  on  the  8th  of  March 
for  Matamoras,  distant  one  hundred  and  eighty  miles.  He  was  as- 
signed to  this  command,  and  was  daily  on  duty  with  the  advance 
guard,  examining  for  the  line  of  march,  selecting  and  laying  out 
positions  for  camps,  and  performing,  in  a  word,  the  duty  of  a  topo- 
graphical engineer. 


52  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

The  march  was  conducted  with  great  regularity,  and  nothing  of 
moment  occurred  during  it  until  Colorado  Creek  was  reached,  when 
a  few  Mexicans  appeared,  who  threatened  to  open  fire  in  case  the 
troops  attempted  to  cross.  They,  however,  all  suddenly  disappeared, 
without  firing  a  shot  or  in  any  way  attempting  to  dispute  the  pas- 
sage of  the  stream,  which  the  troops  crossed  on  the  same  day. 

After  a  delay  of  a  few  days  at  this  point,  awaiting  the  arrival  of 
the  supply  train,  General  Taylor  determined,  from  information  re- 
ceived, to  relinquish  his  intention  of  marching  direct  on  Matamoras, 
and  to  march  to  Point  Isabel,  which  was  intended  as  a  base  of  supply. 
Accordingly,  on  the  23d  the  column  again  moved,  and,  after  advanc- 
ing to  within  a  short  distance  of  Point  Isabel  and  finding  that  the 
Mexicans  had  deserted  that  place,  General  Taylor  directed  the  main 
body  of  the  army  upon  Matamoras,  whilst  he  continued  with  his 
staff  and  the  dragoons  to  Point  Isabel.  The  army,  under  the  com- 
mand of  General  Worth,  halted  within  twelve  miles  of  Matamoras 
and  awaited  the  return  of  General  Taylor  with  supplies.  On  the 
22d  he  made  his  appearance,  and  on  the  following  day  the  army 
took  up  the  line  of  march  for  Matamoras,  and  appeared  opposite 
that  city  on  the  same  day. 

Camp  opposite  Matamoras,  April  2,  1846. 
This  morning  your  letters  of  the  11th  and  14th  ultimo  came  to 
hand.  With  my  usual  luck  in  such  matters,  I  did  not  ascertain  till 
this  minute  that  the  mail  was  to  return  immediately,  and  now  I  have 
but  fifteen  minutes  to  give  you  the  news  since  the  date  of  my  last 
letter.  Nothing,  however,  has  happened,  so  that  much  time  is  not 
required  to  detail  it.  Our  position  with  the  Mexicans  on  the  opposite 
side  of  the  river  remains  in  statu  quo.  They  continue  to  work  assidu- 
ously, night  and  day,  in  putting  up  batteries  all  around  their  town, 
and  to  decline  all  intercourse  with  us;  but  they  have  not  yet  fired  a 
gun  or  committed  a  hostile  act,  and  when  General  Taylor  made  a 
formal  demand  for  the  two  dragoons  whom  they  made  prisoners  the 
day  we  arrived,  they  replied  in  a  very  civil  manner,  that,  though 
they  considered  themselves  perfectly  justified  in  making  captures, 
and  considered  us  as  invaders  of  their  soil,  and  enemies,  yet,  not 
being  disposed  to  complicate  the  already  numerous  questions  in  dis- 
pute between  the  two  governments,  they  would  accede  to  the  de- 
mand, and  accordingly  did  give  up  the  men.  It  is  believed  this 
laudable  disposition  not  to  complicate  affairs  will  prevent  them  from 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  53 

interfering  with  us,  at  least  until  they  get  instructions  from  the  City 
of  Mexico,  which  will  take  two  months.  In  the  meantime  we  shall 
be  so  firmly  established,  and  so  prepared  for  them,  that  they  will 
find  it  to  their  advantage  to  continue  their  quiet  course  of  conduct. 

I  have  a  letter  this  morning  from  Palmer,1  of  the  2d  of  March. 
They  were  at  Key  West,  and  nearly  finished,  expecting  to  be  through 
by  this  time.  The  Major2  was  then  to  return  to  Philadelphia,  and 
Captain  Graham  to  take  command,  to  complete  some  unfinished 
work  that  would  occupy  them  till  about  the  middle  of  May,  when 
all  would  go  home.  So,  had  I  been  with  them,  I  should  be  with  you 
in  June.  Maybe,  now,  I  shall  be  with  you  sooner.  If  so,  I  shall 
never  regret  coming  here,  as  I  have  been  connected  with  events  that 
will  be  matters  of  history,  and  have  been  employed  on  the  most 
important  duty  the  army  has  been  occupied  with  since  the  late  war. 
How  I  have  discharged  my  part  I  leave  to  others  to  say,  but  I  believe 
I  have  given  satisfaction. 

Camp  opposite  Matamoras,  April  7,  1846. 
I  wrote  you  a  few  days  ago  from  this  place,  which  at  this  moment 
is  one  of  some  little  interest.  Nothing  has  occurred  since  I  wrote 
you  to  bring  the  two  antagonist  forces  into  collision,  though  various 
things  constantly  occur  that  seem  to  tend  that  way,  but  for  the 
prudence  and  good  sense  displayed  on  both  sides.  I  believe  I  wrote 
you  of  the  Mexicans  having  captured  two  of  our  men  the  day  we 
arrived,  and  of  their  subsequently  giving  them  up  on  General  Taylor's 
demanding  them.  Unfortunately  the  good  treatment  they  received, 
which  they  communicated  to  their  fellows,  induced  a  great  many 
desertions  from  our  side,  and  in  one  night  we  lost  fourteen  men,  who 
swam  the  river;  and  so  serious  an  evil  was  it  becoming,  that  the 
most  active  measures  were  taken  to  prevent  it,  and  in  consequence 
two  of  our  men,  who  were  attempting  to  swim  over,  were  shot  dead 
in  the  water  by  our  guards.  This,  together  with  the  return  of  one 
of  them,  who  had  been  sent  over  to  obtain  information,  and  who 
gave  such  dismal  accounts  of  the  way  in  which  they  were  treated, 
being  forced  either  to  enter  the  Mexican  army  to  fight  against  us, 
or  else  to  go  to  the  mines  to  labor,  have  caused  the  desertions  since 
to  be  much  diminished.  The  men  who  returned  said  they  had  put 
one  of  our  deserters  in  prison  as  a  spy,  because  he  spoke  Spanish,  and 

1  Lieutenant  William  R.  Palmer,  of  the  Topographical  Engineers, 

2  Major  Bache. 


54  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

last  night  one  of  our  guards,  composed  of  an  officer  and  two  men, 
whilst  patrolling  the  banks  of  the  river  came  to  a  boat  with  four 
men  in  it  from  the  other  side.  The  understanding  having  been  dis- 
tinct that  no  armed  parties  would  be  allowed  to  cross  on  either  side, 
and  these  men  being  evidently  Mexican  soldiers,  our  officer  attempted 
to  capture  them,  but  they  being  on  the  alert,  got  into  their  boat  and 
pushed  off,  whereupon  our  people  fired  on  them,  and  they  returned 
the  fire,  and  the  guards  on  their  side  fired  on  ours.  There  the  matter 
ended,  this  happening  about  twelve  o'clock  last  night.  But,  to-day, 
a  Mexican  who  came  over  here  said  our  people  had  killed  one  of  the 
men  in  the  boat,  and  as  an  act  of  retaliation  they  had  hung  the  man 
in  prison,  as  a  spy.  As  this  last  individual  was  a  deserter,  of  course  we 
do  not  care  what  they  do  with  him,  but  we  are  somewhat  surprised 
that  they  have  taken  no  notice  of  our  having  killed  one  of  their  men, 
unless  they  conceive  us  justified,  inasmuch  as  they  were  on  this  side. 

Our  spy  informs  us  they  have  about  three  thousand  men  over 
there  (just  our  force),  but  the  most  miserable  beings  you  can  con- 
ceive— he  says  more  like  monkeys  than  men — and  that  one  regiment 
can  whip  the  whole  of  them.  General  Ampudia  is  expected  daily 
with  three  thousand  more,  and  in  the  meantime  they  are  putting  up 
works,  defensive  and  offensive  batteries,  and  make  a  great  parade  of 
their  troops  every  afternoon.  Still,  they  do  not  fire  upon  us,  and 
they  are  losing  their  opportunity  daily,  for  our  big  guns  have  arrived, 
and  are  placed  in  battery,  and  we  are  prepared  to  knock  their  town 
about  their  ears  as  soon  as  they  fire  a  shot. 

My  impression  still  continues  that  they  will  not  disturb  us, 
though  they  will  make  a  great  show  and  keep  us  in  a  constant  state 
of  excitement  with  the  anticipation  of  an  attack.  The  game  is  all 
in  their  hands.  We  are  ordered  to  come  here  and  maintain  our  posi- 
tion, if  attacked,  but  to  treat  them  in  the  most  friendly  manner  if 
they  are  disposed  to  be  friends.  They  have  already  told  us  so  many 
falsehoods  that  no  opinion  of  their  acts  is  to  be  gathered  from  their 
words.  They  say  we  are  enemies  and  must  leave,  and  yet  when  we 
stay  they  do  not  disturb  us.  What  they  will  do  when  their  acces- 
sion of  force  arrives  I  do  not  know,  but  I  believe  it  will  be  a  bloodless 
war,  and  that  they  will  not  be  brought  up  to  the  point  of  attacking 
us.    In  the  meantime  we  can  do  nothing  but  await  their  action. 

General  Worth  has  resigned  his  position  in  the  army,  owing  to  a 
decision  of  the  President's  upon  rank,  which  he  conceives  operates 
unjustly  on  him. 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  55 

said  to  me  the  other  evening,  that  if  I  wanted  an  order 

to  go  home  I  could  get  it,  though  he  declined  informing  me  how  he 
had  obtained  the  knowledge  of  the  fact.  I  told  him  I  had  no  desire 
to  leave,  as  long  as  affairs  were  in  their  present  condition,  and  that 
I  was  determined  to  see  the  thing  out  at  every  sacrifice  except  that 
of  health,  and  unless  I  got  sick  I  should  remain  here  until  the  matter 
was  settled  or  I  was  relieved  from  Washington  by  another  officer 
being  sent.  My  opinion  is  that  he  had  no  ground  for  his  assertion, 
because  I  know  General  Taylor  has  said  positively  he  would  order 
no  one  out.  I  merely  tell  you  this  as  a  piece  of  news  relating  to 
myself.  I  am  sure  you  would  not  have  me  leave,  under  existing 
circumstances. 

I  was  touched  to  tears  with  dear  Sargie's1  remembrance  of  me  in 
his  dream.  Bless  his  heart!  his  image  is  ever  before  me,  and  no  lan- 
guage can  express  the  longing  desire  I  have  to  be  with  you  all.  God 
knows  what  a  struggle  it  is  to  deny  myself  any  chance  of  obtaining 
so  heavenly  a  gratification,  and  that  there  is  nothing  I  would  not 
yield  but  my  honor  and  reputation,  both  of  which  would  suffer  were 
I  to  leave  now;  for  I  would  only  be  permitted  to  retire  on  the  ground 
that  unwilling  hearts  are  turned  out  of  the  ranks  just  before  a  battle. 
That  is,  if  I  did  not  want  to  stay,  I  had  better  be  away;  a  conclu- 
sion I  am  sure  you  would  deprecate  as  much  as  myself.  And  what 
an  inheritance  to  leave  my  noble  boys,  that  their  father  left  the  army 
just  on  the  point  of  meeting  an  enemy!  And  suppose  an  action  was 
had,  with  what  face  could  I  answer,  when  asked  if  I  was  there,  "  No, 
I  left  the  army  a  day  or  two  before  it  occurred."  "Did  you  know  it 
was  probable?"  "Oh,  yes,  but  I  was  anxious  to  see  my  wife  and 
children,  and  embraced  the  first  opportunity  to  get  away."  Oh,  no, 
this  would  never  do!  You  would  blush  as  well  as  myself !  I  do  not 
mean  by  this  to  say  I  think  a  collision  certain,  yet  it  is  possible. 
Outraged  Mexico  may  yet  determine  to  declare  war,  in  which  case 
of  course  we  should  have  a  battle.  But  from  all  that  has  happened, 
and  their  distracted  state  at  the  City  of  Mexico,  I  do  not  anticipate 
any  such  event,  and  only  allude  to  its  possibility,  as  one  excuse  for 

not  accepting 's  offer  to  get  me  ordered  away.    I  have  no 

idea  upon  what  he  grounded  his  authority;  but  he  gratified  me  very 
much  by  saying  General  Taylor  had  spoken  kindly  of  me. 

We  have  most  delightful  weather  now.  The  summer  weather  has 
commenced,  clear  days  and  nights,  with  steady  sea-breezes.  The 
1  John  Sergeant  Meade,  son  of  Lieutenant  Meade. 


56  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

ground  on  which  we  are  encamped  is  a  ploughed  field,  and  is  not  so 
good  for  walking  as  the  shell  bank  of  Corpus  Christi,  but  we  have 
abundance  of  wood  at  hand,  and  a  fine  river  of  running  water  at  our 
feet.  The  country  immediately  on  the  banks  of  the  river  is  beauti- 
ful, and  fully  equal  in  fertility  to  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi;  but 
the  one  hundred  and  seventy  miles  between  Corpus  Christi  and  this 
point  was  the  most  miserable  desert,  without  wood  or  water,  that  I 
ever  saw  described,  and  perfectly  unfit  for  the  habitation  of  man, 
except  on  the  banks  of  a  few  little  streams  we  crossed. 

As  you  may  well  imagine,  we  are  in  a  good  deal  of  excitement 
here,  and  thousands  of  rumors  of  the  most  exaggerated  and  improb- 
able nature  are  constantly  flying  through  the  camp,  some  originating 
with  the  Mexicans  themselves,  who  send  people  over  here  to  tell  us 
all  sorts  of  stories  of  what  they  are  going  to  do,  magnifying  their 
force,  and  power;  others,  again,  are  set  afloat  by  wags  in  the  camp 
to  hoax  their  friends  and  see  how  a  story  will  increase  by  being  trans- 
mitted from  one  to  the  other.  The  mischief  is  that  all  these  reports 
get  into  the  newspapers,  through  letter-writers  and  others,  and  unless 
you  are  on  your  guard  and  prepare  your  people  they  will  be  in  a 
constant  state  of  alarm.  Therefore  do  not  believe  anything.  As 
long  as  I  can  handle  a  pen  I  shall  write  you,  and  write  you  the  truth, 
to  the  best  of  my  belief  and  judgment;  and  if  anything  happens  to 
me  I  shall  make  arrangements  for  you  to  hear  of  it  immediately. 
Do  not  therefore  mistake  silence  for  a  misfortune. 

Camp  opposite  Matamoras,  April  13,  1846. 
I  wrote  you  a  few  lines  on  the  9th  instant.  Since  then  nothing 
has  occurred  to  interrupt  the  state  of  peaceable  non-intercourse  which 
existed  up  to  that  moment  between  the  Mexicans  and  ourselves. 
Yesterday,  however,  a  communication  was  received  by  General 
Taylor  from  General  Ampudia,  who  arrived  at  Matamoras  the  day 
before  with  an  accession  of  force  and  took  the  command  of  the 
Mexican  Army.  General  Ampudia  states  in  his  letter  that  he  is 
instructed  by  his  Government  to  summon  General  Taylor  to  retire 
with  his  forces  beyond  the  river  Nueces  (that  is  to  say  go  back  one 
hundred  and  seventy  miles,  from  whence  we  came),  and  that  if  he 
failed  to  commence  the  movement  within  twenty-four  hours,  war 
would  be  the  inevitable  result.  Of  course  General  Taylor  replied  he 
had  no  discretion  in  the  matter.  He  was  ordered  here  by  his  Govern- 
ment, in  a  peaceable  manner,  and  here  he  should  remain,  let  the 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  57 

consequences  be  what  they  may.  He  called  upon  General  Ampudia 
to  weigh  well  the  responsibility  he  would  assume  in  involving  his 
country  in  a  war  with  the  United  States;  that  he  himself  had  but 
one  course  to  pursue,  to  obey  his  orders,  and  must  not  be  held  re- 
sponsible for  the  acts  of  his  Government.  What  will  be  the  end  I 
cannot  say,  but  they  have  so  often  warned  and  summoned  and 
threatened  to  fire,  that  I  am  inclined  to  believe  it  is  another  case  of 
braggadocio.  However,  we  are  prepared  for  the  worst,  and  should 
they  undertake  to  drive  us  away  they  will  soon  find  out  their  mis- 
take. 

You  know  I  have  promised  to  tell  you  the  truth  as  it  occurs, 
deeming  it  the  safest  plan  to  prevent  you  from  being  unnecessarily 
alarmed.  For  my  part  I  shall  not  believe  there  will  be  war  till  the 
first  gun  is  fired;  the  consequences  are  too  momentous  to  the  Mex- 
icans to  enter  upon  it  lightly. 

Camp  opposite  Matamoras,  April  15,  1846. 

The  General  has  received  most  important  intelligence  from  the 
other  side,  to  the  effect  that  yesterday  an  express  had  arrived  from 
the  City  of  Mexico,  bringing  orders  for  General  Arista  to  supersede 
General  Ampudia  in  command,  and  that  all  operations  against  us 
were  to  cease  till  the  1st  of  June.  This  intelligence  was  given  to  the 
General  by  a  Mexican  who  left  Matamoras  last  night  and  swam  the 
river  above  our  camp,  and  who  says  he  obtained  it  from  the  courier 
himself  on  his  way  into  town.  They,  however,  tell  us  so  many  lies, 
and  employ  so  many  and  such  ingenious  devices  to  deceive  us,  that 
the  General  will  not  allow  any  information  to  deter  him  from  making 
the  most  vigorous  efforts  to  place  himself  in  the  strongest  possible 
position,  and  as  he  has  the  official  declaration  of  the  commanding 
general  on  the  other  side,  that  war  would  be  the  consequence  of  his 
not  leaving  here  in  twenty-four  hours,  he  is  determined  to  take  such 
measures  as  will  let  them  know  he  is  serious  in  his  determination  to 
remain  here. 

He  has  in  consequence  ordered  the  blockade  of  the  mouth  of  the 
river,  up  which  they  derive  their  supplies,  and  also  given  direction 
to  the  naval  commander  at  the  Brazos,  to  examine  all  vessels  bound 
for  this  place,  and  capture  such  as  have  on  board  provisions  or  mu- 
nitions of  war.  So  that  the  good  people  of  Matamoras,  who  are  de- 
pendent on  New  Orleans  for  their  flour,  will  find  in  a  short  time  there 
are  two  parties  to  this  business,  and  as  they  have  a  large  force  of 


58  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

Mexican  troops  quartered  on  them,  provisions  will  very  soon  be 
scarce  among  them. 

My  own  impression  is  that  the  information  received  this  morn- 
ing is  authentic,  for  this  reason:  we  have  received  New  Orleans  dates 
to  the  6th  instant,  and  they  state  that  the  Mexican  Government, 
having  refused  to  receive  Mr.  Slidell  in  the  capacity  in  which  he  was 
accredited,  he  had  demanded  and  received  his  passports,  but  that 
some  days  had  elapsed  without  his  arrival  at  Vera  Cruz,  and  the 
inference  was  that  the  intelligence  by  the  Cambria  (which  was  so 
pacific),  having  reached  Mexico  in  the  meantime,  either  Mr.  Slidell 
had  based  upon  it  expectation  of  being  received,  or  the  Mexican 
Government  had  sent  after  him  for  the  purpose  of  receiving  him. 
Now,  when  you  join  the  news  with  what  we  have  received  this  morn- 
ing, it  looks  very  much  as  if  the  Mexicans  had  received  him  and  fixed 
this  period  (June  1st)  for  the  termination  of  the  negotiations.  At 
any  rate,  the  immediate  battle  that  has  been  anticipated  by  a  great 
many  in  the  camp,  has  passed  away,  and  every  one  now  thinks  there 
will  be  no  immediate  collision.  This  is  the  impression  I  have  enter- 
tained all  along,  and  have  written  you  to  that  effect,  but  we  have 
been  in  a  great  deal  of  excitement,  and  when  "the  peremptory  and 
official  summons,  authorized  by  the  Government,  to  leave  here  in 
twenty-four  hours  or  war  would  ensue,"  was  received  in  camp,  most 
of  us  began  to  think  that  talking  was  at  an  end  and  action  was  to 
take  its  place.  I,  however,  had  access  to  the  document,  and  per- 
ceived from  its  tenor,  the  words  being,  "if  you  fail  (that  is,  to  leave), 
war  is  inevitable,"  that  the  construction  might  be  put  upon  it, 
"  shall  report  your  non-compliance  to  my  Government  and  the  dec- 
laration of  war  on  its  part  is  then  inevitable."  I  knew  that  the 
Mexican  Congress  was  about  meeting,  and  that  the  President  in  that 
country  has  no  more  power  to  declare  war  than  our  President  has, 
and  that  they  have  told  us  since  the  withdrawal  of  Almonte,1  now 
eighteen  months,  that  annexation  would  be  a  declaration  of  war  on 
our  part,  and  yet  they  have  done  nothing.  All  these  considerations, 
in  addition  to  a  knowledge  on  their  side  of  the  consequences  of  war 
to  them,  has  induced  me  all  along  to  believe  that  they  would  not 
enter  into  a  war  as  a  deliberate  act.  I  did  at  one  time  apprehend, 
and  should  not  now  be  surprised  at  such  a  result,  that  if  they  col- 
lected on  this  frontier  a  larger  force  than  ours  (and  in  a  few  days 

1  General  Almonte,  Mexican  minister  at  Washington,  was  withdrawn  in 
March,  1845. 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  59 

they  will  have  seven  thousand  men  to  our  three  thousand),  some 
aspiring  and  ambitious  general  might  bring  on  a  collision,  with  the 
hopes  of  succeeding,  and  thus  advancing  his  own  interests;  but  I  do 
not  believe  it  will  be  the  act  of  the  Government,  and  we  are  so  well 
prepared  for  them  now,  and  have  shown  ourselves  so  fearless  of  the 
consequences,  that  I  am  inclined  to  believe  their  general  will  reflect 
a  little  before  they  undertake  so  hazardous  an  operation.  For,  if 
you  understand  our  position,  we  are  like  men  who  have  crossed  a 
river  and  destroyed  the  bridges  behind  them,  thus  cutting  off  their 
own  retreat  and  feeling  conscious  that  every  exertion  must  be  made 
to  sustain  themselves.  This  feeling  pervades  here  all  ranks  of  the 
army,  that  our  only  hope  either  for  existence  or  for  reputation  (for 
were  we  to  succumb  to  ten  times  our  number  we  would  be  disgraced 
forever,  after  all  the  contempt  that  has  been  heaped  upon  our  enemy), 
consists  in  a  complete  victory  on  our  part;  and  should  the  Mexicans 
be  foolhardy  enough  to  advance,  I  believe  their  only  chance  of  suc- 
cess would  be  in  our  total  annihilation;  for  as  long  as  any  of  our 
people  remained  alive  the  battle  would  be  carried  on.  We  have 
placed  ourselves  in  so  strong  a  position,  and  have  such  superiority  in 
artillery,  that  it  is  impossible  for  them  with  any  force  to  drive  us 
from  here;  in  addition  to  which  we  have  a  battery  of  heavy  guns 
(four  eighteen-pounders),  erected  so  as  to  batter  their  town,  and  at 
the  first  gun  we  shall  rattle  them  about  their  ears  in  such  a  man- 
ner as  will  soon  silence  their  fire. 

I  presume  you  will  get  my  various  laconic  epistles  all  in  a  bunch. 
I  wrote  hurriedly  every  time  I  could  ascertain  anybody  was  going 
down  to  Point  Isabel. 

I  make  the  sketch  underneath,  that  you  may  understand  the 
various  names  I  use.  From  Corpus  Christi,  or  rather  Saint  Joseph's, 
down,  there  is  an  island  called  Padre  Island,  some  one  hundred  and 
six  miles  long,  and  about  two  miles  wide,  which  forms  inside,  with 
the  mainland,  the  Laguna  Madre  (which  you  recollect  I  was  sent 
last  winter  to  explore).  At  the  foot  of  this  island  there  is  a  large 
bay  called  the  Brazos  de  Santiago,  being  at  the  end  of  the  Laguna 
Madre.  Into  this  bay  there  is  a  passage  called  the  Barre  de  Santiago, 
where  vessels  of  nine  feet  draught  can  pass,  and  then  six  feet  of  water 
can  be  taken  up  to  a  point  of  the  mainland,  called  Point  Isabel,  upon 
which  there  is  a  small  village  called  El  Frontone,  from  which  it  is 
twenty-seven  miles  overland  to  our  camp,  opposite  Matamoras. 

My  sketch  is  very  rough,  but  it  will  serve  to  clear  away  much 


60  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

confusion  arising  from  an  ignorance  of  the  position  of  places,  and  will 
serve  to  illustrate  many  of  the  reports  you  will  see  in  the  papers. 
You  perceive  our  depot  is  at  Point  Isabel,  where  our  supplies  are 
landed  in  vessels  from  New  Orleans;  then  they  have  to  be  brought 
up  twenty-seven  miles  to  our  camp.  This  is  our  only  weak  point, 
because  General  Taylor's  force  is  so  small  (at  present  only  twenty- 
five  hundred  bayonets),  that  he  is  obliged  to  weaken  himself  to  de- 
fend Point  Isabel  all  the  time,  and  in  addition  has  to  send  an  escort 
each  time  the  train  of  two  hundred  wagons  goes  down  to  get  provi- 
sions for  men  and  beasts,  and  ammunition.  Thus  you  perceive,  if  the 
enemy  are  in  large  force  they  can  cut  off  our  supplies,  and  a  successful 
enterprise  against  Point  Isabel,  where  we  have  only  two  hundred 
men,  would  be  most  disastrous  to  us.  Therefore  I  have  been  under 
the  impression  that,  instead  of  attacking  us  at  this  point,  if  they  have 
a  general  worth  a  sixpence  he  will  attack  Point  Isabel,  help  himself 
to  our  provisions,  forage,  and  money-chest,  and  then  establish  him- 
self in  our  rear  and  oblige  us  to  cut  our  way  through  him  to  get  our 
pork  and  beans.  But  we  are  pretty  well  provided  against  this  con- 
tingency. We  have  nearly  a  month's  supply  on  hand,  and  each 
train  increases  it.  In  a  month,  if  they  should  succeed  in  any  such 
enterprise,  we  have  plenty  of  men  who  could  make  their  way  to  New 
Orleans,  report  the  fact,  and  bring  back  reinforcements  sufficient  to 
drive  them  not  only  back  across  the  river,  but  far  into  the  interior 
of  their  own  country.  But  they  have  no  such  ideas,  although  they 
have  a  larger  force  now  than  we  have.  Instead  of  offensive  opera- 
tions, they  are  working  night  and  day  putting  up  defences  for  their 
town,  as  if  they  expected  us  to  come  right  over  as  soon  as  the  first 
gun  was  fired,  and  evidently  showing  they  hold  us  in  very  high 
estimation. 

I  hope  you  will  not  tire  with  this  long  military  account  of  matters, 
but,  as  I  presume  we  poor  devils  will  be  heroes  in  the  papers  for  some 
time,  I  have  written  it  to  you  that  you  may  be  well  posted  up,  as  the 
saying  is. 

Camp  near  Matamoras,  April  19,  1846. 
I  think  I  informed  you  of  the  report  that  General  Ampudia  had 
been  superseded  in  command  by  General  Arista,  and  that  orders 
were  said  to  be  given  not  to  fire  upon  us.  This  report  has  not  been 
confirmed  in  any  authentic  shape,  but  all  accounts  agree  in  saying 
Arista  is  to  come  here,  and  the  last  two  days  we  hear  Ampudia  has 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  61 

actually  left  Matamoras,  probably  in  disgust  at  being  superseded. 
This  Arista  is  one  of  the  most  powerful  men  in  the  Northern  Depart- 
ments of  Mexico.  He  has  more  at  heart  the  real  good  and  welfare 
of  the  people  than  any  other  of  their  leaders,  and  is  in  consequence 
universally  beloved,  and  can  command  all  the  resources  of  the  coun- 
try. Whilst  we  were  at  Corpus  Christi,  he  always  expressed  himself 
to  a  correspondent  he  had  there,  most  favorably  disposed  towards 
the  United  States,  and  most  anxious  to  avoid  a  war,  and  to  com- 
promise the  difficulties  existing  between  the  two  countries.  On  first 
hearing  of  his  appointment  I  was  inclined  to  believe  it  was  done  to 
avoid  a  collision,  but  the  mail  of  to-night  brings  the  intelligence  of 
the  withdrawal  of  Mr.  Slidell  from  Mexico,  and  the  refusal  of  the 
Government  to  receive  him.  I  now  think  Arista  has  been  appointed 
with  a  view  to  calling  out  the  rancheros,  or  national  militia,  and  the 
object  of  Paredes  in  placing  him  at  the  head  of  the  army  is  to  unite 
the  people  in  the  impending  struggle,  which  he  now  sees  is  inevitable. 
Arista  was  in  command  of  the  troops  on  the  accession  of  Paredes, 
but  resigned,  in  consequence  of  his  opposition  to  the  manner  in  which 
Paredes  acquired  his  power;  and  recently,  we  understood  Arista  was 
preparing  to  revolutionize  the  Northern  provinces,  with  a  view  to 
creating  an  independent  confederacy.  He  is  also  said  to  be  the  firm 
friend  of  Santa  Anna,1  who  is  preparing  to  return  to  Mexico  from  his 
exile  at  the  Havana.  All  these  things  render  it  difficult  to  say  what 
his  course  will  be  on  his  arrival;  but  I  am  inclined  to  believe  if  he 
does  accept  the  command,  and  finds  war  inevitable,  that  he  will  do 
all  he  can  to  unite  his  countrymen  against  our  further  encroachment. 
I  continue  in  my  impression  that  they  will  not  commence  the  war, 
but  I  now  fear,  from  the  withdrawal  of  Mr.  Slidell,  and  the  President's 
war  message,  that  it  is  Mr.  Polk's2  intention  to  force  Mexico  to  terms, 
and  that  we  shall  commence  the  game.  Indeed,  I  look  now  every 
mail  for  a  large  accession  to  our  force,  with  orders  to  commence  offen- 
sive operations;  but  upon  this  point  you  will  be  earlier  informed 
than  myself. 

No  open  acts  of  hostility  have  as  yet  been  committed  against  us, 
though  one  or  two  things  have  happened  which  would  give  us  ample 
cause  to  act,  were  we  disposed  or  instructed  to  do  so.  One  of  them 
occurred  some  days  ago,  but  I  accidentally  omitted  to  mention  it  in 

1  General  Santa  Anna  had  been  President  of  the  Mexican  Republic  from  1843 
to  1845,  when,  being  deposed  by  Herrera,  he  embarked  for  Havana. 

2  James  K.  Polk,  President  of  the  United  States. 


62  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

my  last.  This  was  the  mysterious  disappearance  of  Colonel  Cross, 
the  Quartermaster-General  of  our  little  force.  About  the  15th  instant 
the  Colonel  went  out  to  ride  in  the  morning,  and  did  not  return  at 
night — in  fact,  has  not  been  heard  of  since.  Immediate  search  was 
made  for  him,  and  parties  sent  out  in  all  directions  to  scour  the 
country  and  if  possible  ascertain  his  fate.  Contradictory  reports 
were  brought  in,  but  it  was  generally  believed  he  was  taken  prisoner 
by  a  party  of  armed  Mexicans,  who  were  ascertained  to  have  been 
on  this  side  the  day  of  his  disappearance.  Under  this  impression, 
General  Taylor  addressed  a  letter  to  General  Ampudia,  asking  him,  as 
an  act  of  humanity,  and  to  relieve  the  anxiety  of  his  family,  to  in- 
form him  if  he  knew  anything  of  his  fate.  General  Ampudia  replied 
he  knew  nothing  of  him,  that  had  he  been  taken  by  any  of  the  sol- 
diers under  his  command,  or  any  of  his  authorized  agents,  he  would 
have  been  considered  a  prisoner  of  war  and  treated  as  such,  but  that 
he  had  not  been  captured,  and  was  not  to  his  knowledge  on  the  other 
side.  The  fear  now  is  either  that  he  was  assassinated,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  robbing  his  person  or  stealing  his  horse,  or  else  that  he  was 
carried  into  the  interior  of  Mexico  without  the  knowledge  of  Ampudia. 
There  are  persons  who  say  they  saw  him  crossing  the  river  in  charge 
of  a  well-known  officer  of  the  Mexican  Armed  Revenue  police;  others 
again,  that  shots  were  heard  just  after  he  was  last  seen;  others,  that 
his  horse  has  been  sold  in  Matamoras;  and  a  thousand  contradictory 
statements  have  been  made  concerning  him.  What  gives  color  to 
the  idea  of  his  murder  is  the  fact  that  one  of  the  Mexican  officers, 
who  brought  a  letter  over  to  the  General  when  we  first  arrived,  re- 
marked, on  seeing  several  of  our  officers  riding  out  without  arms, 
that  it  was  very  imprudent  and  unsafe,  for  the  lower  orders  of  popu- 
lation were  most  villainous  fellows,  who  would  cut  your  throat  for 
the  coat  on  your  back,  and  advised  all  officers  when  riding,  to  go 
armed.  All  of  us  have  felt  very  badly  about  Colonel  Cross,  and  every 
effort  has  been  made  in  vain  to  ascertain  his  fate.  He  was  the  father 
of  the  pretty  Miss  Cross  who  used  to  be  in  Washington,  if  you  recol- 
lect, and  two  of  his  sons  went  to  college  with  Spencer.1  One  of  them 
is  here  now  (his  father's  clerk),  and  is,  as  you  may  well  imagine,  in  a 
most  distressed  state  of  mind.  He,  however,  clings  to  the  hope  that 
his  father  is  still  alive  on  the  other  side;  but  the  general  impression 
is  that  his  life  has  been  sacrificed,  and  that  the  disavowal  of  any 
agency  in  the  matter  on  the  part  of  the  authorities  on  the  other  side 

1  Spencer  Sergeant,  brother  of  Mrs.  Meade. 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  63 

prevents  General  Taylor  from  taking  any  steps  other  than  he  has 
taken.  So  great,  however,  was  the  feeling,  that  an  officer,  of  the 
name  of  Deas,1  from  South  Carolina  (whose  family  resided  some 
years  in  Philadelphia),  a  rather  eccentric  fellow,  undertook  of  his 
own  authority  to  ascertain  the  fact,  of  whether  or  not  he  was  in 
Matamoras,  and  without  any  permission  or  authority  from  General 
Taylor,  or  even  informing  him  of  the  step  he  was  going  to  take,  de- 
liberately swam  the  river  a  few  nights  ago,  and  went  into  the  town. 
He  was,  of  course,  made  prisoner  by  the  first  sentinel  he  came  across, 
and  is  now  detained  over  there  a  prisoner  of  war.  The  manner  in 
which  he  left,  being  entirely  voluntary  and  without  permission,  pre- 
vents General  Taylor  from  demanding  his  release. 

Now  I  believe  you  have  all  the  news  up  to  this  date.  The  Mex- 
icans have  remained  perfectly  quiet  since  their  summons,  Colonel 
Cross  has  disappeared,  and  Mr.  Deas  made  himself  a  prisoner,  and 
the  impression  is  general  now,  that  they  will  not  disturb  us;  but  all 
look  anxiously  to  the  United  States  for  an  accession  of  force  and  in- 
structions to  march  into  the  country  and  take  possession  of  the  North- 
ern provinces  until  Mexico  is  willing  to  come  to  terms,  at  the  same 
time  blockading  her  coast  and  battering  her  towns. 

I  must  confess  my  sympathy  with  the  unfortunate  nation  is  much 
diminished  by  the  foolish  manner  in  which  she  has  behaved  towards 
us.  Eight  months  ago  she  might  have  compromised  the  matter, 
while  we  were  at  Corpus  Christi;  but  she  delayed  and  delayed,  until 
finally  her  refusal  to  receive  our  Minister  renders  active  operations 
on  our  part  more  justifiable  than  they  would  have  been  had  she 
adopted  a  more  energetic  course  from  the  first. 

I  have  just  finished  reading  your  letter  of  the  twenty-fourth,  in 
which  you  desire  answers  to  several  queries  which  I  will  take  in 
order.  In  the  first  place,  I  am  quite  proud  you  should  consider  my 
present  position  so  distinguished  as  to  reconcile  you  to  my  absence, 
and  it  is  a  great  gratification  to  me  to  know  that  your  dear  father  is 
also  pleased  with  my  position.  This  affords  me  great  consolation  in 
what  is,  I  assure  you,  a  terrible  trial  to  me,  the  separation  from  you 
and  my  children;  and  if  it  should  be  my  fortune  (bachelor-soldiers 
would  call  it  good  fortune)  to  see  actual  fighting,  I  shall  be  nerved 
with  the  recollection  of  your  good  opinion,  and  of  the  dear  boys  who 
will  inherit  my  reputation  as  well  as  my  name.  I  regret,  in  answer  to 
your  father's  inquiry  on  the  subject  of  promotion,  to  say  there  is 
1  Lieutenant  George  Deas,  of  the  Fifth  Infantry. 


64  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

but  little  prospect  of  that.  Out  of  the  thirty-six  officers  of  my  corps, 
there  are  but  three  here.  Of  these  only  one  ranks  me;  so  that,  in 
a  battle,  were  the  whole  army  to  be  cut  off  but  himself  and  myself, 
neither  would  gain  any  promotion,  and  were  all  to  be  cut  off  but  my- 
self, I  should  only  advance  one  on  the  list  of  my  corps.  Promotion, 
by  brevet,  as  it  is  called,  which  is  the  reward  of  distinction  and  gal- 
lantry, is  open  to  me;  and  I  trust  if  I  meet  the  enemy  I  may  have  the 
chance  to  come  back  a  captain. 

Your  second  inquiry  refers  to  Sargie's  learning  to  read.  Upon 
this  point  my  opinion  is  decided  that  he  should  not  be  forced  against 
his  inclination,  and  I  would  have  no  objection  to  his  delaying  it  till 
he  was  six  or  seven  years  of  age.  In  the  meantime  paying  every 
attention  to  his  physical  powers,  so  that  the  body  may  acquire  full 
strength  to  bear  the  mental  growth.  I  never  knew  a  precocious  boy 
to  be  a  distinguished  man,  though  doubtless  there  are  individual  ex- 
ceptions to  this  as  to  all  other  rules.  But  if  he  is  properly  taught 
after  he  begins  to  learn,  he  will  learn  more  in  three  years  than  he 
would  have  done  in  six,  if  he  commenced  at  four.  Besides,  he  will 
learn  to  better  advantage,  the  impressions  being  more  durable.  My 
advice  therefore  is,  not  to  force  him,  but  let  him  take  plenty  of  exer- 
cise in  the  open  air.  Keep  always  cheerful,  happy  and  in  good  tem- 
per, for  education  is  as  much  dependent  on  this  as  nature.  Many  a 
fine  disposition  has  been  ruined  by  injuring  a  poor  boy's  stomach  by 
too  early  habits  of  study,  making  his  life  too  sedentary  and  destroy- 
ing his  comfort  for  life.  He  can  have  his  little  mind  as  well  impressed 
by  your  reading  to  him  or  telling  him  proper  biblical  and  historical 
anecdotes,  as  it  could  be  by  his  reading  himself,  and  the  inclination 
will  come  in  time.  I  would  not  fail  to  impress  upon  him  the  neces- 
sity of  learning  to  read,  but  do  not  weary  and  annoy  him  so  as  to 
give  him  disgust  for  the  sight  of  a  book. 

Camp  opposite  Matamoras,  April  21,  1846. 
I  should  like  much  to  join  your  French  class,  and  promise  myself 
to  study  hard  when  I  return.  I  cannot  tell  you  the  mortification  I 
have  experienced  when  I  reflect  on  the  opportunity  I  have  lost  in 
yourself  and  Mr.  Merino  to  acquire  Spanish.  Every  day  almost, 
there  are  communications,  written  and  verbal,  passing  between  the 
generals  in  command,  and  there  are  no  interpreters  but  ignorant  Mexi- 
cans and  Texans,  who  have  picked  up  a  little  English  and  Spanish. 
However,  it  has  been  a  good  lesson  which  I  trust  will  have  its  effect. 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  65 

I  must  now  resume  my  narrative  of  events,  which,  doubtless,  you 
are  anxious  to  hear;  and  indeed  some  things  of  importance  have  oc- 
curred. I  think  when  I  last  wrote  I  informed  you  of  the  peaceful 
intelligence  that  General  Arista  was  to  assume  command,  and  hos- 
tilities not  to  commence  till  the  1st  of  June.  This  at  the  time  was  a 
mere  report  in  Matamoras,  and  as  such  brought  over  to  us.  Much 
evidence  of  the  same  kind  has  since  been  given,  to  prove  that  Arista 
is  to  command,  but  as  to  the  precise  period  of  hostilities  nothing  is 
known.  From  a  careful  perusal  of  the  news  brought  by  the  steamer 
Mississippi,  with  Mr.  Slidell,  I  am  led  to  believe  that  Mexico  has  no 
intention  of  declaring,  or  commencing,  the  war  herself.  In  fact  the 
proclamation  of  Paredes,  after  Mr.  Slidell's  departure,  is  to  that 
effect.  He  says  he  has  no  power  to  declare  war,  that  the  Congress 
must  do  it,  but  that  he  will  repel  invasion.  Now,  at  the  time  of  his 
proclamation,  he  had  known  for  weeks  of  our  march,  and  his  not 
ordering  us  to  be  attacked,  notwithstanding  they  consider  us  as  in- 
vaders, proves  he  is  most  reluctant  to  begin  the  war.  But  I  fear  that 
Mr.  Polk  has  no  such  restraining  influences;  on  the  contrary  I  believe 
he  desires  a  war  with  Mexico,  for  he  can  then  take  possession  of  Cali- 
fornia, and  hold  it  by  right  of  conquest,  without  affording  England 
any  pretext  for  interference.  But  the  fact  that  Mexico  has  pledged 
California  to  England,  in  payment  of  bonds  given  for  money  loaned, 
and  upon  which  she  does  not  even  pay  the  interest,  will  give  England 
a  plausible  pretext  for  interfering  with  the  sale  of  California  to  us, 
on  the  ground  that  it  is  mortgaged  to  her.  Hence  Mr.  Polk  would 
prefer  acquiring  it  by  conquest.  What  would  have  to  be  paid  for 
it  will  cover  the  expenses  of  the  war,  and  indeed  Mexico  may  be 
forced  to  pay  the  expenses  herself.  If  some  such  reason  has  not  in- 
fluenced the  President,  why  should  he  insist  on  Mr.  Slidell's  being 
received  as  a  Minister  Plenipotentiary,  when  he  was  repeatedly  as- 
sured by  the  Mexicans  they  would  only  receive  a  Commissioner? 
If  he  at  heart  desired  peace,  there  was  nothing  undignified  in  making 
him  a  Commissioner.  The  treaties  of  Ghent,  and  that  of  '83  in 
Paris,  were  made  by  Commissioners,  and  it  is  usual,  upon  renewing 
intercourse,  or  after  wars,  to  have  Commissioners  to  arrange  the 
preliminaries,  and  even  treaties,  and  then  send  your  Ministers,  for 
it  may  happen  the  Commissioners  may  not  agree,  and  recourse  must 
again  be  had  to  arms.  The  requiring  Mr.  Slidell  to  insist  on  being 
received  as  Minister  was  a  sad  blunder  of  Mr.  Polk's,  if  he  desired 
peace;  but  my  impression  is  he  desires  war.    The  question  now  is, 


66  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

What  will  the  United  States  do?  I  think  the  Senate  will  oppose,  as 
also  the  House,  a  formal  declaration,  but  will  content  themselves 
with  blockading  the  coasts  of  Mexico,  both  east  and  west,  and  with 
occupying  the  whole  of  the  territory  we  claim.  However,  upon  that 
point  you  will  be  better  and  earlier  informed  than  myself;  but  if 
something  is  not  soon  done  we  shall  get  up  a  war  here,  for  in  spite  of 
our  prudence  and  forbearance,  act  after  act  is  being  committed 
which  must  end  in  war. 

I  am  sorry  to  tell  you  the  remains  of  Colonel  Cross  have  been 
found,  and  it  is  now  placed  beyond  a  doubt  that  he  was  foully  assas- 
sinated by  a  party  from  the  other  side  who  were  hovering  around 
our  camp,  and  at  the  very  time  General  Ampudia  replied  to  General 
Taylor's  letter,  denying  any  knowledge  of  his  disappearance,  it  is 
now  known  he  was  wearing  the  watch  of  the  unfortunate  victim,  and 
some  other  officer  riding  his  horse.  It  appears  from  all  the  testimony 
that  can  be  obtained,  that  the  Colonel  was  captured  while  riding 
alone  some  three  miles  from  the  camp,  by  a  party  of  rancheros,  as 
they  are  called  (that  is,  a  militia  composed  of  the  laborers  upon  the 
farms  or  ranches) ;  but  that  they  had  an  officer  of  the  regular  army 
with  them,  and  that  this  officer  carried  him  into  the  woods  and  then 
foully  murdered  him  and  stripped  him  of  all  his  clothes.  His  body 
was  discovered  by  a  Mexican,  and  a  party  sent  out  to  bring  in  his 
remains.  They  will  be  buried  with  the  honors  of  war,  though  his 
poor  son  intends  taking  them  to  Washington  with  him.  This  poor 
fellow  has  won  the  sympathy  and  affection  of  the  whole  army  by 
his  manly  deportment  ever  since  his  father's  disappearance.  He 
held  on  to  the  last  moment  in  the  vain  hope  that  his  father  was  a 
prisoner  on  the  other  side,  but  now  he  is  satisfied  of  his  murder,  and 
his  grief  you  can  well  imagine  when  you  recollect  his  youth,  and  his 
position,  far  away  from  friends  and  among  strangers.  This  dastardly 
act,  and  the  mean  lie  of  the  commanding-general  on  the  other  side, 
have  inspired  us  all  with  a  burning  desire  to  avenge  the  Colonel's 
murder,  and  have  destroyed  all  the  sympathy  that  some  few  did 
still  entertain  for  a  people  whom  they  deemed  unjustly  treated. 
These  prowling  parties  have  of  late  become  more  bold  and  numerous. 
They  are  just  like  Indians,  hiding  in  the  bushes  whenever  a  force 
comes  after  them,  and  seizing  upon  all  single  individuals  they  find 
on  the  road.     Two  young  officers1  desirous  of  distinguishing  them- 

1  Lieutenants  Theodoric  H.  Porter,  of  the  Fourth  Infantry,  and  Stephen  D. 
Dobbins,  of  the  Third  Infantry. 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  67 

selves,  one  of  whom  was  a  son  of  Commodore  Porter,  obtained  per- 
mission to-day  from  the  General  to  take  each  ten  men  and  go  and 
lie  in  wait  for  these  fellows,  and  capture  them.  I  do  not  anticipate 
success  on  their  part,  and  fear  their  force  is  too  small,  but  they  are 
sanguine  and  have  gone.  You  must  not  be  alarmed  about  me;  I 
shall  take  good  care  not  to  go  out  without  a  proper  escort.  I  am  too 
old  a  soldier  to  be  caught  in  such  a  trap,  and  have  seen  Indian  war- 
fare before  to-day.  Before  Colonel  Cross's  death  it  was  usual  for 
the  officers  to  ride  in  all  directions,  hunting  and  for  exercise,  but  I 
never  went  more  than  two  miles,  always  with  a  party,  and  always 
on  open  ground,  where  I  had  a  fair  view  of  every  thing  around  me. 
I  do  not  mention  this  in  a  spirit  of  vain  boasting,  but  to  calm  any 
fears  you  may  have  of  my  falling  in  as  inglorious  a  manner  as  did 
Colonel  Cross.  He  was  an  officer  of  great  distinction,  and  had  just 
made  up  his  mind  to  leave  the  army,  owing  to  an  unfortunate  ques- 
tion of  rank,  which  has  grown  up  of  late  years,  and  which  the  Presi- 
dent had  decided  against  him.  A  few  days  more  and  he  would  have 
been  on  his  way  to  rejoin  his  family,  and  as  he  was  a  man  of  property, 
had  expressed  his  intention  of  leaving  the  service,  and  living  at 
home.  Such  is  the  will  of  God,  and  such  the  uncertainty  of  human 
plans  and  projects. 

This  intelligence  as  you  may  imagine  has  cast  a  gloom  over  all. 

April  22. 
The  plot  is  thickening.  My  worst  fears  with  reference  to  Lieu- 
tenant Porter  are  realized.  Some  of  his  men  have  returned  and  re- 
port he  is  without  doubt  cut  off.  The  story,  which  is  very  plain, 
and  which  has  been  confirmed  by  some  Mexicans,  is  as  follows: 
Porter  followed  the  thicket  which  skirts  the  bank  of  the  river  for 
some  twelve  miles,  when  he  suddenly  came  on  the  camp  of  some 
Mexicans,  one  of  whom  snapped  his  gun  at  him.  Porter  discharged 
his  gun  at  him  twice,  and  his  men  then  fired  on  the  Mexicans,  who 
retreated  in  disorder,  leaving  some  nine  horses,  which  Porter  took 
charge  of.  He  then  mounted  his  men  on  the  horses,  and  was  about 
returning  to  camp,  when  they  were  overtaken  by  a  violent  shower  of 
rain.  The  men  then  desired  him  to  stop,  to  allow  them  to  protect 
their  arms,  but  he  unfortunately  (here  was  a  great  error),  in  his 
anxiety  to  return,  pushed  on,  and  very  soon  came  to  the  edge  of  an 
open  space  where  he  was  met  by  a  Mexican,  who  commenced  bowing 
and  scraping  until  he  had  seen  how  many  were  in  his  party,  when  he 


68  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

rushed  into  the  thicket  and  immediately  one  hundred  men  showed 
themselves  and  opened  a  fire  on  our  people.  Poor  Porter  fired  both 
barrels  of  his  gun,  and  his  pistol,  and  then,  finding  the  guns  of  his  men 
would  not  go  off,  motioned  them  to  retire  into  the  thicket,  which  they 
did,  scattering  and  straggling  into  camp.  One  of  them,  however, 
remained  near,  to  look  after  Porter,  and  saw  him  fall  from  his  horse 
with  appearance  of  great  bleeding  from  his  thigh,  and  in  a  few  min- 
utes he  was  motionless.  The  rascals,  as  soon  as  our  men  retreated, 
rushed  out  of  the  thicket  and  commenced  plundering  Porter  and  one 
of  his  men  who  was  killed  at  the  first  fire.  All  the  rest  of  the  party, 
nine  in  number,  got  safe  into  camp,  and  the  Mexicans  tell  us  that 
Porter  killed  one  man  and  wounded  two  so  badly  they  are  not  ex- 
pected to  live.  This  is  considered  a  most  unfortunate  affair,  as  the 
effect  on  these  people  will  be  to  give  them  confidence,  although  they 
had  one  hundred  to  eleven,  and  our  guns  unserviceable.  It  was 
thought  by  many  most  injudicious  to  allow  an  officer  to  go  out  with 
so  small  a  party;  but  it  was  his  own  suggestion  to  go,  and  his  request 
to  have  only  ten  men,  as  he  feared  a  larger  party  would  frighten  them 
out  of  his  way;  and  no  doubt  is  entertained  that  had  his  guns  have 
been  efficient,  he  would  have  routed  the  whole  of  them;  indeed  they 
have  acknowledged  it  was  their  intention  to  run  in  that  event.  A 
party  of  fifty  dragoons  was  immediately  sent  out  to  look  for  him, 
but  they  could  not  find  the  place,  owing  to  the  thicket  not  admitting 
of  their  horses  passing.  They,  however,  met  the  other  party,  under 
a  Lieutenant  Dobbins,  and  informed  them  of  Porter's  disaster  and 
advised  them  to  return;  but  Dobbins  said  his  pieces  were  in  fine 
order  and  he  would  not  abandon  the  pursuit  till  he  found  Porter  or 
the  Mexicans;  and  so  cowardly  are  they  known  to  be,  that  no  appre- 
hension is  entertained  for  Dobbins,  as  he  is  known  to  be  extremely 
prudent  and  an  excellent  woodsman.  A  party  of  fifty  foot,  however, 
leave  to-morrow,  and  as  the  Mexicans  will  without  doubt  retire  for 
a  few  days,  to  avoid  the  search  which  they  know  will  be  made,  it  is 
probable  this  party  will  reinforce  Dobbins  before  he  reaches  them, 
and  the  two  together  will  give  them  a  sound  drubbing. 

Poor  Porter  leaves  a  young  wife  and  a  child.  He  was  a  clever 
fellow,  loved  by  all;  and  though  regretted  by  all,  it  is  a  great  consola- 
tion to  know  he  met  a  soldier's  fate  in  so  gallant  a  manner,  and  made 
three  of  his  enemies  bite  the  dust  before  he  fell.  They  must  have 
been  great  cowards  to  allow  nine  of  our  men  to  return  unpursued  to 
camp;  some  of  them,  although  only  fifteen  miles  distant,  being  three 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  69 

days  in  finding  their  way  through  the  thicket.  Porter's  fate  is  much 
less  deplorable  than  Colonel  Cross's.  The  body  of  the  latter  was 
brought  in  to-day,  and  will  be  buried  to-morrow  with  the  honors  of 
war,  and  his  son  will  then  take  the  remains  to  Washington. 

Doubtless  you  will  ask  if  this  is  not  war.  Yet  it  is  not  so  con- 
sidered. General  Taylor  informed  the  authorities  on  the  other  side, 
on  his  arrival  here,  that  all  armed  parties  found  on  this  side  would 
be  captured,  and  it  was  in  pursuance  of  this  that  Porter  went  out  to 
scour  the  thicket.  If  they  do  not  complain  on  the  other  side,  we 
shall  not;  our  loss,  with  the  exception  of  Porter,  being  only  equal  to 
theirs.  But  such  acts  as  these,  if  continued,  must  bring  on  a  gen- 
eral collision.  General  Taylor  is  desirous  of  avoiding  this  if  he  can, 
as  he  wishes  war  to  be  the  act  of  the  Government,  and  not  his.  But 
I  have  no  doubt  that  as  soon  as  the  field-work  we  are  constructing  is 
finished,  he  will  take  more  active  measures  to  punish  them  than  he 
is  able  to  do  now,  as  all  his  force  is  employed  in  constructing  the 
work.  The  feeling  of  exasperation  against  the  Mexicans  is  most 
intense,  and  if  we  once  get  to  blows  we  will  make  them  repent  their 
dastardly  murders.  Last  night  a  boat  which  had  drifted  across  the 
river  was  secured  by  our  guards.  An  hour  afterwards  a  party  was 
seen  approaching  the  shore  in  another  boat,  evidently  with  the  in- 
tention of  seizing  it.  They  were  hailed  by  the  sentinel,  and  not 
answering,  were  fired  at,  and  some  six  or  seven  shots  were  also  fired 
at  them  by  the  guard,  but  with  what  effect  is  not  known,  owing  to 
the  darkness.  They,  however,  retired,  and  the  boat  is  still  in  our 
possession.  This  brings  me  up  to  to-day.  On  the  other  side  they 
have  taken  no  notice  of  these  things,  and  we  of  course  let  them  pass. 

Several  naval  officers  arrived  in  camp  this  morning  from  Point 
Isabel,  among  them  young  George  Harrison  Hare.  They  are  at- 
tached to  the  fleet,  which,  under  General  Taylor's  orders,  has  been 
blockading  the  mouth  of  the  river;  and  they  came  to  report  to  the 
General  that  they  had  warned  off  two  vessels  laden  with  flour  for 
Matamoras.  This  will  make  my  gentlemen  open  their  eyes  when 
they  find  their  supplies  cut  off.  The  only  chance  for  them  now  is  to 
send  to  Monterey,  some  three  hundred  miles  in  the  interior,  which 
is  the  nearest  agricultural  district,  and  it  is  extremely  doubtful  if 
there  is  sufficient  surplus  produce  even  there  to  feed  so  large  a  force 
as  they  have  collected  opposite,  besides  provisions  for  the  town. 

I  wish  you  would  preserve  these  letters,  as  they  will  be  of  some 
use  to  me  hereafter  in  referring  to  events. 


70  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

April  23. 

This  has  been  something  of  an  eventful  day,  inasmuch  as  we 
have  at  length  assumed  a  position  with  reference  to  these  people 
which  I  think  will  bring  them  to  their  senses. 

General  Taylor  received  this  morning  a  despatch  from  General 
Ampudia,  referring  to  two  vessels  laden  with  supplies  for  his  army, 
which  he  says,  in  violation  of  all  usages  of  civilized  nations,  have 
been  captured  without  a  formal  declaration  of  war  or  blockade,  and 
demands  their  return.  He  says,  "  it  is  useless  for  me  to  recapitulate 
the  evident  justice  of  my  demand,  or  the  inevitable  consequences 
that  will  result  from  an  unexpected  refusal."  General  Taylor  has 
sent  him  back  an  answer  that  I  fancy  will  puzzle  him  to  act  on,  and 
has  at  length  assumed  a  position  in  which  I  am  sure  the  country  will 
support  him,  and  for  not  assuming  which  earlier  many  of  less  prudent 
judgment  have  censured  him. 

He  recapitulates  to  General  Ampudia  the  leading  recent  occur- 
rences. He  says:  "On  breaking  up  his  camp  at  Corpus  Christi,  he 
published  an  order  to  his  army,  informing  them  the  War  Department 
had  ordered  him  to  take  position  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande, 
but  to  do  it  in  a  peaceable  manner,  and  only  to  exert  force  when  an 
attempt  should  be  made  to  stop  him.  He  therefore  enjoined  on  all 
officers  and  soldiers  the  strictest  courtesy  to  be  exercised  towards  all 
Mexicans  peaceably  pursuing  their  avocations;  that  his  object  was 
not  war,  and  that  no  individual  should  be  disturbed  in  the  exercise 
of  his  civil  or  religious  rights;  that  nothing  was  to  be  taken  by  force, 
but  the  highest  market  price  to  be  paid  for  every  article  the  people 
were  disposed  to  sell.  This  order  was  translated  into  Spanish  and 
distributed  along  the  frontier,  and  to  his  certain  knowledge  met  the 
eye  of  the  commander  at  Matamoras.  But,  notwithstanding  his 
order,  he  was  met  some  twenty  miles  from  the  Colorado,  and  at  the 
Colorado,  by  armed  parties  who  protested  against  his  advance;  said 
they  considered  it  as  an  act  of  war,  and  we  could  be  considered  only 
as  enemies.  When  near  Point  Isabel  he  was  met  by  a  civil  deputa- 
tion, who  said  the  same  thing,  and  whilst  talking  to  them,  the  village 
of  Frontone  was  set  on  fire,  itself  an  act  of  war;  that  on  arriving  at 
the  banks  of  the  river  he  sent  an  officer  to  explain  to  the  commanding- 
general  (then  Mejin)  that  we  were  simply  in  the  discharge  of  a  duty, 
which  we  desired  to  execute  in  a  peaceful  manner,  having  nothing  to 
do  with  the  responsibility  of  ordering  it,  and  desiring  amicable  rela- 
tions should  exist  until  one  of  the  two  Governments  should  order 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  71 

otherwise;  but  he  was  answered  that  they  viewed  us  as  enemies. 
He,  moreover,  in  a  spirit  of  compromise,  told  them  he  would  not 
interfere  with  their  using  the  Brazos  de  Santiago,  to  land  their  sup- 
plies, and  they  might  collect  revenue  till  the  question  was  definitely 
settled  between  the  two  Governments,  which  offer  they  indignantly 
declined.  That  since  that  time  they  have  assumed  a  hostile  attitude, 
in  the  erection  of  offensive  works,  and  in  sending  over  to  this  side 
armed  parties,  and  at  this  moment  they  detain  in  Matamoras,  as  a 
'prisoner  of  war,  an  individual  who,  voluntarily,  and  without  arms, 
went  over  there.  Still,"  says  General  Taylor,  "  we  failed  to  notice 
these  oft-repeated  declarations  and  acts,  until  his  Excellency,  Gen- 
eral Ampudia,  arrived  and  formally  summoned  him  to  leave  here  in 
twenty-four  hours,  or  he  was  instructed  to  say  by  his  Government, 
war  would  inevitably  ensue.  Then  his  forbearance  ceased,  and  not 
being  permitted  by  his  orders  to  leave  here,  he  adopted  the  alterna- 
tive presented,  and  prepared  himself  for  the  consequences.  Not 
deeming  it  necessary  to  commence  by  an  overt  act  the  hostilities 
himself,  he  yet  adopted  the  mildest  measure  authorized  by  the  state 
of  war  they  had  so  often  informed  him  existed,  and  ordered  the  block- 
ade of  the  river,  so  far  as  not  to  permit  vessels  to  enter.  That  in 
pursuance  of  these  orders,  two  vessels  from  New  Orleans,  with  flour, 
had  been  warned  off,  and  had  returned  to  New  Orleans.  That  no 
captures  had  been  made,  but  that,  if  any  attempt  was  made  to  force 
the  passage,  they  would  be  made.  That  he  had  reported  this  block- 
ade to  his  Government  and  should  not  take  it  off  till  it  ordered  him 
so  to  do,  unless  he,  General  Ampudia,  was  disposed  to  enter  into  some 
arrangement  by  which  peace  and  quiet  should  be  restored  here  until 
the  two  Governments  could  come  to  some  definite  action,  either  by 
treaty  or  a  formal  declaration  of  war,  in  which  case  he  would  very 
willingly  withdraw  the  blockade.  That  as  to  the  consequences,  he 
begged  to  assure  his  Excellency  he  was  ready  to  meet  any  that  might 
ensue,  and  that  he  was  at  perfect  liberty  to  take  any  action  he  thought 
proper.  That  if  this  should  bear  heavy  on  them,  they  had  nobody 
to  blame  but  themselves,  as  he  had  manifested  every  disposition  to 
execute  his  duty  with  as  little  unfriendly  disposition  as  possible,  but 
they  had  themselves  rejected  all  his  overtures  and  pursued  such  a 
course  as  rendered  forbearance  no  longer  a  virtue.  In  conclusion, 
he  called  his  Excellency's  notice  to  the  tone  of  his  note,  which  was 
too  exceptional  to  pass  without  comment.  That  hereafter,  should 
he  have  communications  to  make  they  must  be  couched  in  language 


72  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

respectful  to  himself  and  his  country.  He  could  no  longer  permit 
him  to  indulge  in  insinuations  of  fraud,  deceit,  etc.,  etc.,  and  one 
thing  particularly  he  desired  to  tell  him,  no  threats  or  intimidations 
would  ever  prevent  him  from  performing  his  duty,  or  cause  him  to 
change  any  line  of  conduct  he  deemed  fit  to  adopt." 

This  will  be  a  bitter  pill  for  my  friend  General  Ampudia  to  swallow. 
He  must  now  either  fight  or  back  out  of  the  foolish  position  he  has 
assumed,  keeping  up  a  state  of  quasi-war,  and  sending  over  bombastic 
letters  filled  with  denunciations  and  threatening  us  with  the  mighty 
power  of  the  Magnanimous  Mexican  nation.  The  boot  is  on  the 
other  leg  now,  and  we  are  going  to  try  our  hand  at  bullying.  The 
letter  has  been  in  his  hands  half  the  day  now,  and  no  notice  has  been 
taken  of  it,  or  any  action.  My  impression  is  that  Arista,  who  is 
hourly  expected,  and  who  is  a  sensible  man,  will  adopt  General  Tay- 
lor's suggestion,  and  have  an  armistice  till  the  action  of  the  two  Gov- 
ernments can  be  had.  I  do  not  believe  the  cowardly  rascals  will 
fight  unless  they  attempt  some  enterprise  against  our  wagon  train 
to  get  provisions,  or  attack  our  depot,  in  which  case  I  presume  we 
will  knock  their  town  about  their  ears  and  make  it  too  hot  for  them 
to  live  in. 

General  Taylor's  letter  was  courteous,  straight  forward  and  to 
the  point,  and  it  now  rests  with  them  to  adopt  the  alternative,  either 
to  fight  us,  or  to  behave  like  rational  beings  till  the  moment  when 
our  Government  or  theirs  shall  see  fit  to  alter  things.  My  hope  is, 
that  when  all  these  things  become  known  at  Washington,  our  force 
will  be  largely  increased,  the  coasts  east  and  west  strictly  blockaded, 
we  advanced  into  the  Northern  Departments  of  Mexico,  and  accom- 
panied by  a  commissioner,  who  shall  be  empowered  to  arrange  the 
preliminaries  of  a  treaty  between  the  two  countries  whenever  the 
Mexicans  can  be  brought  to  their  senses.  General  Scott1  would  be 
an  excellent  officer  for  this  duty,  and  I  hope  the  Government  will 
send  him  here  with  some  fifteen  thousand  additional  and  efficient 
troops.  This  will  be  the  shortest  way  of  settling  matters,  and  I  be- 
lieve the  only  way.  These  people  will  palaver  without  action  to  the 
end  of  time,  and  nothing  but  strong  and  prompt  acts  on  our  part 
will  ever  bring  them  to  reason. 

I  do  not  think  you  will  complain  of  the  length  of  this  letter,  or 
accuse  me  of  omitting  interesting  matter.  Upon  deliberation  I  deem 
it  the  best  plan  to  tell  you  the  truth  and  the  whole  truth,  believing 
1  Major-General  Winfield  Scott,  General-in-Chief,  U.  S.  A. 


*<-  /fie 

A      6#ACC'S    t3ATT£ft.y 
B    Duncan's   x>0  .    <l» 


SKETCH   SHOWING   THE   POSITION   OF   THE   ARMY   OF   OCCUPATION    OPPOSITE   MATAMORAS 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  73 

you  have  firmness  and  energy  to  prevent  you  from  indulging  in  un- 
necessary alarm,  or  fretting  yourself  about  fancied  dangers.  We  are 
not  yet  in  war,  and  I  am  reluctant  to  believe  we  shall  be,  except  it  be 
by  our  own  action,  in  which  case  you  will  be  sooner  informed  than 
myself.  It  must,  however,  be  submitted  to  if  it  comes,  and  true  re- 
ligion teaches  us  our  lives  are  in  the  hands  of  Him  who  gave  them, 
and  not  a  sparrow  falleth  to  the  ground  without  His  knowledge. 
Let  us  rely  then  on  His  mercy  and  kindness,  and  submit  with  cheer- 
fulness and  resignation  to  His  Divine  will. 

I  am  in  fine  health  and  good  spirits,  enjoying  myself  as  well  as 
I  can  away  from  you  and  the  dear  children. 

I  hear  so  much  of  the  beauty  of  the  table-land  near  Monterey, 
that  I  begin  to  feel  great  desire  to  see  it,  being  confident  if  we  start 
with  a  proper  force  nothing  will  impede  our  progress  there.  My  time 
is  principally  occupied  in  drawing,  and  all  my  spare  moments  I  am 
on  my  horse's  back,  galloping  about  within  the  lines  of  our  camp.  I 
find  the  more  I  exercise  the  better  I  am,  and  really  believe  if  I  could 
be  kept  going  all  the  time  I  should  be  infinitely  improved  in  health 
and  appearance. 

Camp  opposite  Matamoras,  April  26,  1846. 

I  have  a  few  moments  to  write  you  one  of  my  hurried  letters. 
Things  have  assumed  a  more  serious  aspect  since  the  date  of  my  last 
letter.  General  Arista  has  arrived  and  sent  over  a  letter,  informing 
General  Taylor  of  his  arrival,  and  as  hostilities  had  been  commenced 
(alluding  to  the  blockade  and  Porter's  affair),  he  had  no  other  course 
to  pursue  than  by  his  deeds  to  vindicate  the  Nation's  honor  and  cause 
the  United  States  to  respect  Mexico.  General  Taylor  has  replied  to 
him  his  object  was  and  is  peace;  he  had  hoped  from  General  Arista's 
high  character  that,  on  his  arrival,  some  good  understanding  could 
be  had  between  them,  but  as  he  insisted  upon  war,  he,  General  Tay- 
lor, should  leave  to  him  the  responsibility  of  commencing  it,  but  was 
fully  prepared  for  the  consequences. 

Simultaneously  with  the  receipt  of  Arista's  letter,  we  received 
authentic  information  they  were  crossing  the  river  about  twenty-four 
miles  above  here,  with  the  supposed  intention  of  attacking  our  train 
and  depot,  but  this  has  been  the  rumor  so  often  before,  that  we  are 
all  tired  of  it.  Still,  so  authentic  does  the  General  deem  it  now  to 
be,  that  he  has  sent  for  reinforcements  to  the  interior  of  Texas,  and 
to  New  Orleans,  and  we  hope  to  have  them  here  by  the  middle  of 


74  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

next  month.  Then  we  shall  be  prepared  for  offensive  operations, 
whereas,  now,  our  force  is  too  small  except  for  defence;  but  in  this 
respect  we  are  strong,  and  no  Mexican  force  can  make  us  move  from 
where  we  are. 

I  am  frank  to  confess  that  I  believe  a  collision  is  not  improbable, 
but,  at  the  same  time,  there  is  so  little  absolutely  known  of  the 
Mexicans,  their  views  and  intentions,  that  it  is  impossible  to  form 
correct  judgment.  One  consolation  is  to  be  derived  from  the  present 
aspect  of  affairs,  that  I  really  believe  a  collision  will  be  the  best  means 
of  accelerating  matters;  in  fact  I  fear  this  is  the  only  way  the  question 
will  ever  be  settled,  for  these  people  have  no  reason  in  their  conduct. 
My  only  regret  is  the  Government  did  not  send  a  large  force  in  the 
first  instance,  and  overawe  the  Mexicans.  If  we  were  determined 
to  take  the  country  from  them,  it  should  have  been  done  in  such  a 
manner  as  to  crush  at  once  all  hopes  of  resistance  on  the  part  of  the 
Mexicans.  Ten  thousand  men  would  have  effected  this,  and  judicious 
economy  would  have  suggested  their  being  sent,  for  a  war  will  cost 
a  hundred  times  as  much. 

Camp  at  the  Frontone,  Point  Isabel,  May  2,  1846. 
We  arrived  at  this  place  last  night,  with  twenty-two  hundred 
men,  our  object  being  to  obtain  provisions  and  other  supplies,  and 
to  relieve  this  point,  which  General  Taylor  understood  was  threat- 
ened by  the  enemy.  We  left  five  hundred  and  fifty  men  in  the  fort 
we  constructed  opposite  Matamoras,  in  a  position  capable  of  defend- 
ing themselves.  I  send  you  a  little  sketch  of  our  position  in  our 
camp  opposite  Matamoras;  my  tent  was  the  last  in  the  line,  marked 
"Head-quarters."  Our  position  was  very  strong,  but  the  necessity 
of  coming  here  for  provisions  obliged  the  General  to  leave  with  his 
whole  force,  except  the  garrison  of  the  fort  inasmuch  as  we  had  posi- 
tive information  the  enemy  were  in  force  between  us  and  our  depot, 
and  it  required  a  strong  escort  to  protect  the  train.  We,  however, 
came  here  without  seeing  a  soul,  and  it  is  questionable  if  we  shall  not 
return  in  the  same  way.  But,  as  I  wrote  you  in  my  last  letter  of  the 
26th  ultimo,  the  war  has  commenced  and  cannot  now  be  finished 
without  fighting.  We  must  therefore  both  make  up  our  minds  to 
resign  ourselves  to  the  will  of  God,  and  looking  cheerfully  and  with 
hope  on  the  bright  side,  trust  to  His  mercy  to  carry  us  through  the 
difficulty,  as  He  has  done  many  times  before.  I  think,  of  course,  a 
great  deal  of  you  and  my  dear  children,  and  feel  confident  it  will  not 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  75 

be  long  now  before  I  rejoin  you,  and  then  our  happiness  will  compen- 
sate us  fully  for  all  the  misery  we  have  endured  for  the  last  nine 
months.  I  believe  a  war  is  the  speediest  means  of  bringing  about 
a  final  settlement.  Of  course  I  should  have  preferred  a  settlement 
without  a  war,  but  it  is  useless  to  comment  on  the  past;  the  future 
alone  must  now  occupy  us.  We  are  yet  too  weak  to  act  in  any  other 
manner  than  on  the  defensive,  which  we  are  fully  prepared  to  do, 
and  if  the  enemy  seek  us,  we  will  give  a  good  account  of  ourselves, 
but,  until  reinforced,  we  cannot  seek  them. 

Camp  at  the  Frontone,  Point  Isabel,  May  5,  1846. 

I  have  at  length  most  glorious  news,  which  gives  me  heartfelt 
pleasure  to  communicate  to  you.  In  my  last  letter  I  sent  you  a 
sketch  of  our  position  opposite  Matamoras,  with  the  fort,  or  rather 
field-work  which  we  had  constructed,  and  in  which  we  left  the 
Seventh  Regiment  of  Infantry,  with  detachments  from  other  corps, 
amounting  in  all  to  some  five  hundred  and  fifty  men.  We  left  our 
camp  on  the  1st  instant,  to  march  to  the  relief  of  this  place,  and  to 
procure  provisions  and  ammunitions.  We  arrived  here  on  the  second, 
finding  all  safe,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  third  we  distinctly  heard 
here  heavy  cannonading,  supposed  to  be  an  attack  on  our  fort  by 
the  Mexicans.  General  Taylor,  as  you  may  well  imagine,  was  in 
great  anxiety.  He  could  not  leave  this  point,  without  increasing  its 
defences  and  strengthening  its  garrison;  this  required  time  and  a 
diminution  of  his  force.  At  the  same  time,  the  sound  of  the  enemy's 
guns,  and  the  consciousness  that  our  force  was  too  small  in  the  fort 
for  any  purpose  than  merely  to  repel  assaults,  made  all  anxious  to 
hasten  to  its  relief.  He,  however,  despatched  an  express  by  a  gallant 
Texan,  by  the  name  of  Walker,  who  being  perfectly  well  acquainted 
with  the  country,  said  he  could  make  his  way  into  the  work  and  bring 
us  back  the  news.  This  bold  fellow  left  on  the  afternoon  of  the  third 
and  had  not  returned  at  8  A.  M.  to-day.  In  the  meantime  one  or  two 
others  had  started  out  at  the  same  time,  for  the  same  purpose,  but 
returned,  stating  the  country  was  filled  with  Mexicans,  and  it  was 
impossible  to  get  through  them.  Fears  were  openly  expressed  for 
Walker,  when  about  nine  this  morning  he  made  his  appearance, 
having  been  in  the  fort  and  brought  an  official  report  from  Major 
Brown,  its  commanding  officer. 

Major  Brown  reports  that  at  5  A.  M.  of  the  morning  of  the  third, 
the  Mexicans  opened  all  their  batteries  on  the  work,  and  kept  up  a 


76  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OP  GENERAL  MEADE 

vigorous  and  continuous  fire  during  the  whole  day.  He  commenced 
deliberately  with  the  four  eighteen-pounders  of  Lowd's  Battery  (see 
my  sketch)  and  regularly  dismounted  every  gun  of  the  Mexicans, 
that  was  visible,  by  the  evening,  completely  silencing  their  fire,  with 
the  exception  of  one  mortar  placed  in  the  circular  battery  of  the 
Mexicans,  which  was  sunk  so  low  beneath  the  parapet  that  they  could 
not  reach  it.  With  this  mortar  the  Mexicans  continued  their  attack 
up  to  the  time  Walker  left  (yesterday  afternoon)  but  had  effected  no 
damage  to  our  work  or  people,  except  killing  one  Sergeant  by  the 
bursting  of  a  shell.  Major  Brown  had  expended  but  a  small  propor- 
tion of  his  ammunition,  and  was  in  high  spirits,  expressing  himself 
prepared  to  hold  out  as  long  as  they  had  provisions.  Walker  says 
in  addition,  that  about  one-half  hour  after  he  left  he  heard  platoon- 
firing,  or  rather  small  arms,  and  thinks  the  works  have  been  assaulted. 
But  from  this  we  entertain  no  fears;  the  works  cannot  be  carried  by 
a  mere  assault,  and  they  cannot  erect  their  batteries,  owing  to  our 
superior  artillery  and  artillerists,  so  as  to  make  a  breach.  Therefore 
we  now  feel  no  concern  about  the  fate  of  the  works,  and  the  good 
news  has  so  inspirited  all  of  us  that  we  may  consider  ourselves  equal 
to  double  the  number  we  were  before. 

I  am  sorry  I  cannot  report  I  had  a  share  in  the  affair,  for  every 
officer  who  is  there  will  without  doubt  be  promoted  for  the  gallant 
defence.  By-the-by,  the  engineer  of  the  work,  Captain  Mansfield, 
is  from  Hartford,  Connecticut,  and  has  often  spoken  to  me  of  the 
Alsops  and  Dr.  Muller.  If  they  recollect  him,  say  he  has  gained  for 
himself  great  credit  for  the  design  and  execution  of  the  work,  and  still 
more  for  his  energy  and  bravery  in  its  defence. 

Yesterday  a  steamer  arrived  from  New  Orleans,  bringing  dates 
to  the  28th  ultimo.  An  officer  who  came  in  here  states  the  only  in- 
telligence they  had  received  was  the  assassination  of  Colonel  Cross, 
and  that  this  had  created  a  tremendous  excitement,  and  when  the 
news  of  actual  war  having  commenced  reaches  there  he  has  no  doubt 
five  thousand  men  will  be  over  here  in  ten  days.  With  this  force  we 
shall  drive  all  the  Mexicans  to  the  mountains,  but  in  the  meantime 
we  are  all  anxious  to  give  them  a  sound  thrashing  before  the  volun- 
teers arrive,  for  the  reputation  of  the  army;  for  should  we  be  unable 
to  meet  them  before  they  come,  and  then  gain  a  victory,  it  would  be 
said  the  volunteers  had  done  it,  and  without  them  we  were  useless. 
For  our  own  existence,  therefore,  we  desire  to  encounter  them.  The 
steamer  also  brings  intelligence  of  the  expected  departure,  soon  after 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  77 

she  was  to  sail,  of  two  steamers,  one  bringing  one  hundred  and  eighty 
recruits,  and  the  other  four  companies  of  the  First  Regiment  of  In- 
fantry. This  will  increase  our  little  army  some  three  hundred  men, 
which  will  render  the  garrison  of  this  place  sufficiently  strong  to  sus- 
tain itself  against  any  attack,  and  leave  General  Taylor  some  twenty- 
four  hundred  men  to  march  to  Matamoras  with.  Our  only  inferiority 
(except  in  numbers)  to  the  enemy  is  in  cavalry,  they  having  some 
two  thousand  and  we  only  about  two  hundred.  But  we  have  two 
batteries  of  field  artillery  (one  you  have  seen  in  Philadelphia,  Major 
Ringgold's)  which  are  so  far  superior  to  anything  they  have,  from 
their  rapidity  of  manoeuvring  and  firing,  that  we  fully  expect  an- 
nihilating their  cavalry,  when  they  show  themselves.  We  only  wait 
now  for  the  arrival  of  the  steamers  from  New  Orleans,  when  we  shall 
march  for  Matamoras. 

I  should  have  mentioned  your  friend  Dr.  McPhail  is  in  the  fort, 
and  it  is  confidently  anticipated  that  even  before  this  he  has  com- 
posed a  piece  of  poetry  commemorative  of  the  event,  which  will  be 
set  to  music,  and  without  doubt  you  will  receive  an  acquisition  to 
your  musical  library. 

We  were  obliged  to  leave  all  our  baggage  in  the  fort  and  in  my 
trunk  I  left  your  miniature,  bringing  with  me  the  daguerreotype.  I 
very  much  fear  some  impudent  shell  has  ere  this  blown  you  up,  and 
you  will  have  been  in  action  before  myself. 

Camp  at  the  Frontone,  Point  Isabel,  May  7,  1846. 
I  have  but  little  additional  intelligence  to  give  you,  beyond  my 
letter  of  the  fifth  of  our  operations  here.  We  are  assured  of  the  safety 
of  our  friends  at  the  fort  opposite  Matamoras,  by  hearing  at  intervals 
the  sound  of  their  guns.  About  two  hundred  and  fifty  men  have 
arrived  since  my  last,  and  will  be  left  to  strengthen  this  place,  and 
an  additional  quantity  of  artillery  (ten  and  twelve  pounders)  which 
will  make  it  strong  enough  to  resist  any  force  the  Mexicans  can 
bring  against  it.  Under  these  circumstances  General  Taylor  deems 
it  advisable  to  move  to  the  support  of  the  fort  opposite  Matamoras, 
as  it  is  not  impossible  it  may  be  getting  short  of  ammunition.  The 
army,  in  consequence,  moves  this  afternoon  at  three  o'clock,  and  I 
shall  accompany  it.  There  are  various  reports  of  the  number  and 
position  of  the  enemy  between  us  and  our  destination,  but  there  are 
none  to  be  relied  on,  except  that  we  have  every  reason  to  expect  to 
meet  them  whenever  we  move  across  the  country.     I  fully  believed 


78  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

we  should  meet  them  coming  here,  and  regretted  they  did  not  show 
themselves,  for  we  had  but  a  small  train  of  wagons,  and  could  have 
met  them  unencumbered.  But  now  we  take  a  large  train  of  provi- 
sions and  ammunition,  which,  in  itself,  impedes  our  movements  and 
makes  our  loss  the  greater  if  we  fail.  All,  however,  are  in  the  best 
of  spirits,  many  believing  they  will  not  dare  to  meet  us  after  the  re- 
sult of  the  attack  upon  the  fort,  and  their  experience  of  the  superi- 
ority of  our  artillery;  but  my  own  impression  is  that  we  may  expect 
to  meet  them  every  time  we  go  out,  though  I  should  not  be  surprised 
if  we  did  not  see  a  single  Mexican.  A  few  days  will  tell,  and  I  will 
write  you  by  the  first  chance. 

Our  reinforcements — I  mean  the  militia — are  looked  for  daily, 
and  as  soon  as  we  get  them  Matamoras  will  be  ours.  Then  we  shall 
command  the  river  and  can  use  it  for  our  boats,  instead  of  this  in- 
convenient twenty-seven  miles  of  road  that  we  have  to  haul  over 
now,  and  which  is  almost  impassable  in  wet  weather. 

By  the  time  this  reaches  you  the  intelligence  of  the  commence- 
ment of  the  war  will  be  in  the  papers,  and  probably  the  action  of  the 
Government  therein.  I  trust  it  will  be  speedy  and  energetic.  Mex- 
ico, to  be  sure,  is  an  insignificant  power,  but  it  is  as  necessary  to 
teach  her  her  position  as  if  she  were  more  formidable.  Besides,  I 
believe  she  is  fully  able  to  cope  with  us  for  some  time,  unless  we  exert 
our  whole  energy  in  bringing  her  to  terms.  There  should  be  on  this 
frontier  a  well-appointed  army  of  thirty  thousand  men.  With  these 
we  can  occupy  the  whole  of  the  Northern  Departments,  to  the  foot 
of  the  mountains,  keeping  a  strict  blockade  of  her  coasts  on  both 
sides.  She  will  soon  have  a  revolution  in  our  favor,  and  the  ques- 
tion settled. 

Camp  at  Las  Palmas  on  the  field  of  battle,  about  two  miles 

from  our  camp  opposite  Matamoras,  May  9,  1846. 

Give  thanks  for  my  having  passed  through  two  hard-fought 
fields,1  untouched  and  safe,  in  both  of  which  we  have  been  signally 
victorious.  The  Mexican  Army  is  utterly  routed  and  defeated,  and 
we  have  made  an  impression  on  them  that  will  last  for  a  long  time. 
But  I  will  endeavor  to  give  you  a  succinct  account  from  my  last 
dates  of  affairs  up  to  this  moment. 

I  think  I  wrote  you  on  the  seventh,  just  previous  to  our  departure 
from  the  Frontone  to  relieve  our  fort  opposite  Matamoras.     I  fear 

1  El  Palo  Alto,  May  8,  1846,  and  La  Resaca  de  la  Palma,  May  9,  1846. 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  79 

my  letter  was  gloomy,  as  I  felt  confident  the  enemy,  excited  by  the 
booty  of  our  wagon  train  (three  hundred  wagons,  loaded  with  pro- 
visions and  ammunition),  would  give  us  battle  and  test  their  strength 
with  ours.  Of  course  I  could  not  anticipate  the  result,  and  felt  it  my 
duty  to  refer  to  probabilities. 

We  encamped  on  the  seventh  in  the  open  prairie,  about  seven 
miles  from  the  Frontone.  On  the  eighth,  about  one  o'clock,  when  we 
were  eleven  miles  from  the  Frontone,  at  a  pond  of  water  called  El 
Palo  Alto,  the  enemy  appeared  on  our  front.  General  Taylor  very 
coolly  allowed  all  the  army  to  rest  and  refresh  themselves,  and  had 
our  whole  train  brought  up  and  parked  on  the  pond.  The  enemy  in 
the  meantime  came  out  of  the  woods,  some  two  miles  beyond  our 
position,  and  formed  in  line  of  battle,  less  than  a  mile  in  front  of  us. 
As  soon  as  General  Taylor  had  rested  the  men,  he  formed  his  line 
and  slowly  advanced  to  meet  them.  They  opened  their  fire  from 
three  batteries,  each  of  three  guns  (some  twelve  pounders  and  some 
six  pounders),  which  was  immediately  answered  by  our  two  batteries 
of  field  artillery  (six  pounders),  and  from  two  eighteen  pounders 
which  we  were  carrying  to  arm  the  fort  with.  The  cannonading 
commenced  at  half-past  two  and  continued  till  after  dark  (seven  p.  m.), 
with  the  exception  of  about  three-quarters  of  an  hour,  when  it  ceased, 
owing  to  the  prairie  having  taken  fire,  which  concealed  us  from  each 
other.  During  the  cannonading  the  enemy's  cavalry  made  several 
ineffectual  attempts  to  charge  our  lines,  and  made  a  demonstration 
upon  our  train.  Each  time  they  were  met  by  our  squares  coolly, 
and  repulsed  with  heavy  loss.  Unfortunately  for  us,  our  train  was 
a  complete  incubus  to  us.  The  General  was  obliged  to  make  his 
dispositions  to  defend  it;  we  had  nothing  but  infantry  and  artillery 
(only  two  hundred  cavalry),  while  the  enemy  had  some  twenty-five 
hundred  (regular  and  irregular)  horse.  The  affair  was  therefore  one 
of  artillery  only,  as  our  infantry  had  to  maintain  their  position  around 
the  train,  for  fear  if  they  advanced  the  cavalry  would  attack  it,  in 
our  rear.  Our  fellows  behaved  with  the  greatest  gallantry,  never 
flinching  under  the  heavy  fire  of  the  enemy,  whose  artillery  was 
well  served,  though,  as  I  had  anticipated,  the  superiority  of  our  bat- 
teries was  most  fully  demonstrated.  Night  closed  with  our  driving 
the  enemy  back  so  far  as  to  place  us  on  the  ground  they  occupied 
when  the  action  commenced.  Many  and  various  were  the  surmises 
as  to  the  result.  Some  supposed  the  enemy  had  got  the  worst  of  it, 
but  all  fully  expected  to  renew  the  contest  the  next  morning.    Both 


80  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

armies  encamped  in  sight  of  each  other,  every  man  just  lying  on  the 
ground  where  he  stood,  and  glad  to  sleep  from  fatigue.  Our  force 
was  about  two  thousand;  the  enemy's,  since  ascertained,  three  thou- 
sand regular  infantry  and  artillery,  one  thousand  regular  cavalry  and 
two  thousand  irregular  troops,  making  in  all  six  thousand  men.  Our 
loss  in  killed  and  wounded  about  fifty;  the  enemy's,  from  information 
since  obtained,  many  hundreds.  I  was  in  the  action  during  the 
whole  time,  at  the  side  of  General  Taylor,  and  communicating  his 
orders,  and  I  assure  you  I  may  justly  say  I  have  had  my  "bapteme 
de  feu."  An  officer  of  the  General's  staff  had  his  horse  shot  under 
him,  not  two  yards  from  me,  and  some  five  horses  and  men  were 
killed  at  various  times  right  close  to  me.  Major  Ringgold,  I  regret 
to  say,  is  seriously  wounded,  but  it  is  supposed  will  recover — in  fact, 
is  doing  very  well.  Some  three  other  officers  were  wounded;  but  you 
will  have  the  official  accounts  before  long,  to  which  I  refer  you. 

The  enemy  behaved  very  badly  under  our  fire,  as  we  ascertain 
from  a  prisoner  taken  this  morning  that  our  fire  was  so  galling  they 
deserted  by  battalions,  and  were  only  restrained  by  their  officers 
shooting  them  from  running  en  masse;  and  had  we  charged  them 
just  at  the  close,  we  should  have  routed  them  in  toto.  But,  unfortu- 
nately, the  fear  of  exposing  our  train,  and  the  smoke  from  the  burning 
prairie  preventing  us  from  seeing  the  impression  our  artillery  was 
making,  deterred  the  General  from  ordering  the  charge. 

This  morning  at  daybreak  we  arose,  expecting  to  go  at  it  again, 
but  on  advancing  towards  the  wood  presumed  to  be  occupied  by  the 
enemy,  we  found  they  had  given  us  the  slip  during  the  night.  We 
then  examined  the  battle-field,  and  found  it  covered  with  their  poor 
fellows  and  horses,  with  boxes  of  ammunition  and  all  kinds  of  plunder 
left  in  their  hasty  retreat;  and  from  some  wounded  men  brought  in, 
we  ascertained  that  General  Arista,  who  commanded  in  person,  was 
unable  to  keep  his  men  on  the  ground  after  the  terrible  galling  fire 
our  artillery  gave  them.  As  soon  as  General  Taylor  found  they  had 
retreated,  he  left  his  train  under  protection  of  three  hundred  drivers, 
all  of  whom  were  armed,  and  some  fifty  of  our  men,  with  the  two 
eighteen  pounders,  being  confident  they  could  with  this  force  resist 
any  attack  of  cavalry  or  infantry  (and  their  artillery  they  had  carried 
with  them),  and  he  then  pushed  on  with  the  rest,  some  nineteen  hun- 
dred men,  to  force  them  across  the  river.  From  the  Palo  Alto  to  the 
river  there  is  a  thicket  called  in  this  country  Chaparral,  which  is 
almost  impassable  when  you  are  off  the  road,  and  which  consists  of 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  81 

thick  thorny  bushes,  that  tear  your  clothes  to  pieces  in  trying  to  get 
through  them.  After  passing  this,  till  we  came  within  two  miles  of 
the  river,  a  heavy  discharge  of  grape  was  fired  into  our  advance, 
showing  the  enemy  still  disputed  our  march.  The  General  ordered 
up  his  artillery,  threw  out  his  infantry  on  the  right  and  left,  and  after 
several  discharges  from  our  batteries,  charged  their  batteries  (also 
in  the  road)  with  our  cavalry,  and  charged  the  bushes  with  the  in- 
fantry; the  result  of  which  was  that,  after  contesting  the  ground  for 
some  time,  they  gave  way  in  all  directions,  and  there  was  a  total 
rout  of  the  Grand  Mexican  Army  that  was  going  to  eat  us  up.  We 
captured  seven  pieces  of  artillery,  all  their  pack-mules,  several  hun- 
dred in  number,  all  their  ammunition,  several  hundred  stand  of  arms, 
and  all  their  baggage.  Took  one  general,  two  colonels,  several  cap- 
tains and  subalterns  and  some  one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  prisoners; 
and  it  is  supposed  it  will  take  all  day  to-morrow  to  bring  in  their 
dead  and  wounded  off  the  field,  as  the  ground  is  said  to  be  literally 
strewn  with  them.  We  pursued  them  to  the  river,  and  had  the  grati- 
fication of  seeing  our  flag  waving  in  triumph  over  our  little  field-work, 
and  all  the  officers  in  it  safe,  except  its  gallant  commander,  Major 
Brown,  who  died  from  a  wound  received  from  the  bursting  of  a 
shell. 

The  affair  of  to-day  lasted  from  one  to  four  o'clock,  and  proved 
the  superiority  of  our  infantry,  as  that  of  yesterday  did  of  our  artil- 
lery. We  have  whipped  them  in  the  open  plain,  and  we  have  done 
so  in  the  bushes,  and  I  now  believe  the  war  will  soon  be  ended.  We 
have  made  a  terrible  impression  on  them,  routed  their  army,  which 
they  cannot  reorganize,  all  with  our  own  gallant  little  force,  without 
assistance,  and  in  a  few  days  we  shall  have  reinforcements,  which 
will  enable  us  to  advance  into  their  country  and  dictate  terms  to 
them.  No  troops  could  have  behaved  better  than  have  ours  both 
yesterday  and  to-day.  Our  loss  to-day  is  four  officers  killed,  many 
wounded;  the  number  of  men  I  cannot  tell,  as  the  returns  have  not 
yet  come  in;  indeed,  the  ground  has  not  yet  been  searched.  I  am 
writing  to  you  from  the  field  of  battle,  as  there  is  an  express  to  start 
to-morrow,  and  I  wish  to  apprise  you  of  my  safety,  and  to  ask  your 
thanks  may  be  returned  to  God  for  preserving  me  through  all.  I 
only  dwell  now  on  the  brilliant  result  of  our  efforts,  and  trust  they 
will  be  appreciated.  I  cannot  write  you  more.  Tell  mother  of  my 
safety,  and  let  Major  Bache  see  this,  if  in  town.  Say  also  to  him 
that  poor  Blake,  of  ours,  after  having  gallantly  borne  himself  through 


82  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

the  conflict  yesterday,  unfortunately  shot  himself  accidentally  to-day, 
just  as  we  marched,  and  it  is  feared  the  wound  is  mortal.  Send  in 
word  to  Mrs.  Craig  that  the  Major  is  safe  and  sound,  though  I  saw 
some  few  balls  spinning  about  his  position.  He  has  written,  but  for 
fear  his  letter  might  miscarry,  I  want  this  message  sent. 

Camp  at  La  Resaca  de  la  Palm  a,  May  11,  1846. 

I  have  been  so  much  engaged  with  my  duties  as  to  have  prevented 
me  from  writing  anything  since  my  last  letter,  in  which  I  gave  you 
an  account  of  our  great  victory. 

The  scene  of  yesterday,  the  day  after  the  battle,  was  most  mel- 
ancholy, and  I  spare  you  the  description  of  it.  Suffice  it  to  say,  we 
collected  the  dead  and  wounded  of  both  armies,  burying  the  former 
and  doing  everything  to  alleviate  the  sufferings  of  the  latter,  making 
no  distinction  between  Mexicans  and  Americans.  A  survey  of  the 
field  of  action,  and  of  the  country  between  this  and  the  river,  proves 
that  the  Mexicans  were  totally  and  entirely  routed,  and  the  defeat 
could  not  have  been  more  complete,  except  we  had  not  the  men  to 
pursue  the  fugitives  and  make  prisoners.  We  now  ascertain  that  all 
the  energies  of  the  Mexican  Government  have  been  concentrated  on 
this  movement,  and  we  have  broken  them  up  entirely.  If,  now,  we 
only  had  the  means  of  crossing  the  river,  Matamoras  would  be  ours; 
but,  alas,  General  Taylor's  repeated  demands  on  the  Government, 
and  by  it  made  to  Congress,  to  send  us  a  pontoon  train,  for  bridges, 
have  not  been  answered  up  to  this  date,  and  the  enemy  having  care- 
fully guarded  and  taken  on  their  own  side  all  the  boats  for  many 
miles  up  and  down  the  river,  we  are  unable  to  cross !  To-be-sure,  it 
is  to  be  said  that  we  would  do  wrong  to  cross,  were  it  not  certain  they 
would  offer  no  resistance;  but  so  certain  are  we  of  the  great  impres- 
sion we  have  made  on  them,  that  I  feel  sure,  were  our  little  force  to 
show  themselves  before  the  town,  it  would  be  immediately  aban- 
doned, and  we  should  have  nothing  to  do  but  to  march  in. 

The  beauty  of  the  thing  then  would  be  that  we  had  completed 
the  whole  thing,  with  our  own  force,  without  assistance,  and  when 
we  were  only  expected  to  take  possession  of  some  point  and  defend  it. 

However,  as  it  is,  we  will  be  in  the  town  in  a  few  days,  and,  I 
think,  without  any  resistance. 

The  enemy's  loss  is  tremendous.  Their  officers  acknowledge  los- 
ing four  hundred  killed  and  wounded,  on  the  eighth,  and  we  already 
have  buried  one  hundred  of  their  men  here,  where  the  affair  of  the 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  83 

ninth  came  off,  and  we  have  some  fifty  wounded  officers  and  men. 
But  I  must  refer  you  to  our  official  reports,  which  will  show  you  the 
number  of  killed  and  wounded  on  both  sides,  and  quantity  of  prop- 
erty we  have  taken  possession  of. 

It  will  make  you  happy  I  know  to  hear  of  so  brilliant  an  affair, 
and  of  your  good  husband  having  had  a  share  in  it.  I  assure  you  it 
consoles  me  for  all  I  have  suffered  during  the  last  nine  months,  and 
I  can  now  show  my  face  with  something  to  sustain  me  when  I  return 
to  Philadelphia.  I  want  to  see  Matamoras  taken,  our  steamboats 
established  on  the  river,  and  every  preparation  made  for  advancing 
into  their  country.  Then  we  shall  have  done  more  than  we  came 
here  for. 

I  have  but  little  time  to  devote  to  you,  as  I  am  ordered  to  make  a 
sketch  of  the  field  of  battle.  So  I  must  conclude  by  telling  you  I 
am  perfectly  well  in  every  respect. 

Camp  opposite  Matamokas,  May  15,  1846. 

Here  we  are  in  our  old  camp,  masters  of  everything  around  us, 
and  with  the  road  to  our  depot  perfectly  clear.  I  trust  you  will  re- 
ceive my  previous  letters  in  time  to  prevent  any  unnecessary  alarm 
from  the  thousand  wild  and  extravagant  rumors  which  I  see  by  the 
papers  from  New  Orleans  have  been  put  in  circulation.  It  appears 
as  if  only  the  timid  in  our  camp  have  deigned  to  enlighten  the  press, 
for  they  have  every  place  taken,  and  our  condition  was  represented 
as  truly  deplorable. 

We  all  congratulate  ourselves  heartily  in  having  done  everything 
without  any  assistance  whatever,  and  we  now  trust  the  country 
will  look  upon  the  army  in  a  more  favorable  light,  and  be  disposed 
to  award  to  them  some  little  efficiency. 

It  is  now  rendered  beyond  a  doubt  that  the  Mexicans  had  in  the 
affair  of  the  eighth  between  six  and  seven  thousand  men,  while  we 
had  but  two  thousand,  and  on  the  ninth  they  had  six  thousand,  we 
having  only  one  thousand  seven  hundred.  Their  rout  was  total, 
and  nothing  saved  the  destruction  of  their  entire  army  but  the  ap- 
proach of  night  and  the  nature  of  the  country,  a  dense  thicket,  which 
enabled  them  to  disperse  and  reach  the  river  during  the  night.  The 
Mexican  officers  acknowledge  the  loss  by  killed  and  wounded  to  be 
one  thousand  two  hundred  on  their  side;  then  some  three  hundred 
were  drowned  in  crossing  the  river,  and  between  one  and  two  thou- 
sand have  deserted  them,  thus  leaving  them  with  only  about  four 


84  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

thousand  in  Matamoras.  Could  we  have  crossed  the  river  on  the 
tenth,  the  town  would  have  been  ours  without  a  shot,  but  the  neces- 
sity of  recruiting  our  people,  and  the  want  of  means  to  cross,  pre- 
vented us,  and  it  is  not  improbable  that  they  may  have  recuperated 
so  far  as  to  induce  them  to  make  a  stand. 

But  while  their  forces  are  diminishing,  ours  are  daily  increasing. 
Already  six  hundred  regulars  and  volunteers  have  arrived,  and  in- 
formation has  been  received  that  ten  thousand  volunteers  are  being 
raised  and  will  be  here  in  a  few  weeks,  making  our  force  fully  twelve 
thousand  efficient  men.  Now,  if  two  thousand  routed  seven  thou- 
sand, how  many  will  twelve  thousand  rout;  you  can  establish  the 
proportion,  and  I  trust  the  result  will  remove  from  your  mind  any 
apprehension  of  my  safety,  inasmuch  as  it  is  a  perfect  impossibility 
that  the  Mexican  Government  can  raise  one-half  the  number  re- 
quired by  the  answer. 

We  shall  to-morrow  cross  the  river  some  few  miles  above  here 
and  invest  the  town,  at  the  same  time  summoning  them  to  surrender. 
In  the  event  of  their  refusal,  we  shall  open  our  batteries,  consisting 
of  six  eighteen-pounders,  four  twelve-pounders,  eight  nine-pounders, 
and  twelve  six-pounders,  and  two  ten-inch  mortars,  and  if  we  do 
not  soon  make  them  change  their  minds,  I  shall  be  very  much  mis- 
taken. At  the  same  time  we  shall  cut  off  all  their  supplies  from  the 
interior  and  starve  them  out. 

The  town  must  fall  or  be  knocked  to  pieces,  and  I  think  the  in- 
habitants will  compel  the  soldiers  to  evacuate  it,  rather  than  stand 
the  bombardment.  We  have  now  a  chance  to  return  the  compli- 
ments they  paid  to  our  fort,  called  Fort  Brown  (in  honor  of  its  gallant 
commander,  who  fell  while  defending  it),  in  which,  during  the  seven 
days  we  were  absent,  they  threw  one  thousand  shells,  and,  strange 
to  say,  they  only  killed  one  sergeant  and  the  commander,  Major 
Brown.  You  will  regret  to  hear  poor  Ringgold  died  of  his  wounds. 
This  makes  nine  officers  killed  and  eleven  wounded  so  far.  Our  loss 
on  the  eighth  and  ninth  amounts  to  one  hundred  and  eighty-two 
killed  and  wounded,  being  about  one-twelfth  of  those  engaged,  said 
to  be  large,  but  most  trifling  in  comparison  with  that  of  the  Mexicans. 

I  cannot  as  yet  anticipate  the  future.  The  opinion  of  some  is 
that  they  cannot  recuperate,  but  I  am  disposed  to  believe  they  will 
try  it  again;  but  as  I  feel  confident  the  result  will  be  the  same,  I 
think  then  they  will  be  ready  to  negotiate  and  compromise  matters. 
Indeed,  I  do  not  think  the  war  will  now  be  of  many  months'  duration, 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  85 

and  I  begin  to  hope  I  shall  yet  be  with  you  by  the  fall,  should  it  please 
God  to  spare  me  that  long. 

By-the-by,  I  saw  the  other  day  Harry  Ingersoll,  who  came  up  to 
our  camp  with  despatches  from  Commodore  Connor,  who  heard  at 
Vera  Cruz  such  statements  of  the  preparations  of  Mexico  against 
General  Taylor,  that  he  felt  it  his  duty  to  bring  his  squadron  to  give 
us  the  assistance  of  his  men.  But,  luckily,  the  game  was  finished 
ere  he  arrived.    Ingersoll  was  quite  well. 

Matamoras,  May  19,  1846. 

Our  army  yesterday  crossed  the  Rio  Bravo  (or  Grande)  and  took 
possession  of  this  place,  without  firing  a  gun,  General  Arista,  with 
five  thousand  men  and  fourteen  pieces  of  artillery,  having  precipi- 
tately abandoned  the  town  the  previous  night  at  twelve  o'clock,  fear- 
ing the  consequences  of  making  any  resistance.  For,  notwithstand- 
ing he  had  one  well-constructed  fort,  and  has  had  ample  time  to 
throw  up  intrenchments,  and  had  a  town  constructed  of  brick  and 
stone  houses,  in  the  solid  manner  of  the  Spaniards,  which  determined 
men  could  have  held  against  three  times  their  numbers,  the  impres- 
sion we  have  made  upon  them  is  so  severe,  he  dared  not,  or  probably 
could  not,  induce  his  people  to  try  to  defend  the  place. 

The  last  accounts  we  had  of  him  he  was  thirty  miles  from  here, 
in  full  retreat  for  Monterey,  some  two  hundred  and  fifty  miles  from 
here,  at  the  foot  of  the  mountains.  I  do  not  think  they  will  be  able 
to  organize  another  army  to  meet  us  on  this  frontier,  and  I  fear  we 
shall  be  obliged  to  invade  their  territory  to  come  within  reach  of  them. 
This  will  compel  us  to  march  some  three  hundred  miles,  over  a  coun- 
try which  does  not  contain  in  itself  the  means  of  supplying  an  army, 
and  where  we  shall  have  to  carry  everything  with  us.  Still  I  have 
no  fears  for  the  result.  We  shall  beat  them  wherever  we  meet  them, 
and  in  whatever  numbers.  I  believe  now,  if  a  chance  were  offered 
them,  they  would  negotiate  and  settle  all  difficulties.  Indeed,  the 
day  before  we  crossed  the  river,  General  Arista  sent  an  officer  to 
General  Taylor,  who  proposed  to  deliver  up  to  him  all  the  artillery 
and  munitions  of  war  in  the  town  if  he  would  not  cross,  and  propos- 
ing an  armistice  until  Mexico  could  be  communicated  with;  intimat- 
ing the  Supreme  Government  would  now  be  willing  to  compromise. 
General  Taylor  replied  the  time  had  passed  for  an  armistice;  he  had 
offered  one  a  few  weeks  ago — they  had  refused  it,  and  had  com- 
menced the  war — they  must  now  take  the  consequences.     He  had 


86  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

the  means  and  the  force  to  take  the  place,  and  the  place  he  must 
have,  and  he  left  it  to  them  to  decide  whether  it  should  be  done  at 
the  expense  of  life  and  property  or  not.  They  chose  the  latter  alterna- 
tive, and  retreated,  and  if  we  only  had  a  cavalry  force,  such  as  we 
ought  to  have,  we  could  have  pursued  and  taken  the  whole  of  them. 

I  do  not  think  any  plans  are  yet  decided  on  for  our  future  move- 
ments. The  General  will  collect  here  and  organize  the  large  volun- 
teer force  sent  from  Louisiana  and  Texas,  which,  when  it  all  gets 
here,  will  swell  our  force  to  over  ten  thousand  men.  By  that  time, 
probably,  definite  instructions  will  come  from  Washington  by  which 
he  will  be  guided. 

We  have  all  been  very  much  disappointed  in  the  appearance  of 
the  town;  decidedly  the  most  pleasing  view  of  it  is  from  the  other 
side.  It  is  built  in  the  Spanish  fashion — low  houses  with  flat  roofs 
— but  has  evidently  been  on  the  decline  for  many  years,  as  a  majority 
of  the  houses  are  decayed  and  falling  to  pieces.  It  is  almost  entirely 
abandoned  by  the  better  part  of  the  community,  and  those  in  it  now 
are  the  most  miserable-looking  beings  you  ever  saw;  and  as  to  the 
black-eyed  senoras  we  all  longed  to  see,  we  find  nothing  but  old  hags, 
worse  looking  than  Indians.  So  you  may  rest  easy,  notwithstanding 
Master  John's  insinuations  against  me. 

General  Taylor  would  not  occupy  the  town,  but  has  encamped 
outside  of  it,  and  only  allows  a  certain  number  of  the  men  to  go  in 
at  a  time.  He  has  a  patrol  on  duty  night  and  day,  to  pick  up  any 
of  our  people  who  are  disorderly,  and  as  yet  not  one  injury  has  been 
committed  on  person  or  property. 

I  have  been  in  the  saddle  all  day,  making  a  reconnoissance  of  the 
environs  of  the  town,  with  a  view  to  select  suitable  sites  for  encamp- 
ments and  for  the  defence  of  the  place.  Indeed,  I  am  kept  going  all 
the  time,  and  to  this  activity  do  I  attribute  my  very  good  health. 
The  weather  is  warm,  but  not  so  disagreeable  as  it  is  in  Philadelphia 
at  this  season,  as  we  always  have  a  fine  breeze. 

Congratulate  the  Major  (I  mean  Bache)  for  me  on  his  return 
home.  Say  to  him  I  wish  sincerely  he  were  here.  There  is  a  fine 
field  for  him,  and  I  feel  confident  he  would  have  a  most  eminent 
position. 

I  forgot  to  mention  we  lost  yesterday  a  fine  officer,  Lieutenant 
Stevens,  of  the  Dragoons,  who  was  drowned  in  swimming  his  horse 
across  the  river. 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  87 

Camp  at  Mat  amok  as,  May  24,  1846. 

Your  first  query  is  in  regard  to  General  Worth.  By  this  time 
you  are  doubtless  au  fait  as  to  his  movements,  but  as  reports  are  so 
vague,  I  will  concisely  state  the  case,  which  I  should  have  done  be- 
fore, did  I  deem  you  would  have  taken  any  interest  in  it. 

By  law  there  are  only  allowed  in  the  army  one  major-general, 
two  brigadier-generals,  as  many  colonels  as  regiments  and  corps,  etc. 
But  there  is  a  fictitious  rank,  as  it  were,  called  brevet  rank,  by  which 
the  President  and  Senate  have  power  to  confer  promotion  on  indi- 
viduals for  gallantry,  which  rank  takes  effect,  or  is  available,  only 
under  certain  circumstances. 

General  Worth  is  only  a  colonel  in  the  infantry  (the  Eighth 
Regiment),  but  in  consequence  of  his  meritorious  services  in  Florida 
he  had  conferred  on  him  the  brevet  rank  of  brigadier-general.  Now 
the  question  which  has  agitated  the  army  has  been,  "  When  does  this 
rank  take  effect?"  The  laws  upon  the  subject  are  conflicting  and 
obscure.  One  party,  the  officers  of  regiments,  or  as  they  are  called, 
of  the  line,  contend  it  only  does  so  when  the  President  specially  as- 
signs an  officer  to  duty  with  it,  as  in  the  case  of  General  Taylor,  who, 
similarly  situated  to  General  Worth,  is  only  Colonel  of  the  Sixth 
Infantry,  and  brigadier-general  by  brevet.  But  the  President  as- 
signed him  to  the  command  of  this  army  as  a  brigadier-general,  and 
of  course  he  ranks  all  brigadier-generals  of  the  militia,  and  all  of  the 
army,  of  junior  date  to  himself.  The  opposite  party  contend  that 
it  not  only  takes  effect  in  the  above  case,  but  also  in  all  cases  where 
two  corps  of  the  army  (such  for  instance  as  a  regiment  of  artillery 
and  one  of  infantry)  are  serving  together.  Now,  Colonel  Twiggs, 
commanding  the  dragoons,  is  a  senior  colonel  to  Worth,  but  has  no 
brevet.  The  question  then  arose  who  would  command  in  case  of  the 
death  of  General  Taylor,  and  after  much  discussion  and  excitement, 
numerous  petitions  were  sent  to  the  President  and  Congress,  and 
finally  the  President  made  a  decision  adverse  to  the  brevet.  Now, 
General  Worth  asserted  that  when  he  came  here  he  was  given  to 
understand  he  should  have  the  command,  did  anything  happen  to 
General  Taylor,  and  the  decision  of  the  President,  adverse  to  his 
claim,  without  assigning  him  specially,  as  he  might  have  done,  and 
thus  make  him  second  in  command,  he  construed  into  an  act  of  per- 
sonal injustice  of  so  grave  a  character  as  to  compel  him  to  leave  the 
service.  He  therefore  resigned  his  commission,  and  obtained  a 
leave  of  two  months  to  go  to  Washington  and  insist  on  his  resignation 


88  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

being  accepted.  At  the  time  he  did  so  there  was  no  certainty  of 
war,  though  great  probability,  and  I  believe  his  real  intention  was 
to  endeavor  at  Washington  to  obtain  the  special  assignment,  placing 
him  as  a  brevet.  I  think  the  step  he  took  was  most  ill-judged  and 
unfortunate.  His  duty  as  a  soldier  should  have  induced  him  to  re- 
main at  his  post  in  any  capacity,  however  inferior,  till  all  prospect 
of  war  had  passed,  and  then  he  could  have  taken  steps  to  relieve 
himself  from  what  he  deemed  an  indignity.  But  you  must  know 
that  though  a  most  excellent  officer  in  some  respects,  General  Worth 
has  the  great  misfortune  of  being  most  rash  and  impetuous,  and  of 
constantly  doing  things  which  cooler  reflection  causes  him  to  repent. 
This  infirmity,  in  my  opinion,  renders  him  unfit  to  command,  but  on 
the  field  of  battle,  under  another,  his  gallantry  and  bravery  are  well 
known  and  most  conspicuous,  and  any  service  requiring  these  qual- 
ities, entrusted  to  him,  will  most  undoubtedly  be  brilliantly  executed. 
Upon  this  occasion  he  soon  repented  of  his  false  step,  and  on  arriving 
at  Washington  and  finding  affairs  changed,  he  applied  to  withdraw 
his  resignation,  did  so,  and  returned  to-day,  and  is  now  on  the  ground, 
a  simple  colonel,  no  better  off  than  when  he  left  here,  and  having 
lost  two  occasions  when,  if  present,  he  would  have  had  an  opportunity 
of  meeting  the  enemy.  I  trust,  however,  the  Government,  after 
leaving  him  in  his  present  position  for  a  reasonable  time,  will  give 
him  his  special  assignment  of  brigadier-general,  as  a  large  militia 
force  is  coming  into  the  field,  and  we  shall  require  all  the  rank  in  the 
regular  service  we  can  raise,  in  order  to  keep  these  gentlemen-volun- 
teers from  taking  the  command. 

I  think  my  last  letter  was  written  after  the  occupation  of  Mata- 
moras,  which  was  most  peaceably  effected,  General  Arista  having  re- 
tired in  the  night,  with  his  whole  force,  some  four  thousand  men  and 
fourteen  pieces  of  artillery.  All  our  disposable  mounted  force — one 
hundred  and  fifty  dragoons  and  fifty  volunteers — was  sent  in  pursuit 
of  them,  to  watch  their  movements  and  pick  up  stragglers.  It  reports 
that  at  first  Arista's  march  was  most  disorderly,  but  as  he  receded  he 
was  able  to  organize  better  the  command.  It  pursued  them  nearly 
sixty  miles,  and  overtook  the  rear  guard,  which  it  attacked,  killing 
five  or  six,  and  bringing  in  some  twenty-five  prisoners;  by  this  time 
General  Arista  is  in  the  mountains  and  out  of  our  reach. 

There  are  rumors  in  town  of  the  advance  of  a  force  of  five  thousand 
men,  under  Bustamente,  to  reinforce  Arista,  but  I  very  much  fear 
there  is  no  such  good  luck  in  store  for  us  as  the  reappearance  of  a 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  89 

Mexican  army  in  this  neighborhood,  or  anywhere  this  side  of  the 
Sierra  Madre. 

I  think  if  they  were  foolish  enough  to  undertake  such  an  enter- 
prise, their  total  defeat  would  end  the  war,  and  we  would  be  spared 
the  long  march  to  Monterey.  Another  report  also  current  in  the  town 
is  that  the  soldiers  were  so  exasperated  against  Arista  for  their  defeat, 
accusing  him  of  selling  them  to  General  Taylor,  that  when  about 
fifty  miles  from  here  they  rose  en  masse,  determined  to  sacrifice  him 
at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  but  their  generals  interceded  on  their 
knees  for  him,  and  his  life  was  spared,  but  he  was  carried  along  as  a 
prisoner.  This  may  or  may  not  be  true;  certain  it  is  Arista  is  a 
ruined  man;  from  being  one  of  the  most  prominent  in  this  part  of 
Mexico,  he  is  now  universally  abused.  Do  you  remember  I  told  you 
on  his  arrival  he  would  either  play  into  our  hands,  or  throw  himself 
into  the  arms  of  the  Paredes  party,  in  which  latter  case  we  should 
have  war?  Well,  it  has  so  turned  out.  Private  letters  from  Paredes 
to  him  have  been  found  among  his  papers,  in  which  Paredes  black- 
guards Almonte,  says  he  sent  him  to  France  to  get  rid  of  him,  and 
speaks  of  Santa  Anna's  party,  and  his  measures  to  put  them  down. 
Now,  it  is  notorious  Arista  was  originally  opposed  to  Paredes,  and 
resigned  his  command  on  his  accession  to  power.  He  must  therefore 
have  been  bought  off,  to  produce  so  great  a  change. 

By-the-by,  did  I  tell  you  I  gave  my  name  and  address  in  Phila- 
delphia to  General  La  Vega,  captured  on  the  ninth,  and  told  him  your 
father  and  all  your  family  could  speak  Spanish,  and  begged  him  to 
go  see  you  if  he  passed  through  Philadelphia?  You  will  find  him  a 
most  gentlemanly  man  and  will  be  pleased,  I  am  sure,  with  him. 

Four  pieces  of  artillery,  a  large  quantity  of  ammunition  and  pub- 
lic stores  of  all  kinds,  have  been  found  secreted  in  the  town.  Gen- 
eral Taylor,  understanding  that  tobacco  was  a  Government  monopoly, 
seized  all  the  tobacco  at  the  Government  depots  in  the  town  and  dis- 
tributed it  among  the  men.  This  is  the  only  prize  of  any  kind  that 
officer  or  man  has  received,  though  there  was  an  immense  quantity 
of  public  and  private  property  taken,  after  the  affair  of  the  ninth. 

May  25. 

Nothing  additional  this  morning  of  much  interest.     The  search 

of  the  town  is  being  continued,  and  all  kinds  of  public  stores  are 

being  rooted  out  of  wells,  of  the  river,  and  houses  in  all  parts  of  the 

town.    The  people  say  Arista  and  his  army  are  completely  used  up, 


90  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

and  that  the  Mexicans  cannot  make  any  stand  this  side  of  the  Sierra 
Madre;  so  you  may  make  your  mind  easy  for  some  time  to  come  yet. 

To-day  General  Smith1  arrived  from  New  Orleans  with  about 
fifteen  hundred  men.  Among  the  officers  of  his  staff  I  found  young 
Trudeau,  from  New  Orleans.  I  do  not  know  his  christian  name,  but 
he  told  me  he  was  of  the  same  family  as  had  lived  in  Philadelphia. 
Mason  Graham,  from  Washington,  has  also  come  as  a  captain,  and 
I  believe  almost  everybody  is  coming — Bailie  Peyton  as  a  colonel, 
and  Tom,  Dick  and  Harry  as  majors,  captains  and  privates.  We 
shall  be  overrun,  and  I  fear  have  too  many  for  any  practicable  pur- 
poses; for  we  have  now,  and  cannot  increase  it,  only  a  limited  supply 
of  transportation,  and  sending  too  many  men  at  this  moment  may 
have  the  effect  of  impeding  the  movements  of  all. 

I  will  try  to  write  often,  but  have  so  much  to  do  that  at  night 
when  I  come  home  I  am  so  fatigued  that  I  think  of  nothing  but  going 
to  sleep.  You  may  probably  ask,  "What  have  you  to  do?"  Well, 
after  the  battles  I  had  to  make  surveys  of  each  field;  then  I  had  to 
reconnoitre  the  river,  eight  miles  above  and  five  miles  below  our 
camp,  to  select  a  crossing  place;  and  as  soon  as  we  entered  Mata- 
moras,  instead  of  squatting  down,  as  the  rest  have  done,  for  a  few 
days'  quiet,  I  was  immediately  required  to  make  an  exact  survey  of 
the  town  and  the  adjacent  country  for  one  and  a  half  miles.  Upon 
this  I  am  at  present  engaged. 

Camp  at  Mat  amor  as,  May  27,  1846. 

I  have  been  assiduously  engaged  in  making  the  survey  of  the 
town,  and  have  to-day  finished  the  field  work,  and  shall  commence 
to-morrow  the  drawing,  which  will  without  doubt  occupy  a  week.  I 
rise  early  in  the  morning  with  the  dawn,  and  after  breakfasting, 
start  out  on  foot  with  a  party  of  five  men  and  trace  out  the  roads 
leading  from  the  town,  each  for  several  miles.  In  this  manner  I 
have  been  led  to  stop  at  many  houses,  and  whenever  I  find  a  pretty 
girl  I  begin  talking  Spanish,  asking  for  water,  the  name  of  the  road, 
etc.,  etc.  This  is  purely,  I  assure  you,  from  a  desire  to  acquire  the 
language,  which  I  find  not  difficult.  I  am  fully  convinced  now  that 
if  I  had  only  prosecuted  my  studies  under  you  for  a  few  weeks,  and 
acquired  some  knowledge  of  the  construction  of  the  language,  and 
of  verbs,  adjectives,  etc.,  I  could  speak  it  in  a  very  short  time. 

You  must  not  be  concerned  about  the  pretty  girls,  for  I  will 

1  Brigadier-General  Persifor  F.  Smith,  U.  S.  Volunteers. 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  91 

frankly  confess  as  yet  I  have  seen  but  one  sufficiently  good  looking 
to  stop  me,  and  she  evinced  no  disposition  to  cultivate  my  acquaint- 
ance. 

The  volunteers  continue  to  pour  in,  and  I  regret  to  say  I  do  not 
see  it  with  much  satisfaction.  They  are  perfectly  ignorant  of  dis- 
cipline, and  most  restive  under  restraint.  They  are  in  consequence 
a  most  disorderly  mass,  who  will  give  us,  I  fear,  more  trouble  than  the 
enemy.  Already  are  our  guard-houses  filled  daily  with  drunken  officers 
and  men,  who  go  to  the  town,  get  drunk  and  commit  outrages  on  the 
citizens.  Head-quarters  are  unfortunately  situated  on  the  bank  of 
the  river,  just  opposite  the  camp  of  one  of  these  gallant  regiments, 
but  notwithstanding  the  positive  order  of  General  Taylor  and  of 
their  own  officers,  that  no  firing  is  to  be  allowed  in  camp,  they  come 
down  in  crowds  to  the  bank  of  the  river  opposite  to  us  and  discharge 
their  pieces  right  across,  and  the  bullets  come  whizzing  by  us  as  thick 
as  in  an  action,  and  I  really  consider  spending  a  day  in  my  tent,  unin- 
jured, equivalent  to  passing  through  a  well-contested  action. 

There  is  no  use  in  giving  them  orders;  they  will  not  obey  them, 
and  they  will  in  consequence  waste  more  ammunition  in  a  few  weeks' 
idleness  at  this  place  than  the  regulars  have  wasted  since  their  arrival 
at  Corpus  Christi  last  summer,  including  both  battles.  This  is  the 
miserable  economy  of  our  Government.  It  will  not  keep  a  regular 
army  in  proportion  to  our  population  and  frontier,  and  equivalent 
to  the  wants  of  the  country,  for  fear  of  the  expense,  yet  six  months 
of  this  volunteer  force  will  cost  as  much  as  five  years  for  a  regular 
force  of  equal  size. 

Had  the  United  States  had  in  service  twenty  thousand  men,  in- 
stead of  five  thousand  (our  present  army),  it  could  have  sent  a  force 
of  good,  disciplined  soldiers,  say  fifteen  thousand,  to  this  country, 
who  would  have  followed  up  the  results  of  our  victories,  and  ere  this 
the  war  would  have  been  finished.  As  it  is,  we  shall  have  some  twenty 
or  thirty  thousand  irregulars,  whose  usefulness  may  well  be  doubted, 
from  past  experience  and  present  appearances,  and  at  an  expense 
sufficient  to  have  maintained  the  regular  force  for  many  years. 
However,  there  is  no  use  in  wasting  time  and  paper  in  arguing  a 
point  that  must  be  evident  to  all  rational  persons. 

The  great  question  is  now,  What  is  going  to  be  done?  General 
Taylor,  I  believe,  waits  for  instructions  from  Washington,  though  he 
is  making  his  arrangements  as  rapidly  as  possible  to  carry  out  his 
own  plans,  in  the  event  of  not  being  instructed. 


92  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

The  papers  by  the  last  mail  bring  us  the  intelligence  of  the  action 
of  Congress,  the  President's  proclamation,  the  rumor  that  thirty 
thousand  men  are  to  be  sent  here,  and  some  say  General  Scott  to 
command  them.  Unfortunately  the  mail-rider  from  Point  Isabel 
lost  his  mail  yesterday,  and  it  is  said  to  be  the  most  important 
mail  ever  sent  to  us,  as  it  contains  all  this  information  in  official 
documents.  Parties  have  been  sent  to  look  for  it  and  I  trust  it 
may  yet  be  recovered. 

The  first  thing  we  have  to  do  is  to  collect  here  the  means  for  sub- 
sisting a  large  force,  and  for  transporting  their  baggage  and  sub- 
sistence into  the  interior.  This  will  require  several  steamboats  to 
navigate  the  river  and  the  purchase  of  a  large  number  of  wagons 
with  mules,  and  mules  to  pack. 

I  send  you  a  little  rough  sketch  of  the  seat  of  proposed  operations, 
in  order  that  you  may  understand  what  I  am  writing  about. 

The  various  places  on  the  river  between  this  and  Mier,  namely, 
Reinosa  and  Camargo,  will  have  to  be  occupied  and  garrisoned. 
Then  from  Camargo,  or  this  place,  or  both,  columns  can  be  advanced 
into  the  interior  and  the  country  occupied  to  Monterey  and  Victoria; 
then  an  expedition  sent  to  Tampico,  and  occupying  that  place,  we 
shall  have  the  whole  country  to  the  foot  of  the  Sierra  Madre,  a  chain 
of  mountains  beginning  at  Tampico  and  extending  by  Victoria, 
Monterey,  to  the  Presidio  de  Rio  Grande,  a  town  on  the  river.  This 
occupation,  with  a  strict  blockade  of  both  coasts  of  Mexico,  and  the 
gaining  of  another  victory,  will  bring  Mexico  to  terms.  All  this  will 
be  done  in  four  months,  and  then,  should  it  please  God  to  spare  me 
through  it,  I  expect  to  be  on  my  way  home. 

May  28. 
I  find  by  your  letter  of  the  thirteenth  the  alarm  had  reached 
Philadelphia,  and  as  a  matter  of  course  you  were  in  an  unhappy  state 
of  anxiety.  The  papers,  as  I  imagined,  have  been  filled  with  the 
most  false  and  exaggerated  rumors,  rendering  our  position  much 
more  precarious  than  we  ever  thought  it  to  be,  though  I  frankly 
acknowledge  we  had  no  reason  to  anticipate  such  brilliant  success 
as  it  pleased  Heaven  to  grant  to  our  arms.  We  knew  the  Mexicans 
were  in  overwhelming  force,  had  no  accurate  information  of  their 
exact  numbers,  and  though  we  felt  all  confidence  in  our  means  of 
resistance,  yet  the  boldest  heart  was  obliged  to  admit  the  chances 
of  war  might  be  against  us.    I  never  entertained  any  apprehension 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  93 

for  Point  Isabel.  At  first  I  considered  General  Taylor  had  made  a 
mistake  in  ever  leaving  the  place  without  making  its  defenses  com- 
plete; but  at  that  time  few  really  believed  the  Mexicans  intended 
seriously  to  fight.  After  we  ascertained  their  determination,  which 
we  did  on  the  arrival  of  General  Arista,  and  the  capture  of  Thornton, 
then  Point  Isabel  was  so  far  fortified  as  to  render  it  in  my  estimation 
good  against  the  Mexicans,  and  since  we  have  met  them  and  know 
their  power,  I  consider  it  to  have  been  impregnable.  We  never  were 
in  want  of  supplies,  always  having  had  an  abundance.  On  the  1st 
instant,  when  we  left  our  camp  to  go  to  Point  Isabel,  we  had  in  camp 
ten  days*  supplies  for  the  whole  army,  which  could  have  been  spun 
out  into  twenty  days,  by  which  time  the  reinforcements  would  have 
arrived. 

But  General  Taylor,  as  well  as  the  whole  army,  was  anxious  to 
try  our  strength  before  the  volunteers  should  come,  knowing  how 
much  our  reputation  depended  on  so  doing.  Indeed,  I  see  the  Texans, 
who,  by-the-by,  have  shown  great  backwardness  in  coming  to  our 
supposed  relief,  give  as  the  reason  they  had  whipped  five  and  three 
to  one,  and  were  confident  General  Taylor  could  whip  a  larger  pro- 
portion. Had  we  then  avoided  a  conflict,  and  after  circumstances 
established  the  ratio  that  now  exists,  three  to  one,  we  should  have 
been  ruined  as  an  army  and  very  probably  disbanded.  General 
Taylor  therefore  left  his  camp  opposite  Matamoras,  with  his  army 
(leaving  a  regiment  and  thirty  days'  provisions  for  the  garrison  in 
the  fort),  ostensibly  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  back  more  supplies 
of  ammunition  and  provisions,  but  really  to  give  the  enemy  an  oppor- 
tunity to  oppose  us  if  they  desired  one,  and  as  I  wrote  you  from  Point 
Isabel,  on  the  3d  instant,  we  were  disappointed  in  not  meeting  them 
going  down,  as  we  had  a  small  baggage  train  only  and  would  have 
been  unencumbered  in  the  battle.  On  our  return,  when  they  met 
us,  we  had  two  hundred  wagons,  which  acted  as  an  anchor  to  us, 
preventing  us  from  advancing  on  the  field,  for  fear  of  leaving  the 
train  exposed  to  attacks  in  the  rear.  This  it  was  which  compelled 
us  to  stand  a  five  hours'  cannonading,  instead  of  charging  and  rout- 
ing them  the  first  day.  This,  however,  I  think  I  have  explained  to 
you  before  in  previous  letters.  Indeed,  I  think,  with  my  letters  and 
the  official  reports,  you  will  be  able  to  understand  all  about  our 
operations. 

I  am  sure  you  will,  like  myself,  find  in  the  pleasant  excitement  of 
victory  and  safety  ample  consolation  for  previous  misery.    Such  is 


94  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

war  and  its  terrible  consequences.  For  my  part  I  have  no  hesita- 
tion in  saying  I  have  no  stomach  for  it.  I  trust  I  shall  always  do  my 
duty,  from  a  stern  sense  of  the  propriety  of  assisting  in  the  defense 
of  my  country,  and  giving  my  services  to  a  Government  by  which  I 
have  been  supported  when  there  were  no  risks  to  run.  But  I  candidly 
acknowledge  I  have  no  penchant  for  it;  nothing  but  a  sense  of  duty 
would  keep  me  in  it. 

Fighting  is  the  least  part  of  the  duty,  and  the  least  arduous. 
Look  at  our  little  army  here.  Ever  since  last  August  in  the  field, 
exposed  to  the  vicissitudes  of  a  trying  climate,  without  proper  pro- 
tection from  the  weather,  or  shelter  from  the  storms,  harassed  and 
almost  broken  down  by  continued  marches  over  a  country  almost  a 
desert,  without  wood  or  water;  and  in  all  this  time  they  have  only 
had  eight  hours'  fighting,  five  one  day  and  three  the  next.  Now 
what  tires  the  soldier  is  the  previous  fatigues  and  hardships  he  must 
endure  ere  he  has  an  opportunity  to  repay  himself  by  glory. 

Had  the  Mexicans  not  attacked  us,  or  had  they  compromised  the 
question  after  our  arrival,  so  as  to  have  had  no  fighting,  who  would 
have  given  us  credit  for  all  that  you  know  we  have  gone  through? 
And  how  many  would  have  known  even  that  we  were  here?  But  a 
small  proportion,  I  assure  you,  of  those  who  now  are  willing  to  give 
us  credit,  and  yet  in  truth  I  would  rather  take  my  chance  in  four 
battles  than  wait  a  year  without  any! 

Some  two  thousand  volunteers  are  here  already,  but  they  had 
hardly  been  on  the  ground  three  days  before  the  men  began  to  mutiny 
at  their  legitimate  duty.  Gentlemen  from  Louisiana,  owning  planta- 
tions and  negroes,  came  here  as  common  soldiers,  and  then  revolt  at 
the  idea  of  drawing  their  own  water  and  cutting  their  own  wood,  and 
in  fact,  they  expect  the  regulars,  who  have  to  take  care  of  themselves, 
to  play  waiters  to  them. 

No,  soldiering  is  no  play,  and  those  who  undertake  it  must  make 
up  their  minds  to  hard  times  and  hard  knocks. 

Your  letter  of  the  thirteenth  I  consider  a  perfect  model,  and  so 
delighted  have  I  been  with  the  good  sense  and  firmness  displayed  in 
it,  that  I  have  read  it  to  two  or  three  of  my  friends  in  the  camp,  as 
showing  what  a  heroine  you  are,  and  how  rationally  you  have  written, 
even  when  your  mind  was  fully  alive  to  all  the  danger  I  was  in.  They 
all  expressed  themselves  in  the  most  complimentary  manner  of  you, 
and  of  your  dear  father's  sound  and  cool  judgment,  when  all  others 
could  see  nothing  but  alarm,  perceiving,  as  it  were,  with  an  eagle's 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  95 

eye  the  cloud  of  confused  reports  and  vague  rumors,  and  seizing  upon 
the  true  state  of  the  case,  that  we  were  well  supplied  with  provisions, 
in  fortified  lines,  and  not  in  any  more  dangerous  position  than  people 
always  are  who  are  so  foolish  as  to  meddle  with  war  and  its  attendant 
consequences. 

By  the  time  this  reaches  you,  you  will  be  wanting  more  excitement. 

I  have  also  a  letter  from  my  good  friend  Israel  Pemberton,  whom 
I  am  glad  to  see  back  in  Philadelphia.  Tell  him  I  was  much  gratified 
with  his  letter,  and  shall  answer  it  immediately.  In  the  meantime 
say  John  is  safe  and  sound,  that  he  was  at  Point  Isabel,  attached  to 
Major  Munroe's  Company,  but  on  our  going  down  on  the  1st  instant, 
he  had  the  good  fortune  to  be  transferred  to  one  of  the  marching 
companies,  and  was  in  both  actions,  and  on  the  second  day,  the  ninth, 
was  in  the  advance,  which  first  received  the  fire  of  the  enemy,  and 
which  was  the  whole  time  in  the  thickest  of  the  fight.  John  had  a 
ball  pass  through  his  hat,  which  castor  he  will  doubtless  preserve 
with  care  in  memory  of  the  day.  Say  he  is  well  and  hearty,  in  tol- 
erable spirits,  but  his  time  all  taken  up  in  writing,  as  he  says,  to  his 
girl,  whom  he  is  most  desperately  anxious  to  see,  a  feeling  I  can  readily 
appreciate  and  most  sincerely  sympathize  with. 

Your  friend  *  *  *  has  been  at  St.  Joseph's  Island  all  the  time 
since  we  left.  Entre  nous,  his  day  for  field-service  is  past.  He  has 
what  the  wags  call  "prevaricating  veins"  in  his  legs,  which  prevent 
him  from  riding  or  walking,  and  he  was  left  at  St.  Joseph's  in  charge 
of  the  camp  women  and  baggage.  Ramsey  is  in  fine  health  and  fine 
spirits. 

The  papers  by  the  last  mail  tell  us  General  Scott  is  coming,  and 
the  President  is  going  to  send  thirty  thousand  men.  Heaven  only 
knows  what  they  will  do  with  them,  or  how  they  are  to  be  subsisted ! 
It  will  be  fine  times  for  the  pork  merchants  in  Cincinnati. 

The  last  accounts  from  Arista  are  that  he  has  halted  about  a 
hundred  miles  from  here  and  not  yet  entered  the  mountains.  This 
may  be  a  ruse  of  his  to  attract  us  in  that  direction  and  then  get  out 
of  our  way,  as  the  road  he  has  taken  strikes  the  mountains  between 
Monterey  and  Tampico,  and  is  badly  supplied  with  wood  and  water, 
and  is  decidedly  disadvantageous  for  us  to  operate  on.  In  a  few 
days  I  presume  we  shall  have  force  enough,  and  the  means  of  trans- 
portation, to  commence  our  march  up  the  river  and  occupy  Reinosa 
and  the  Camargo.  This  latter  place  will  be  made  the  great  depot, 
and  our  operations  carried  on  from  there.    I  am  anxious  to  be  up 


96  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

there,  for  the  hot  season  is  rapidly  approaching,  and  I  believe  the 
higher  up  you  get  the  healthier  it  is. 

I  trust  you  will  keep  up  your  spirits  to  the  last.  I  really  think 
now  that  four  months  will  settle  the  affair  with  Mexico,  unless  Eng- 
land sides  with  her,  in  which  event  we  shall  have  a  war  such  as  the 
world  has  not  seen  for  many  years;  one  of  antagonistic  principles, 
in  which  all  the  nations  of  Europe  must  take  a  part,  and  in  which 
every  able-bodied  man  in  our  country  will  have  to  bear  his  share.  If 
that  is  coming,  the  sooner  the  better,  and  then  it  makes  but  little 
difference  where  I  am,  for  I  should  not  be  allowed  to  live  quietly 
with  you,  and  I  would  just  as  soon  meet  British  troops  on  the  plains 
of  Tamaulipas  as  on  those  of  Canada.  I  trust,  however,  England 
has  yet  too  much  good  sense  to  enter  upon  an  unnecessary  war,  one 
where  no  point  of  honor  or  of  vital  interest  is  concerned.  She  ought 
to  know,  however  great  her  temporary  success  may  be,  that  in  the 
end  she  must  suffer.  It  is  too  late  in  the  day  to  conquer  or  subdue 
us.  As  a  people  we  are  rising,  and  she  has  arrived  at  her  zenith,  and 
her  safest  plan  is  to  keep  on  good  terms  with  us,  if  she  can  do  so 
without  loss  of  honor. 

Camp  at  Matamoras,  Mexico, 

June  3,  1846. 

Since  the  date  of  my  last  letter  but  little  has  occurred  worthy  of 
remark.  The  army  still  continues  quiet  in  its  camp  around  the  town. 
The  volunteers  continue  to  pour  in  from  Louisiana,  which  State  has 
really  exerted  herself  most  handsomely  to  come  to  our  supposed 
rescue.  I  think  I  mentioned  in  my  last  letter  that  among  her  Vol- 
unteers I  had  met  young  Trudeau,  the  son  of  the  friend  of  your  fam- 
ily. He  is  the  one  who  was  intended  by  his  father  for  the  Navy,  at 
the  time  of  the  anticipated  French  war,  and  who  afterwards  studied 
law  in  Joseph  R.  Ingersoll's  office.  He  recollected  you  perfectly, 
and  seemed  quite  pleased  to  meet  me.  I  have  met  him  quite  often, 
and  find  him  very  much  of  a  gentleman.  Mr.  Wise's1  friend,  Bailie 
Peyton,  is  also  here  in  command  of  a  regiment,  but  as  his  force  is  not 
stationed  at  this  place,  I  have  had  no  opportunity  of  making  his 
acquaintance. 

We  have  recent  intelligence  to-day  from  the  Mexican  army.  It 
was  obliged,  from  fatigue  and  other  causes,  to  halt  at  Linares,  a  small 
town  at  the  foot  of  the  Sierra  Madre,  about  half-way  between  Tam- 

1  Henry  A.  Wise,  brother-in-law  of  Mrs.  Meade. 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  97 

pico  and  Monterey.  Here  an  epidemic,  in  the  shape  of  a  typhoid 
fever,  had  broken  out  among  them,  and  one  general,  a  General 
Garcia,  together  with  a  great  many  men,  had  died.  General  Terrejone 
was  said  to  be  dying,  and  what  with  disease  and  desertion  the  force 
was  reduced  from  four  to  one  thousand  men.  It  was  also  reported 
that,  in  consequence  of  the  intrigues  of  Ampudia,  Arista  had  been 
arrested  by  the  troops  and  sent  to  the  City  of  Mexico,  upon  the 
charge  of  having  sold  them  to  General  Taylor.  Another  report 
stated  that  Arista  had  arrested  Ampudia,  on  the  charge  of  desertion, 
on  the  ninth,  and  had  despatched  him  to  Mexico.  We  do  not  know 
what  confidence  to  place  in  these  reports,  but  their  existence  evidently 
proves  the  total  disorganization  of  the  enemy,  and  their  inability  to 
meet  us  for  some  time. 

You  must  not  entertain  any  apprehension  for  our  health,  from 
the  reported  sickness  of  the  Mexicans.  They  are  but  poorly  clothed, 
entirely  without  protection  from  the  weather,  fed  only  on  fresh  beef 
and  corn,  and  marched  to  death.  Such  treatment,  of  course,  will 
break  down  the  hardest  troops;  and  then  their  surgeons  are  for  the 
most  part  quacks,  who  are  unable  to  give  them  the  treatment  their 
disease  requires.  The  state  of  affairs  with  us  is  quite  different. 
Our  men  are  well  fed  and  clothed,  and  comparatively  protected  from 
the  weather.  The  consequence  is  that  our  sick  list  is  quite  small, 
and  I  trust  we  shall  get  through  the  summer  without  much  disease. 

I  enclose  you  the  first  number  of  a  paper  just  published  in  town 
by  a  Texan  of  the  name  of  McLeod,  a  classmate  of  mine  at  West 
Point,  who,  on  leaving  that  institution,  resigned  his  commission  in 
the  army  and  went  to  Texas,  where  he  has  figured  prominently  since 
as  a  military  man,  politician  and  newspaper  editor.  I  do  not  know 
what  the  general  feeling  is  with  regard  to  his  paper  in  the  camp,  but 
for  myself,  I  consider  it  most  pernicious,  and  were  I  in  General 
Taylor's  place,  I  would  order  it  stopped.  His  address  to  the  people 
will  only  tend  to  inflame  them  against  us,  and  will  give  an  oppor- 
tunity to  Mexico  to  appeal  to  foreign  nations  to  rescue  her  from  im- 
pending destruction.  Now,  as  his  sentiments  are  simply  those  of  a 
private  individual,  unauthorized  by  the  authorities,  being  written 
and  published  and  distributed  right  under  the  eye  of  the  commanding 
general,  they  will  be  quoted  as  the  opinions  of  the  army  and  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States,  and  used  accordingly. 

Information  has  been  received  of  the  coming  of  General  Scott, 
but  it  is  reported  he  will  not  be  here  before  September. 


98  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

June  7. 

I  send  you  the  second  number  of  the  paper  established  in  Mata- 
moras,  since  our  occupation  of  the  town.  I  think  its  general  tone 
meets  with  the  disapprobation  of  the  greater  portion  of  the  army, 
but  General  Taylor  does  not  think  it  worth  while  to  interfere  in  such 
matters,  and  it  is  in  consequence  suffered  to  go  on. 

You  will  see  by  it  that  an  advanced  movement  was  made  to-day, 
in  the  marching  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  infantry,  sixty  wounded 
men,  and  two  pieces  of  artillery,  to  Reinosa,  a  little  town  on  the  river, 
about  sixty  miles  from  here,  and  about  half-way  to  Camargo,  another 
river  town  on  this  side,  which  is  proposed  as  the  main  depot  of  the 
army,  should  we  advance  into  the  interior.  This  movement  is  made 
with  a  view  of  preparing  the  way  for  our  steamboats  (whenever  they 
should  reach  here)  to  ascend  the  river  and  to  clear  the  country  of 
General  Canales  and  his  band  of  rancheros,  who  are  said  to  be  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Reinosa,  plundering  their  own  people.  A  few  days 
ago  a  deputation  of  the  principal  citizens  of  Reinosa  waited  on  the 
General  to  ask  his  protection,  inasmuch  as  the  Mexican  Government 
had  deserted  them,  and  they  were  in  fear  of  the  Indians.  As  soon 
as  they  had  returned  home,  Canales  seized  them  and  threw  them  into 
prison,  on  the  plea  of  their  assisting  the  enemy.  We  look  forward 
with  some  eagerness  to  the  arrival  of  the  one  thousand  mounted 
Texans  called  for,  as  the  General  will  despatch  them  after  Canales 
as  soon  as  they  arrive. 

We  have  received  intelligence  of  the  passage  of  a  bill  by  Congress 
increasing  the  army  to  fifteen  thousand  men,  and,  in  consequence,  a 
number  of  officers  have  been  sent  from  here  to  various  parts  of  the 
country  to  recruit,  so  as  to  fill  up  the  ranks.  Some  of  these  will  go 
to  Philadelphia,  among  others  young  Crittenden,  of  the  Fifth  In- 
fantry, a  nephew  of  your  father's  friend,  the  Senator.  I  promised  to 
give  him  a  letter  to  you,  but  he  left  before  I  had  written  it.  I  believe 
he  is  an  excellent  young  officer,  though  my  acquaintance  with  him 
is  quite  slight;  but  I  should  like  you  to  see  an  officer  who  had  been 
in  both  battles,  as  he  could  give  you  a  more  minute  description  than 
I  could  do  by  writing. 

As  I  said  before,  I  do  not  consider  General  Taylor  a  very  dis- 
tinguished general — that  is  to  say,  professionally — but  his  success 
will  make  him  so  in  the  public  eye,  and  the  previous  reports  of  an- 
ticipated disaster  will  only  serve  to  add  lustre  to  his  victories.  His 
judgment  is  much  superior  to  General  Worth's.    Most  of  the  reports 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  99 

you  hear  are  erroneous.  General  Taylor  did  omit  to  do  things  which 
many  considered  he  ought  to  have  done,  but  which  now  turn  out  un- 
necessary, and  I  therefore  doubt,  if  the  matter  had  to  be  gone  over, 
whether  any  one  who  pursued  a  different  course  would  be  as  success- 
ful, for  the  want  of  military  precautions,  for  which  he  is  charged,  no 
doubt  had  their  influence  in  inducing  the  enemy  to  meet  us  in  a 
pitched  battle,  which  of  all  consummations  was  the  one  we  most 
devoutly  prayed  for.  In  military  matters,  as  in  all  things  else,  suc- 
cess is  the  grand  criterion  by  which  men  are  judged,  and  it  is  evident 
from  the  tone  of  the  public  press  that  General  Taylor  will  override 
all  influences  brought  to  bear  against  him. 

I  suppose  the  story  of  my  refusing  to  be  General  Worth's  Aide 
arose  from  my  declining  to  leave  the  country  when  he  did,  and 
comes  from  *  *  *.  I  can  account  for  it  in  no  other  manner,  inas- 
much as  I  never  was  offered  the  position,  and  in  fact  am  excluded 
by  "regulations,"  which  confine  the  appointment  of  aides  to  the 
subalterns  of  the  line  of  the  army.  I  had  many  discussions  with 
*  *  *  while  he  was  here,  with  reference  to  General  Worth  and  the 
step  he  was  taking,  and  told  him  I  considered  it  most  ill-judged,  and 
that  it  would  require  all  General  Worth's  previous  reputation  for 
gallantry  and  good  conduct  to  sustain  him  in  it.  It  is  a  notorious 
fact  that  up  to  the  moment  he  determined  on  leaving,  he  expressed 
himself  openly  as  confident  of  a  war;  but  as  soon  as  he  had  made  up 
his  mind  to  go,  he  was  willing  to  take  General  Taylor's  opinion  that 
there  would  be  no  fighting;  and  yet  you  will  be  astonished  to  hear 
that  General  Taylor  used  every  argument  he  could  to  induce  General 
Worth  to  remain,  and  even  the  night  before  he  left  the  camp  sent 
him  some  private  information  he  had  received  of  the  movement  of 
the  Mexicans,  and  General  Worth,  after  reading  it,  replied  to  the 
staff  officer  who  carried  it  to  him,  "Sir,  it  only  confirms  me  in  my 
previous  opinion  that  your  gallant  chief  is  in  a  most  critical  situation 
— more  critical  than  his  courageous  heart  is  willing  to  admit."  Still 
he  went  off,  and  after  getting  to  Point  Isabel  and  hearing  of  Ampudia's 
threat,  he  wrote  to  General  Taylor  to  say,  "if  his  services  were  of 
any  use  to  him,  he  would  return."  Now,  General  Taylor,  after  the 
course  pursued  by  General  Worth,  was  not  going  to  treat  him  as  a 
spoiled  child,  and  say  one  moment,  "You  may  go,"  and  the  next, 
"Oh,  you  must  come  back;  I  cannot  get  along  without  you."  He 
left  it  to  the  man  to  act  for  himself,  and  said:  "I  see  no  necessity  for 
changing  my  opinion.    You  asked  to  go;  as  a  friend  I  advised  you 


100         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

against  the  step.  You  insisted;  I  then  officially  gave  you  permis- 
sion to  retire.  I  have  now  nothing  further  to  say,  except  I  see  no 
more  necessity  for  your  return  than  there  was  for  my  withholding  'per- 
mission for  you  to  retire."  That  is  to  say,  I  thought  when  I  allowed 
you  to  go,  I  could  get  along  without  you,  and  whether  you  stay  or 
go  is  a  matter  you  must  decide  for  yourself.  The  result  has  proved 
we  have  gotten  along  without  him. 

You  must  blame  yourself  for  this  infliction.  I  should  have  spared 
you  any  allusion  to  this  matter  of  General  Worth,  had  I  not  have  been 
incensed  by  the  efforts  which  I  see  have  been  made  through  the  public 
press  to  influence  opinion  in  General  Worth's  case.  Hardly  a  paper 
about  the  20th  of  May  but  has  some  paragraph  of  what  General 
Worth  had  said  or  done,  and  one  would  suppose  from  the  papers  that 
he  was  commanding  general,  and  not  General  Taylor.  Many  of 
them,  too,  utterly  false,  and  many  of  them  erroneous.  For  instance, 
"planting  with  his  own  hands  the  American  flag  on  the  banks  of  the 
Rio  Grande"  is  a  misstatement  in  fact,  and  willfully  made  by  the 
person  who  put  it  in  the  papers.  The  idea  is  that  General  Worth 
was  the  first  man  on  the  river  bank,  and  there  planted  with  his  own 
hands  the  Star-Spangled  Banner,  making  as  it  were  a  coup  de  theatre 
of  it,  giving  a  hint  to  some  patriotic  painter  for  a  picture,  or  for  some 
dramatist  for  a  scene  in  a  national  drama;  whereas  the  facts  are  well 
known  to  me,  for  if  you  recollect  I  wrote  you  that  on  that  day  I  was 
in  the  advanced  guard  and  came  near  being  taken  prisoner  with  the 
two  dragoons,  and  in  point  of  fact  I  was  the  first  on  the  river  bank 
with  the  advanced  guard,  who  were  followed  by  General  Taylor  and 
his  staff,  General  Worth  not  coming  up  till  his  brigade  arrived,  some 
time  after  the  cavalry  and  Ringgold's  battery,  under  Colonel  Twiggs, 
and  the  first  flag  planted  was  by  order  of  Colonel  Belknapp,  command- 
ing the  Eighth  Regiment  of  Infantry,  who  stuck  in  the  ground  his 
regimental  flag,  which  is  not  the  national  flag,  and  this  operation 
was  effected  by  a  parcel  of  dirty  and  dusty  soldiers,  with  spades  and 
axes.  And  it  was  not  for  an  hour  after  our  arrival  that  a  pole  was 
l  found  and  the  national  flag  raised  on  it,  and  you  can  readily  imagine 
how  easy  it  would  be  for  General  Worth  to  have  done  it  with  his  own 
hands  when  I  tell  you  the  pole  was  over  thirty  feet  long,  and  required 
a  big  hole  to  be  dug  ere  it  could  be  sunk,  and  had  to  be  propped  by 
supports,  which  operation  required  some  dozen  men  with  spades,  axes, 
etc.,  etc.  So  much  for  fact,  and  not  for  imagination.  But  enough 
of  this;  you  will  see  from  what  I  have  written  what  my  opinion  is. 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  101 

There  are  many  points  in  General  Worth's  character  that  I  admire 
exceedingly.  He  is  a  gallant  and  brave  soldier,  but  he  wants  ordinary 
judgment;  he  is  irritable  and  deficient  in  self-command. 

As  to  General  Taylor,  my  feelings  towards  him  are  of  a  friendly 
nature,  though  among  his  most  prominent  defects  is  the  entire  and 
utter  ignorance  of  the  use  to  which  the  staff  department  can  be  put, 
and  especially  my  own  corps.  Did  he  have  his  own  way,  we  should 
be  perfectly  useless;  not  from  any  unfriendly  feeling  on  his  part 
towards  us,  but  from  absolute  ignorance  of  what  we  can  be  required 
to  do,  and  perfect  inability  to  make  any  use  of  the  information  we  do 
obtain.  He  has,  however,  with  him  some  few  officers  upon  whose 
judgment  he  relies,  and  they  every  now  and  then  manage  to  argue 
him  into  employing  us.  Let  one  fact  illustrate  this.  We  arrived  at 
our  camp  opposite  Matamoras  on  the  28th  of  March;  we  broke  it  up 
on  the  1st  of  May,  remaining  there  one  whole  month.  During  this 
time,  from  the  commencement  to  the  end,  my  individual  efforts  were 
repeatedly  made,  as  well  as  were  those  of  other  officers,  to  induce 
him  to  reflect  upon  the  subject  of  bridges,  and  in  the  absence  of  a 
pontoon  train,  which  Congress  was  debating  about  giving  us,  to  call 
upon  his  engineer  officers  for  plans  for  crossing  the  river  with  such 
materials  as  were  at  hand.  All  of  us  were  ready  to  give  our  ideas, 
and  to  make  the  necessary  preparations  and  experiments;  but,  no, 
the  old  gentleman  would  never  listen  or  give  it  a  moment's  attention. 
The  consequence  was,  when  the  enemy  were  routed,  and  the  ques- 
tion asked  him,  could  we  get  over  the  river,  there  were  no  prepara- 
tions, and  we  were  detained  nine  days,  sending  to  Point  Isabel  after 
planks  to  make  flats,  and  even  then,  had  not  the  enemy  retired  and 
allowed  us  to  cross  with  his  own  boats,  we  should  have  been  twice  as 
long  getting  over  as  we  were.  Here  is  the  General's  defect.  Had 
he  known  how  to  use  his  engineers  the  month  we  were  lying  in  camp, 
he  would  have  had  us  at  work  experimenting,  and  when  any  plan 
proved  successful,  had  a  bridge  constructed  and  put  in  depot,  and 
then  on  the  tenth,  in  three  or  four  hours,  the  whole  army,  artillery 
and  all,  could  have  been  crossed,  and  the  Mexican  army  prevented 
from  retreating  with  some  twelve  pieces  of  artillery. 

This  is  only  for  yourself,  for  I  am  utterly  opposed  to  telling  tales 
out  of  school;  but  at  the  same  time,  if  you  wish  to  know  my  opinions, 
I  must  refer  to  facts  to  sustain  them. 

General  Taylor  is  a  gallant,  brave  old  man,  who  knows  not  what 
fear  is.     Take  him  for  all  in  all,  however,  I  repeat  what  I  have  before 


102         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

said,  I  consider  him  the  best  General  I  have  yet  served  under, 
and  as  good  as  any  I  know  of  at  present  in  our  service,  unless  it  be 
General  Scott,  whom  I  hope  soon  to  see  here,  and  that  he  will  have 
an  opportunity  of  trial. 

Matamoras,  June  12,  1846. 

I  commence  my  letter  to-day  on  a  sheet  of  paper  which  was 
captured  with  the  portfolio  of  his  Excellency,  General  Arista,  and 
was  doubtless  designed  to  bear  the  news  of  his  anticipated  victory 
to  his  friends  in  Mexico.  It  is  the  only  trophy  I  have  of  victory,  as 
all  the  rest  of  the  captured  property,  and  indeed  this,  was  placed 
under  guard  by  General  Taylor,  and  no  one,  officer  or  private,  was 
allowed  to  appropriate  anything  to  himself.  The  stationery  found 
with  Arista's  baggage  he  distributed  among  his  staff  officers,  and  I 
make  use  of  my  share  to  continue  my  correspondence  with  you. 

We  of  the  army  had  all  congratulated  ourselves  upon  the  good 
fortune  which  enabled  us  to  secure  such  complete  results  without 
assistance,  and  we  had  hoped  that  the  vile  insinuations  and  slanders 
so  lavishly  poured  upon  us  by  a  certain  portion  of  both  political 
parties,  and  the  prejudices  which  existed  in  the  minds  of  a  large  mass 
of  the  people  against  us  as  a  class,  would  be  done  away  with,  and  that 
we  might  look  forward  now,  at  least,  to  having  justice  done  us.  Yet 
what  has  been  our  astonishment  and  mortification  to  receive  by  the 
last  mail  information  from  Washington  of  the  nomination  by  the 
President,  and  confirmation  by  the  Senate,  of  one  whole  regiment 
recently  added  to  the  army,  in  which  only  one  officer  is  taken  from 
the  army.  This,  in  the  face  of  a  provision  to  the  bill,  from  the 
House,  raising  the  regiment,  requiring  the  President  to  make  all  the 
appointments  from  the  army,  which  provision  was  stricken  out  in 
the  Senate,  only  by  the  casting  vote  of  the  Vice-President. 

We  did  not  expect  much  better  treatment  from  Colonel  Polk, 
who  is  known  to  be  prejudiced  against  West  Point  and  the  army, 
but  the  Senate  has  always  stood  by  us,  and  you  may  therefore 
imagine  our  mortification  to  hear  it  confirmed  these  nominations 
after  the  news  of  our  services  had  reached  Washington.  To  add  to  the 
disgust  which  pervades  every  bosom  among  us,  is  the  fact  that  many 
of  the  appointments  are  of  individuals  who  have  been  dismissed  from 
the  army  for  gross  acts  of  various  kinds,  and  of  others  who  have  been 
dismissed  from  West  Point  for  utter  inefficiency  and  incapacity, 
some  having  tried  and  failed  twice. 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  103 

What  can  a  government  or  country  expect  of  a  service  that  is 
treated  in  this  manner?  Understand  me,  I  have  no  personal  feeling 
in  the  matter,  for  I  would  not  be  colonel  of  the  rifles  if  they  offered 
it  to  me.  But  there  are  many  captains  who  have  been  twenty  years 
in  the  service  of  the  Government,  doing  their  duty  in  all  climates  and 
at  all  times  faithfully  and  promptly,  whose  claims  to  simple  pro- 
motion are  thrown  aside,  and  individuals  placed  over  their  heads  to 
command  them  whom,  under  other  circumstances,  they  would  not 
associate.  Now,  I  do  not  object  to  seeing  civilians  put  in  the  ser- 
vice, and  had  Mr.  Polk  appointed  the  senior  grades  from  the  army 
and  the  captains,  no  one  would  have  objected  to  filling  up  the  subal- 
terns with  citizens,  and  then  the  regiment  might  have  been  expected 
to  be  efficient,  as  the  important  grades  would  be  filled  by  individuals 
supposed  to  know  something  of  their  duties.  But  as  it  is,  it  will 
take  years  to  make  the  regiment  of  any  use,  as  officers  as  well  as  men 
will  have  to  learn  their  duties.  Such  is  the  treatment  we  receive,  and 
yet  we  are  caviled  at  if  one  resigns  in  disgust. 

We  have  nothing  new.  All  are  getting  tired  of  waiting  here  for 
boats  to  send  our  supplies  up  the  river.  There  was  no  preparation 
made  for  carrying  the  war  into  the  enemy's  country,  and  we  must 
wait  quietly  till  it  is  made.  The  volunteers  have  all  arrived,  except 
those  from  Texas,  who  are  coming  in  daily;  but  they  are  not  all  we 
want.  We  must  have  pork  and  beans  to  feed  them,  and  means  of 
carrying  the  pork  and  beans  and  baggage  to  the  points  from  whence 
we  advance,  and  from  those  points  into  the  interior. 

Speaking  of  the  conduct  of  the  Administration,  and  its  desire  to 
throw  the  blame  of  failure,  had  it  occurred,  upon  General  Taylor,  I 
would  observe  that  General  Taylor  had  not  received  one  line  from 
the  War  Department  from  the  early  part  of  January,  when  it  sent 
him  orders  to  advance,  up  to  this  date;  and  the  January  communica- 
tion simply  required  him  to  advance  to  the  Rio  Grande  and  take  up 
a  position  there,  which  he  was  to  hold.  It  is  true,  last  summer,  he 
was  authorized  to  call  upon  the  Governors  of  Mississippi  and  Ala- 
bama for  troops,  if  he  required  them,  but  in  his  last  communication 
of  January  he  was  confined  to  Texas  in  his  call.  Now  you  must 
know  General  Taylor  is  opposed,  from  experience  and  a  knowledge 
of  their  inefficiency,  to  the  use  of  volunteers,  and  felt  confident  that 
until  war  was  absolutely  commenced,  it  would  be  better  not  to  have 
them,  and  knew,  after  he  got  on  the  ground,  that  they  could  not  be 
here  in  time;  and  facts  have  proved  so,  as  none  arrived  for  a  month 


104         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

after  they  were  required,  and  at  this  date,  six  weeks  after  they  were 
wanted,  Texans,  to  whom  his  last  instructions  confined  him,  have  not 
yet  made  their  appearance.  But  General  Taylor,  independent  of 
his  consciousness  of  the  inefficiency  of  irregular  troops,  always  ex- 
pressed his  confidence  in  the  ability  of  the  regulars  under  his  com- 
mand to  maintain  the  defensive  (all  the  Government  asked  of  him), 
if  his  command  was  only  kept  up  to  the  standard  allowed  by  law; 
and  he  repeatedly  and  at  various  intervals  called  upon  the  Govern- 
ment to  send  him  recruits  and  keep  him  full;  and  will  you  believe, 
notwithstanding  his  constantly  calling  its  attention  to  this  point,  no 
recruits  arrived  till  just  as  we  were  leaving  Frontone,  and  then,  of  the 
nine  hundred  required  to  fill  his  command,  it  sent  him  one  hundred 
and  twenty-five,  while  at  the  same  time  it  was  sending  them  to  St. 
Louis  and  other  points,  where  their  services  could  easily  have  been 
dispensed  with.  This,  then,  is  the  point  I  make,  that  through  the 
neglect  of  the  Government  to  answer  the  call  of  General  Taylor,  made  to 
it  almost  monthly  after  his  arrival  at  Corpus  Christi,  we  were  on  the 
eighth  and  ninth  deficient  eight  hundred  men — a  force  ample  in  itself 
to  have  guaranteed  our  success  under  any  circumstances.  This  and 
its  failure  to  communicate  with  him,  and  keep  him  advised  of  its 
wishes,  are  the  causes  of  complaint  against  the  Government,  reason- 
ably entertained  by  General  Taylor;  but  I  think  I  have  given  you 
enough  of  such  matters  for  to-day. 

Yesterday  there  arrived  from  New  Orleans,  a  deputation  from 
the  citizens  of  that  place,  to  congratulate  General  Taylor  upon  his 
victories,  and  also  a  committee  from  the  Legislature,  to  give  him  the 
thanks  of  Louisiana,  and  present  him  with  a  sword.  The  old  Gen- 
eral received  them  very  courteously,  and  having  been  warned  of 
their  approach,  he  had  a  cold  collation  prepared,  at  which,  through 
the  influence  of  champagne  and  other  spirited  things,  many  patriotic 
and  complimentary  speeches  were  made.  To-day  a  number  of  the 
officers  of  the  army,  desirous  of  testifying  their  sense  of  the  compli- 
ment paid  them  by  the  Legislature  of  Louisiana  and  citizens  of  New 
Orleans,  got  them  up  a  dinner  in  town,  to  which  all  the  volunteer 
officers  were  invited,  and  you  may  be  assured  it  was  a  most  jolly 
time.  A  great  quantity  of  wine  was  imbibed  and  an  infinite  amount 
of  patriotism  resulted,  besides  the  most  gracious  compliments  of 
Volunteers  to  Regulars  and  Regulars  to  Volunteers,  etc.,  etc. 

To  show  you  I  kept  sober,  I  have  added  these  lines  after  seeing 
the  affair  out.    The  people  in  the  town  were  rather  surly,  and  did 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS      %  105 

not  at  all  like  our  cheers  and  toasts,  some  of  them  saying  we  made  a 
great  fuss  about  nothing;  but  we  asked  for  the  laurel-wreaths  the 
ladies  were  preparing  for  Arista  and  his  officers,  and  the  triumphal 
arches  that  were  to  have  been  erected. 

June  14. 

I  forgot  to  mention  in  yesterday's  letter,  that  Governor  Henderson, 
with  about  five  hundred  mounted  Texans,  reached  here  and  the  Gov- 
ernor paid  his  respects  to  the  General.  I  was  much  pleased  with  his 
appearance.  You  know  he  married  in  Paris,  Miss  Coxe,  the  niece  of 
Dr.  Hewson.  He  had  in  his  cortege  Dr.  Ashbell  Smith,  the  great 
Texan  diplomat.  Among  others  whom  he  brought  with  him,  I  was 
much  interested  in  a  young  German,  Count  Blucher,  the  nephew  of 
the  old  Field  Marshall,  who  was  an  editor  of  a  paper  (radical)  in 
Berlin,  but  owing  to  some  articles  which  met  with  the  disapproba- 
tion of  the  King,  he  was  obliged  to  fly  the  country,  and  in  his  wander- 
ings found  his  way  to  Texas,  and  came  here  to  see  the  fighting.  He 
is  about  thirty  years  of  age,  of  mild  and  gentle  appearance,  an  excel- 
lent French  and  Spanish  scholar,  and  said  to  be,  by  a  gentleman  who 
met  him  in  New  Orleans  last  winter,  one  of  the  ripest  classical  scholars 
he  knew.  I  had  some  conversation  with  him  about  Texas,  in  which 
he  expressed  the  greatest  enthusiasm  for  the  country  and  the  wild 
life  you  lead  in  it,  but  the  greatest  disgust  for  the  people  you  are 
obliged  to  associate  with.  He  describes  them  as  having  all  the  bad 
traits  of  the  Spanish  and  Italian  banditti,  without  their  amenity  of 
manners  and  partial  refinement.  I  fancy  his  account  is  very  nearly 
true,  and  they  constitute  about  the  very  worst  specimen  of  our 
population. 

We  continue  in  the  same  state  of  inaction.  In  a  few  days  a  month 
will  have  elapsed  since  we  took  possession  of  the  town,  and  yet  no 
advance,  owing  to  the  want  of  means  of  transportation.  There  is 
fault  somewhere,  but  I  do  not  know  to  whom  to  attribute  the  blame. 
We  now  have  ten  thousand  men,  and  could  we  establish  our  depot 
at  Camargo,  and  get  our  troops  up  there,  we  might  be  in  Monterey 
in  six  weeks,  and  if  the  Mexicans  are  disposed  to  meet  us,  we  should 
have  an  opportunity  to  gain  one  more  victory,  which  I  think  would 
settle  the  matter. 


106         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

Matamoras,  June  28,  1846. 

It  has  been  nearly  two  weeks  since  I  have  been  able  to  write  to 
you,  but  I  trust  the  perfect  quiet  that  prevails  here  will  have  been 
reported  to  you,  and  that  you  will  not  be  uneasy  on  account  of  my 
silence.  A  few  days  after  the  date  of  my  last  letter  (I  think  the  fif- 
teenth) I  was  ordered  to  proceed  to  Reinosa  in  one  of  the  steamboats, 
for  the  purpose  of  making  an  examination  of  the  river  between  this 
point  and  that  place.  We  left  here  on  the  nineteenth  and  returned 
only  a  few  days  ago.  The  expedition  was  extremely  agreeable.  I 
prevailed  upon  Trudeau,  and  a  young  Creole  on  General  Smith's  staff, 
by  the  name  of  Touchet,  to  accompany  us,  making  a  little  party, 
and  as  the  boat  was  a  good  one,  clean  and  comfortable,  we  managed, 
when  not  engaged  with  our  duties,  to  amuse  ourselves  in  various 
ways. 

We  found  the  river  perfectly  navigable  all  the  way  to  Reinosa, 
and  cultivated  for  nearly  the  whole  distance,  one  hundred  and  eighty 
miles  by  water.  Indeed,  on  the  Mexican  side,  it  was  one  vast  corn 
field  from  here  more  than  three  quarters  of  the  distance.  Upon  the 
other  side  the  land  is  cleared,  and  has  been  under  cultivation,  but  a 
large  portion  has  been  abandoned  owing  to  the  frequent  depredations 
and  incursions  of  the  Comanche  Indians.  The  soil  upon  the  river 
bank  is  exceedingly  rich,  said  by  many  to  equal  in  fertility  the  banks 
of  the  Mississippi,  and  to  be  capable  of  producing  sugar  and  cotton 
equal  to  the  production  of  that  rich  valley.  It  is  without  doubt  the 
finest  part  of  Texas  (if  it  belong  to  Texas!)  that  I  have  seen  and  I 
anticipate  its  being  densely  populated,  one  day,  when  its  resources  are 
made  available  by  the  establishment  of  the  means  of  transporting 
its  products  to  the  sea.  It  has  one  advantage  over  the  Mississippi 
Valley,  which  is  its  perfect  salubrity.  No  diseases  are  known  here, 
but  such  as  are  incident  to  all  climates;  there  are  no  local  diseases, 
none  originating  from  causes  only  found  here.  I  have  seen  several 
persons  who  told  me  they  came  to  the  river  with  the  chills  and  fever, 
which  they  had  brought  with  them,  recovered  here,  and  have  never 
since  been  troubled  with  them.  The  river  does  not  habitually,  each 
year,  overflow  its  banks — that  is  to  say,  it  has  no  permanent  and 
regular  rises,  as  the  Arkansas,  Missouri,  and  other  of  our  rivers  have. 
It  is  nothing  but  a  drain  or  canal,  through  which  the  surplus  water 
of  the  country,  caused  by  rain,  springs,  etc.,  passes  off.  Its  rises,  in 
consequence,  are  very  sudden,  but  the  water  runs  off  equally  fast. 
It  was  quite  an  agreeable  sight  in  passing  up,  to  see  the  banks,  which 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  107 

are  generally  high  and  firm,  covered  with  fields,  extending  for  miles, 
with  the  finest  corn  I  have  ever  seen,  now  and  then  a  ranch,  or  village, 
in  front  of  which  all  the  inhabitants  were  collected,  staring  in  stupid 
wonder  at  our  little  boat  as  she  puffed  her  way  up;  and  when  we 
took  off  our  hats  and  kissed  our  hands  to  the  girls,  they  would  all 
shout  and  laugh  and  make  themselves  most  merry. 

In  Reinosa  I  was  much  disappointed.  It  is  a  small  place,  not 
having  at  present  over  six  hundred  inhabitants,  and  containing  evi- 
dences of  magnificent  designs  most  meagrely  executed.  The  town 
is  laid  out  in  squares  upon  a  hill  of  some  fifty  feet  high,  consisting  of 
a  rotten  limestone,  which  material  is  used  in  constructing  the  houses. 
These,  as  in  all  their  towns,  are  only  one  story  and  with  square  roofs. 
The  walls  are  made  nearly  two  feet  thick,  of  this  spongy  limestone, 
and  put  together  in  immense  blocks,  with  a  cement  of  very  inferior 
quality,  made  from  the  limestone.  About  one-half  the  houses  are 
only  half  built;  of  the  remainder,  a  large  proportion  are  tumbling  to 
pieces;  so,  in  fact,  though  a  town  of  recent  date,  one  would  suppose 
it  was  a  century  old  from  its  apparently  dilapidated  state.  Of  the 
people  who  were  in  it,  we  found  many  agreeable  acquaintances. 
They  appeared  to  be  more  affably  disposed  towards  us  than  the 
population  of  Matamoras,  and  the  few  who  called  themselves  of  the 
better  order  invited  us  to  their  houses  and  were  exceedingly  civil. 
We  saw  many  pretty  girls  (that  is,  called  pretty  here),  but  with  us 
they  would  not  pass  for  beauties.  But  I  have  been  struck  with  one 
remarkable  fact  with  regard  to  the  women,  and  that  is  the  grace  and 
ease  of  manner  they  all  possess.  It  is  even  shown  in  the  way  they 
wear  their  clothes,  always  having  them  nicely  made,  clean,  and  grace- 
fully worn.  I  have  often  stopped  at  what  is  here  called  a  Labor  (a 
farm  of  three  or  four  acres)  and  asked  for  a  glass  of  water,  when  some 
really  pretty  girl,  with  a  reboso  gracefully  thrown  over  her  shoulder 
to  conceal  her  dress  (which  for  comfort  is  ordinarily  worn  with  the 
body  unfastened  and  thrown  off),  with  her  pretty  patterned  French 
calico  or  printed  muslin,  the  only  article  I  have  seen  the  lower  orders 
wear,  well  made  and  fitting  perfectly,  will  hand  you  a  cup  of  water, 
in  a  graceful  way  that  would  put  to  blush  many  of  our  finely  dressed 
ladies  of  the  upper  ten  thousand.  I  have  been  struck  with  their 
taste  in  the  selection  of  dresses,  shawls,  etc.  Our  merchants  who 
have  followed  the  army  brought  with  them  an  immense  quantity  of 
the  Lowell  prints  and  notwithstanding  they  offer  them  for  less  than 
one-third  of  the  price  these  people  are  obliged  to  give  for  French 


108         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

calicos,  they  cannot  sell  them,  the  answer  always  being  they  do  not 
like  those  patterns. 

General  Taylor  has  not  received  a  line  from  the  Department 
since  the  battles — indeed,  I  heard  him  say  he  had  not  received  a 
line  from  it  since  last  January,  when  it  ordered  him  to  the  Rio  Grande; 
not  even  a  simple  acknowledgement  of  the  receipt  of  his  official  re- 
ports, though  we  see  by  the  papers  that  are  now  and  then  brought  by 
vessels  bringing  over  supplies,  that  his  reports  have  been  received, 
that  he  has  been  made  a  major-general,  and  owing  to  the  course  of 
General  Scott,  is  to  remain  in  command  of  the  forces  operating 
against  Mexico. 

My  own  opinion  is  that  the  Mexicans  will  never  disturb  us  on  the 
river,  our  present  position,  but  that  they  will  make  a  stand  at  Mon- 
terey, should  we  advance  into  the  interior.  They  will  without  doubt 
fortify  that  place,  and  it  is  understood  to  be  capable  of  strong  de- 
fense. Then  they  have  a  distance  of  eighty  miles  to  Saltillo,  which 
is  a  pass  through  the  mountains,  capable  of  being  made  impregnable 
if  defended  by  brave  and  intrepid  men,  and  which  it  will  be  difficult 
for  us  to  force  if  they  defend  it  properly.  But  I  do  not  believe  it  is 
in  the  people  to  resist  us  as  brave  men  would  do,  although  every 
effort  will  be  made  to  arouse  their  national  prejudices  and  religious 
feelings  against  us.  If  we  only  had  fifteen  thousand  regular  troops, 
I  believe  sincerely  we  could  march  to  the  City  of  Mexico,  but  I  doubt 
the  practicability  of  so  doing  with  a  force  of  volunteers;  for  this 
reason,  the  regular  troops,  being  disciplined  and  under  the  command 
of  their  officers,  can  be  restrained,  kept  in  subjection,  and  the  war 
made  a  war  against  the  Army  and  Government  of  Mexico,  and  not 
against  the  people,  who  would  be  left  undisturbed  in  their  peaceful 
vocations  as  the  army  passed  on.  But  already  have  the  volunteers 
commenced  to  excite  feelings  of  indignation  and  hatred  in  the  bosom 
of  the  people,  by  their  outrages  on  thern.  Every  day  complaints  are 
made,  of  this  man's  cornfield  being  destroyed  by  the  volunteers' 
horses  put  into  it,  or  another  man's  fences  being  torn  down  by  them 
for  firewood,  or  an  outrage  committed  on  some  inoffensive  person  by 
some  drunken  volunteer,  and  above  all  volunteers,  those  from  Texas 
are  the  most  outrageous,  for  they  come  here  with  the  sores  and  recol- 
lections of  wrong  done,  which  have  been  festering  in  them  for  ten 
years,  and  under  the  guise  of  entering  the  United  States  service,  they 
cloak  a  thirst  to  gratify  personal  revenge.  Now  it  is  impossible  for 
General  Taylor  to  restrain  these  men;  he  has  neither  the  moral  nor 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  109 

physical  force  to  do  it,  and  my  apprehensions  are  that  if  we  advance 
with  them  into  the  interior,  they  will  exasperate  the  people  against 
us,  causing  them  to  rise  en  masse,  and  if  so  there  is  no  telling  when 
the  war  will  end.  But  if  we  can  restrain  them,  and  prove  to  the 
people  our  desire  to  let  them  alone,  and  only  make  war  on  the  sol- 
diery and  officeholders,  one  more  victory  will  terminate  the  affair. 

In  the  meantime  should  the  Oregon  question  be  adjusted,  and  all 
hopes  of  assistance  from  England  directly  or  indirectly,  by  her  being 
at  war  with  us,  vanish,  they  will  be  disposed  to  treat  without  further 
collision. 

Matamoras,  July  9,  1846. 

No  movement  has  taken  place  since  my  last,  but  the  sending  of 
one  regiment  of  infantry  to  Camargo,  a  point  on  the  river  some  forty 
miles  above  Reinosa,  and  about  one  hundred  by  land  from  this  place. 
A  movement  of  the  whole  army  is  contemplated  now  in  a  few  days, 
as  at  last  we  have  ten  boats  on  the  river  by  which  we  can  throw  up 
supplies  to  Camargo,  the  point  from  whence  it  is  intended  to  advance 
into  the  interior. 

The  settlement  of  the  Oregon  question,  the  news  of  which  was 
brought  by  the  last  mail,  will  have  I  think  a  most  important  influence 
on  the  course  of  Mexico,  as  in  it  she  must  see  the  destruction  of  all 
her  fond  hopes  of  assistance  from  England;  and  if  it  is  true  that  the 
latter  power  has  offered  her  mediation,  as  is  reported,  I  believe, 
unless  the  United  States  are  too  exigeante  in  their  terms,  that  peace 
will  be  made.  But  I  fear  this  opportunity  of  acquiring  California, 
either  by  right  of  conquest,  or  in  payment  of  the  expenses  of  the  war 
and  of  the  debts  due  by  Mexico  to  our  citizens,  is  too  good  to  be  lost, 
and  that  Mr.  Polk  will  insist  upon  having  upper  California,  in  which 
event  I  fear  the  Mexicans  are  not  sufficiently  worsted  to  induce  them 
to  acquiesce.  I  believe  with  fifteen  thousand  regulars,  we  could  go 
to  the  City  of  Mexico,  but  with  thirty  thousand  volunteers  the  whole 
nature  and  policy  of  the  war  will  be  changed.  Already  are  the  in- 
jurious influences  of  their  presence  perceptible,  and  you  will  hear 
any  Mexican  in  the  street  descanting  on  the  good  conduct  of  the 
"troyas  de  ligna"  as  they  call  us,  and  the  dread  of  the  "volontarios" 
And  with  reason,  they  (the  volunteers)  have  killed  five  or  six  inno- 
cent people  walking  in  the  streets,  for  no  other  object  than  their  own 
amusement;  to-be-sure,  they  are  always  drunk,  and  are  in  a  measure 
irresponsible  for  their  conduct.    They  rob  and  steal  the  cattle  and 


110         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

corn  of  the  poor  farmers,  and  in  fact  act  more  like  a  body  of  hostile 
Indians  than  of  civilized  whites.  Their  own  officers  have  no  command 
or  control  over  them,  and  the  General  has  given  up  in  despair  any 
hope  of  keeping  them  in  order.  The  consequence  is  they  are  excit- 
ing a  feeling  among  the  people  which  will  induce  them  to  rise  en  masse 
to  obstruct  our  progress,  and  if,  when  we  reach  the  mountains,  we 
have  to  fight  the  people  as  well  as  the  soldiers,  the  game  will  be  up 
with  us.  I  have  some  hope,  however,  that  when  we  leave  this  place, 
which  has  become  a  mass  of  grog-shops  and  gambling-houses,  and 
march  to  meet  the  enemy,  the  absence  of  liquor,  and  the  fear  of  the 
enemy,  may  induce  a  little  more  order  among  them  and  bring  them 
to  a  better  state  of  discipline. 

I  suppose  the  good  people  of  the  North  are  much  disappointed 
at  our  apparent  want  of  energy  and  failure  to  prosecute  vigorously 
the  war;  so  with  the  volunteers,  they  are  in  a  state  of  mutiny  because 
they  are  not  marched  right  off  to  meet  the  enemy.  But  all  these 
wise  people  forget  that  soldiers  cannot  march  or  fight  unless  they  have 
something  to  eat,  and  when  in  a  country  totally  devoid  of  resources, 
they  must  carry  with  them  the  means  of  sustaining  physical  nature, 
and  in  consequence  must  have  the  means  of  carrying  their  provisions 
and  other  supplies.  Now,  on  the  10th  of  May,  the  day  after  we 
routed  the  Mexicans,  General  Taylor  had  the  means  of  transporting 
the  supplies  for  three  thousand  men  by  land,  but  not  expecting  to 
use  the  river,  as  he  had  been  commanded  not  to  insist  on  its  naviga- 
tion, he  of  course  had  no  boats,  but  on  that  day,  when  the  character 
of  his  operations  underwent  an  entire  change,  and  from  acting  sim- 
ply on  the  defensive  to  maintain  a  position,  he  assumed  the  offensive 
to  carry  on  a  war,  upon  that  day  he  called  for  more  wagons,  and  for 
boats  to  ascend  the  river,  even  then  only  contemplating  the  employ- 
ment of  five  thousand  additional  men,  and  simply  the  occupying  and 
maintaining  possession  of  both  banks  of  the  river.  The  Government, 
however,  increases  his  force  to  thirty  thousand  men,  designs  an  inva- 
sion, floods  him  with  men,  without  sending  the  means  of  subsisting 
them,  or  of  transporting  them  and  their  subsistence. 

Now  these  things  should  have  been  anticipated  at  Washington, 
and  it  would  have  been  better  for  them  to  have  turned  their  energies 
to  forwarding  supplies  and  means  of  transportation  first,  and  then 
sent  the  men,  when  everything  was  ready  for  their  use.  This  was 
poor  General  Scott's  idea,  and  is  the  correct  one.  He  saw  the  force 
could  not  be  made  available  before  September,  and  properly  deemed 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS    '  111 

it  useless  for  himself  and  command  to  be  idling  their  time  here  wait- 
ing for  wagons  and  pork,  and  had  he  confined  himself  in  his  letter 
simply  to  giving  his  military  reasons  for  not  leaving  immediately, 
at  the  same  time  saying  he  would  waive  them  and  leave  by  the  next 
mail,  he  would  have  been  right,  and  would  have  been  sustained. 
But,  unfortunately,  he  chose  to  ascribe  political  reasons  to  what,  I 
believe,  was  simply  military  ignorance  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Polk;  and 
this,  with  his  "hasty  plate  of  soup,"  has  ruined  him  forever,  for  it  is 
much  better  in  this  country  for  a  man  to  commit  a  gross  crime  than 
to  make  himself  ridiculous;  the  former  he  may  get  over,  the  latter, 
never. 

But  now,  as  I  told  you  before,  we  have  ten  boats  (after  waiting 
two  months  for  them),  and  the  General  will  employ  them  in  throwing 
supplies  into  Camargo,  and  will  in  a  few  days  move  the  whole  army 
up  to  that  point,  except  such  portions  as  are  necessary  to  garrison 
the  depots  at  this  and  other  places. 

Camargo  is  one  hundred  miles  from  here,  and  the  roads  are  very 
bad,  owing  to  recent  rains.  It  will  therefore  take  to  the  1st  of  August 
before  the  army  will  be  concentrated  there.  Then  the  means  of 
transporting  from  that  point  to  Monterey,  a  distance  of  one  hundred 
and  sixty  miles,  the  supplies  for  a  column  of  eight  or  ten  thousand 
men  will  have  to  be  collected  there,  and  various  preparations  made, 
which  will  consume  some  weeks,  so  that  I  hardly  think  the  advance 
from  Camargo  will  be  made  before  the  latter  part  of  August. 

In  the  meantime  I  shall  probably  be  occupied  in  making  recon- 
noissances  of  the  roads  and  country  between  Camargo  and  Monterey, 
in  advance  of  the  army.  Since  my  last  letter,  Captain  Williams,  of 
the  corps,  has  arrived,  to  act  as  Chief  Topographical  Engineer,  and 
a  young  lieutenant  by  the  name  of  Pope1  is  also  ordered  here.  This 
will  make,  with  Mr.  Wood  and  myself,  four  officers,  of  whom  I  shall 
be  the  second  in  rank.  Four  others  have  been  sent,  I  understand, 
with  Colonel  Kearney,  from  St.  Louis  to  Santa  Fe,  namely,  Emory, 
Warner,  Peck  and  Abert.  This  makes  eight  officers  of  the  corps  in 
the  field. 

I  suppose  you  are  aware  a  large  cavalry  force  is  being  collected  at 
San  Antonio  de  Bexar,  which  is  to  be  under  the  command  of  General 
Wool,  and  they  are  to  march  from  San  Antonio  to  Chihuahua,  a 
large  town  of  fourteen  thousand  inhabitants,  on  the  highroad  from 

lieutenant  John  Pope,  of  the  Topographical  Engineers,  afterward  major- 
general  U.  S.  Vols.,  Civil  War. 


112         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

the  City  of  Mexico  to  Santa  Fe,  so  that  the  occupation  of  Monterey, 
Chihuahua  and  Santa  Fe  will  give  us  actual  possession  of  the  whole 
of  New  Mexico. 

I  have  been  given  to  understand  at  headquarters  that  there  will 
probably  be  one  or  two  Topographical  Engineers  sent  to  General 
Wool  from  this  command;  in  which  case  I  shall  certainly  be  one,  for 
Captain  Williams  will  remain  with  General  Taylor,  and  I  coming 
next,  will  have  the  claim  to  the  independent  position,  and,  if  two  go, 
to  the  command  of  the  assistant  who  is  sent.  Of  course  I  would 
rather  be  first  than  second  of  my  corps,  and  without  doubt  the  expe- 
dition to  Chihuahua  will  be  agreeable,  as  it  is  represented  as  being 
one  of  the  finest  cities  in  Northern  Mexico;  but  still  I  would  prefer 
remaining  with  General  Taylor,  as  he  will  see  the  fighting  if  any 
more  is  to  be  done.  The  expedition  to  Chihuahua  will  doubtless 
be  effected  without  opposition  from  the  Mexicans,  though  General 
Wool  may  meet  with  the  Indians. 

I  shall,  however,  adopt  the  course  in  this  instance  which  I  have 
always  taken,  of  expressing  no  wish  or  feeling  in  the  matter,  but 
obeying  with  alacrity  any  order  that  may  be  given  me.  They  may 
send  officers  from  Washington  to  General  Wool,  which  would  obviate 
the  necessity  of  any  going  from  here,  or  the  General  may  find  he  has 
occupation  for  all  of  us  with  him.  Time  alone  will  show.  As  it  is 
we  (the  Topographical  Engineers)  are  all  going  to  Camargo  in  a  day 
or  two,  to  commence  the  exploration  of  the  country  between  there 
and  Monterey. 

I  note  with  pride  and  pleasure  the  good  opinion  of  my  epistolary 
powers,  which  your  dear  father  and  others  have  been  pleased  to  ex- 
press, and  also  your  request  that  I  should  keep  a  journal,  if  I  have 
not  done  so.  I  have  not  kept  a  journal,  or  any  memoranda  but  my 
letters  to  you.  What  your  father  says  is  very  true — that  war  will 
be  a  matter  of  history,  and  the  day  may  come  when  the  evidence  of 
the  most  humble  participator  in  it  may  be  of  importance  in  elucidat- 
ing some  disputed  point.  Still,  I  do  not  think  I  could  ever  bring 
myself  to  the  point  of  writing  a  book,  and  should  feel  something  like 
the  old  General,  who,  when  he  was  told  a  delegation  from  the  Legis- 
lature of  Louisiana  had  arrived  to  deliver  to  him  a  sword,  observed 
he  would  rather  go  through  another  battle  than  make  a  speech  in 
reply  to  them.  When  the  occasion  came,  I  assure  you  the  old  man 
was  a  great  deal  more  excited  and  embarrassed  than  at  any  period 
of  the  action. 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  113 

I  cannot  express  to  you  how  thankful  I  am  you  refused  John 
Cadwalader's1  request  to  publish  my  letter,  and  I  have  mentioned 
your  good  sense  and  prudence  with  great  pride  throughout  the  camp. 
It  is  the  more  appreciated,  as  many  good  people  similarly  situated 
have  not  exercised  the  same  discretion,  and  many  letters  have  been 
published  which  their  authors  would  have  given  a  great  deal  to  have 
revised  before  meeting  the  eyes  of  their  brother  officers.  Instances 
of  individual  valor  which  were  never  known  before  the  letters  came 
here  in  the  papers,  extraordinary  feats  performed  by  persons  who 
were  never  near  the  reputed  scene  of  action,  and  all  kinds  of  lies  and 
absurdities  have  been  sent  forth,  the  poor  devils  writing  them  sup- 
posing they  would  only  be  seen  by  their  friends,  and  these  little  white 
lies,  induced  by  their  vanity,  pass  undiscovered.  Another  set  wrote 
what  they  believed  to  be  true,  but  in  giving  their  accounts  of  the 
actions  have  run  counter  in  their  impressions  to  the  impressions  of 
others,  so  as  to  have  raised  in  the  army  a  number  of  cliques,  each 
having  its  individual  hero.  Now,  though  I  wrote  you  nothing  but 
the  truth,  and  what  I  saw  myself,  yet  as  it  is  impossible  on  a  field  of 
battle  for  any  one  man  to  see  and  know  everything,  many  things 
escaped  me,  and  had  my  letter  been  published  and  reached  here, 
many  who  are  now  my  good  friends  would  have  abused  me  for  having 
omitted  to  mention  their  extraordinary  services.  Indeed,  of  the 
mass  of  letters  I  know  of  but  one  which  has  met  with  anything  like 
approbation,  and  I  am  therefore  over-rejoiced  at  your  good  sense  in 
withholding  mine.  If  there  is  anything  I  do  dislike,  it  is  newspaper 
notoriety.  I  think  it  is  the  curse  of  our  country,  and  fear  it  is  seri- 
ously injuring  our  little  army,  whose  tone  once  was  utterly  opposed 
to  making  use  of  the  public  press  to  sustain  their  cause. 

As  to  my  name  being  mentioned  in  General  Taylor's  report,  I 
think  your  expectations  were  altogether  too  high,  and  you  deserved 
to  be  disappointed.  When  you  reflect  that  of  nearly  two  hundred 
officers  only  some  twenty-five  were  mentioned,  you  must  certainly 
acknowledge  it  a  compliment.  And  the  very  fact  of  its  being  brought 
to  your  notice  by  so  many  persons  proves  that  it  was  a  compliment 
of  no  small  value.  Now,  I  did  nothing  but  my  duty,  which  did  not 
require  that  I  should  charge  batteries,  or  shoot  Mexicans,  or  place 
myself  in  any  position  where  I  could  display  extraordinary  personal 
valor,  and  I  am  only  mentioned  because,  being  near  the  person  of 

1  John  Cadwalader,  of  Philadelphia,  afterward  judge  of  the  U.  S.  District 
Court. 


114         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

the  General,  and  having  performed  my  duty,  it  was  only  by  his  men- 
tioning me  that  the  simple  fact  would  be  made  known. 

Still,  I  consider  it  a  distinguished  compliment,  quite  undeserved 
on  my  part;  for  there  were  many  equally  entitled  with  myself  to  it 
who  are  not  known  except  to  their  few  personal  friends  as  having 
been  in  the  action;  whereas,  all  over  the  country  and  in  Europe, 
wherever  I  should  have  an  acquaintance,  they  will  know  by  this  re- 
port, at  least,  that  I  was  in  both  actions,  and  that  appears  to  be  a 
great  deal  nowadays,  and  is  indeed  a  fact  of  which  I  do  not  hesitate 
to  say  I  am  exceedingly  proud. 

Matamoeas,  July  16,  1846. 

Obstacle  after  obstacle  presents  itself  to  us,  so  that  it  is  impos- 
sible to  calculate  when  we  shall  even  move.  At  first  we  had  no 
boats  or  provisions  to  throw  forward.  Now,  when  the  boats  have 
come,  the  river  rises  to  its  maximum  height,  overflows  the  whole 
country  above  and  below,  cuts  off  all  communication  by  land  even, 
from  here  to  Point  Isabel,  and  occupies  nearly  all  the  boats  in  bring- 
ing up  here  the  crowds  of  men  sent  by  the  Government,  and  the  pro- 
visions necessary  to  feed  them.  Just  as  we  are  getting  boats  enough 
to  perform  this  duty,  and  take  up  provisions  to  Camargo,  it  rains  as  if 
heaven  and  earth  were  coming  together,  and  renders  the  road  from 
here  to  that  point  impassable,  forcing  us  to  send  the  troops  by  water, 
which  will  be  the  work  of  months,  as  one  boat  can  only  take  half  a 
regiment  at  a  time.  Add  to  all  this  that  the  Secretary  of  War  sends 
an  order  declaring  all  the  troops  called  out  by  General  Taylor,  who 
enlisted  for  more  than  three  months  (that  is  to  say  for  six),  as  illegally 
enlisted,  the  law  only  allowing  an  enlistment  of  three  months,  and 
requiring  them  to  be  disbanded  at  the  expiration  of  their  term  of 
service.  Here,  then,  is  the  whole  force  that  General  Taylor  has  been 
relying  on  for  his  forward  movement — namely,  the  troops  from  Lou- 
isiana, Texas,  St.  Louis  and  Louisville — taken  at  once  from  him,  and 
he  obliged  to  delay  his  movements  till  the  twelve-months'  men  shall 
arrive  here  and  be  sent  to  Camargo.  So  that  I  do  not  see  how  we 
are  to  leave  Camargo,  to  advance  into  the  enemy's  country,  till  late 
in  the  fall. 

Again,  I  had  some  hopes  from  the  mediation  of  England,  and 
trusted  the  United  States  would  be  willing  to  make  peace;  but  from 
information  received  by  the  last  mail,  I  fear  Mr.  Polk  is  not  very 
anxious  for  peace,  and  that  his  demands  upon  Mexico  will  be  such 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS      »  115 

that  she  will  prefer  trying  her  fortune  in  battle  once  more  before  she 
yields.  I  refer  to  the  fact  that  troops  are  being  sent  to  California 
by  sea,  round  Cape  Horn,  a  voyage  of  six  or  eight  months'  duration. 
Now,  either  Mr.  Polk  presumes  the  war  will  continue  that  length  of 
time,  or  he  is  determined  to  have  California,  as  one  of  the  terms  of 
peace,  and  these  troops  are  to  take  possession  of  it  in  case  of  war, 
and  to  garrison  it  in  the  event  of  peace  having  been  made  before  they 
reach  there. 

I  do  not  think  Mexico  has  been  led  to  feel  our  power  sufficiently 
to  induce  her  to  dismember  herself,  and  that  we  shall  have  to  whip 
her  much  more  than  we  have  done,  before  she  will  consent  to  yield 
to  terms  so  hard  as  these.  So  that  I  fear  we  shall  be  compelled  to 
advance  into  the  country — and  pretty  far  into  it,  too — before  we  can 
look  for  anything  like  a  definite  termination  to  this  state  of  things. 

Point  Isabel,  July  24,  1846. 

Since  I  last  wrote  you  (on  the  16th  instant)  I  have  been  directed 
to  come  here  in  search  of  some  public  property  which  Captain  Wil- 
liams desired  to  obtain  immediate  possession  of.  I  came  down  the 
river  on  a  small  steamboat,  with  nine  hundred  men  on  board — a 
regiment  of  volunteers  from  Louisiana,  who  had  served  their  three 
months,  and  declined  remaining  for  twelve  more,  which  has  been  the 
decision  of  the  Government. 

Eight  thousand  men  are  in  this  position,  called  out  by  General 
Gaines  for  six  months,  and  the  Government  now  decides  that  volun- 
teers cannot  be  called  out  for  a  greater  period  than  three  months, 
unless  by  Special  Act  of  Congress,  and  has  directed  that  this  force, 
at  the  end  of  their  three  months,  is  to  be  disbanded,  unless  it  chooses 
to  serve  for  nine  months,  making  a  year.  As  a  matter  of  course, 
they  all  decline,  so  that  we  shall  have  to  transport  these  eight  thou- 
sand men  out  of  the  country,  and  they  have  just  been  here  three 
months,  to  eat  up  two  hundred  and  forty  thousand  rations;  and  our 
means  of  transportation,  so  necessary  for  us  to  throw  our  troops  and 
supplies  up  to  Camargo,  are  taken  to  carry  these  people  to  a  point 
where  they  can  get  shipping.  And  this  is  the  way  everything  is 
being  done,  affording  every  day  stronger  practical  illustration  of  the 
utter  unfitness  of  our  Government  for  carrying  on  a  war  of  invasion. 

Indeed,  so  irregular  and  undisciplined  is  the  force  sent  here  that 
I  shall  be  surprised  if  I  ever  find  myself  at  Monterey;  for  I  really  do 
not  see  how  General  Taylor  can  carry  on  operations  with  a  force  which 


116         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

he  cannot  depend  upon  for  doing  the  slightest  thing  for  itself.     A 
regiment  cannot  move  its  camp  eight  or  ten  miles,  without  incurring 
the  risk  of  starving;   for  though  furnished  with  wagons  and  ample 
means  of  transportation,  they  will  overload  their  wagons  with  bag- 
gage and  sutler's  goods,  and  leave  their  provisions,  thinking  this  a 
clever  trick  by  which  they  will  force  the  Government  officers  to  send 
on  their  provisions  by  extra  transportation.    The  consequence  is 
they  arrive  at  their  new  position,  and  the  next  day  they  have  nothing 
to  eat,  and  then  complain  of  the  regular  officers.    Everything,  in 
consequence,  connected  with  these  people  is  one  mass  of  confusion, 
and  I  do  not  believe  they  ever  will  be  taught  to  take  care  of  them- 
selves, and  of  course  our  operations  will  be  proportionately  impeded. 
I  came  down  the  river  with  Captain  A.  Slidell  McKenzie,  who 
came  here  in  a  vessel  of  war,  direct  from  Havana,  went  to  see  General 
Taylor,  with  whom  he  remained  closeted  for  some  hours,  and  is  now 
on  his  way  to  Washington.     It  is  supposed  his  mission  has  some 
connection  with  Santa  Anna,  but  upon  this  point  he  is  silent.    He, 
however,  makes  public  the  intelligence  that  California  has  declared 
itself  independent  of  Mexico,  and  thrown  herself  upon  the  protection 
of  the  United  States.    This  is  but  the  first  move  in  the  game  I  have 
long  since  anticipated.     We  learn,  moreover,  that  a  regiment  of  in- 
fantry is  to  go  out  in  the  "North  Carolina"  (74)  to  California,  other 
troops  having  preceded  them.     We  are  then  to  have  California  at  all 
hazards,  and  Mexico,  I  am  sure,  will  never  yield  this  point  until  she 
is  forced  so  to  do.     I  look,  then,  for  a  long  war — at  least  for  no  speedy 
adjustment  of  our  difficulties,  unless  England  should  advise  Mexico 
to  yield  to  our  requirements. 

By  the  blessing  of  God  I  continue  in  excellent  health,  and  trust 
this  will  be  continued.  The  army  is  in  excellent  health,  considering 
its  exposure  and  the  nature  of  the  climate.  I  do  not  think  the  num- 
ber of  sick  is  greater  than  it  would  be  were  we  encamped  at  the 
North. 

Matamoras,  July  30,  1846. 
I  returned  to  this  place  yesterday,  very  glad,  I  assure  you,  to 
get  away  from  the  immense  crowd  of  volunteers,  that  was  over- 
crowding everything  and  everybody  at  the  mouth  of  the  river.  I 
was  truly  delighted  to  find  on  my  arrival  your  letters  from  the  2d  to 
the  14th  of  July.  At  length  you  have  received  some  of  my  letters, 
and  appear  in  better  spirits. 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  117 

I  regret  I  have  nothing  new  to  tell  you.  Most  of  the  regulars 
have  gone  up  to  Camargo,  and  the  General  proposes  to  start  in  two 
or  three  days.  I  shall  accompany  him.  I  suppose  we  will  be  de- 
tained some  time  at  Camargo,  organizing  the  army  and  making 
preparations  for  our  march  into  the  enemy's  country.  At  the  last 
accounts  they  had  no  reinforcements  at  Monterey,  and  only  had  the 
wreck  of  the  army  they  had  there,  which  was  assiduously  engaged 
fortifying  the  place.  I  am  in  hopes  Paredes  will  be  able  to  raise  an 
army  and  reach  Monterey  before  we  do,  and  let  us  have  our  fight 
there,  instead  of  farther  in  the  interior.  I  think  the  war  will  not  end 
till  we  give  them  another  drubbing,  and  if  we  succeed  in  doing  that, 
then  they  will  probably  come  to  their  senses  and  make  terms.  This 
appears  to  be  the  opinion  of  the  most  intelligent  Mexicans  here,  that 
Paredes  will  make  a  great  effort  to  raise  a  large  army  to  meet  us,  and 
in  the  event  of  his  being  defeated,  he  will  lose  his  power,  and  some 
of  his  rivals  will  come  into  power,  who  will  make  terms  with  us. 
Should  this  prove  true,  the  sooner  the  battle  takes  place  the  better. 

Two  French  painters  have  arrived  from  New  Orleans  to  collect 
materials  for  painting  the  battle  of  the  ninth.  They  have  been 
taking  the  likenesses  of  all  the  principal  individuals  in  the  action, 
and  as  one  of  General  Taylor's  staff,  they  took  mine,  that  is  a  simple 
pencil  sketch.  I  could  not  recognize  it  myself,  nor  do  I  suppose  any 
one  else  could,  as  it  put  me  in  mind  of  the  "Herald's"  wood-cut  of 
the  Prince  de  Joinville.  However,  I  suppose  it  is  a  great  honor  to 
be  put  in  a  picture  in  any  way,  and  perhaps  one  of  these  days,  when 
you  see  it,  you  will  see  on  the  directing  card:  "No.  15,  Lieut.  Meade, 
Top'l  Eng's."  They  propose  making  a  large  picture  and  hope  to 
sell  it  to  Congress  or  some  public  institution. 

Matamoras,  August  3,  1846. 

The  General  has  determined  to  go  up  to  Camargo  by  water,  and 
starts  on  the  first  boat;  but  Captain  Williams,  preferring  to  go  by 
land,  has  obtained  his  permission  to  accompany  a  command  that 
leaves  to-morrow,  consisting  of  four  companies  of  infantry  and  a 
battery  of  artillery.  Of  course  I  go  with  Captain  Williams,  and  shall 
therefore  leave  to-morrow  morning  before  sunrise.  I  should  have 
preferred  myself  going  by  water,  as  I  would  avoid  riding  in  the  hot 
sun,  but  in  other  respects  the  land  journey  will  be  the  most  pleasant, 
as  the  boats  are  dirty  and  uncomfortable  and  all  filled  with  troops. 

We  have  no  news.    You  will  have  doubtless  seen  before  this 


118  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

reaches  you,  the  intelligence  brought  by  the  "  Princeton/ '  which 
brings  our  dates  up  to  the  10th  inst.,  at  the  City  of  Mexico.  The 
Congress  had  authorized  Paredes  to  prosecute  vigorously  the  war, 
but  furnished  him  with  no  means,  nor  had  they  taken  any  steps  to 
raise  any  means  for  him.  He  on  his  part  was  afraid  to  leave  the  City 
of  Mexico.  No  troops  had  been  raised,  and  there  was  difficulty  in 
getting  generals  to  lead  them,  after  the  treatment  Arista  had  received. 
This  is  confirmed  by  our  advices  from  Monterey,  which  state  there 
are  only  two  thousand  five  hundred  men  there,  and  no  certain  intelli- 
gence of  any  approaching.  From  this  it  is  not  improbable  they  may 
allow  us  to  occupy  Monterey  without  opposition,  but  I  cannot  think 
the  war  will  be  ended  without  more  fighting,  and  I  therefore  dislike 
to  see  it  put  off. 

Reinosa,  August  10,  1846. 

We  arrived  here  to-day  on  our  March  to  Camargo,  and  I  seize 
the  opportunity  afforded  by  a  few  hours'  halt  to  send  you  some  ac- 
count of  my  movements. 

We  left  Matamoras  on  the  5th  inst.,  but  in  consequence  of  the 
state  of  the  roads  near  the  river,  we  had  to  make  a  long  detour  to 
reach  this  place,  making  a  march  of  over  ninety  miles,  when  the 
straight  road  is  not  more  than  sixty.  As  is  always  the  case,  this 
march  has  improved  me  very  much.  I  was  beginning  to  feel  the 
effects  of  lying  idle  at  Matamoras,  but  now  I  am  as  well  as  possible, 
notwithstanding  our  first  two  days'  march  was  through  the  rain, 
and  the  last  in  the  burning  sun,  with  often  a  space  of  sixteen  miles 
without  water. 

The  country  we  came  over  was  rather  monotonous,  the  early 
part  being  a  level  prairie;  but  the  last  day  we  came  over  a  rolling 
limestone  country  that  was  exceedingly  agreeable  to  our  eyes,  seeing 
the  first  undulating  country  I  had  seen  since  I  left  the  United  States. 

We  leave  this  afternoon  for  Camargo,  and  expect  to  reach  it  in 
three  days. 

In  Camp  near  Camargo,  Mexico,  August  13,  1846. 
We  arrived  here  early  this  morning,  after  having  marched  nearly 
one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  in  eight  days,  which,  when  you  con- 
sider the  climate  and  the  season  of  the  year,  is  doing  pretty  well. 
The  last  few  days  the  heat  was  so  intense  in  the  middle  of  the  day, 
that  we  were  obliged  to  get  up  at  twelve  o'clock  at  night,  and  finish 
our  day's  march  before  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning.    As  we  had  a 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  119 

moon,  this  was  readily  effected,  and  I  presume  will  be  the  plan 
adopted  hereafter  in  marching  to  Monterey,  for  we  find  this  upper 
country  very  much  hotter  than  it  was  at  Matamoras.  The  sun,  if 
anything,  is  more  powerful,  owing  to  a  great  quantity  of  limestone, 
which  reflects  the  heat,  and  then  we  are  without  the  delightful  breeze 
which  kept  us  comfortable  below. 

Camargo  is  a  small  place,  but  little  larger  than  Reinosa,  contain- 
ing, I  should  suppose,  some  three  thousand  inhabitants.  It  is  situ- 
ated on  the  river  San  Juan,  some  three  miles  from  its  Junction  with 
the  Rio  Grande.  Though  placed  on  very  high  ground,  so  great  are 
the  freshets  that  the  San  Juan  is  subject  to  that  a  few  months  ago 
nearly  one-third  of  Camargo  was  destroyed  by  a  rise  in  the  river. 
The  people  are,  in  consequence,  in  a  great  state  of  destitution,  most 
of  them  living  in  the  open  air  and  almost  starving.  Our  arrival, 
therefore,  has  been  a  perfect  windfall  to  them,  as,  what  with  washing, 
selling  milk,  and  other  eatables,  cutting  grass  for  our  horses,  and  a 
thousand  other  things,  they  manage  to  pick  up  a  great  deal  of  mone}7-, 
and  are  thus  reconciled  to  our  presence.  Indeed,  the  authorities 
express  themselves  delighted,  and  hope  we  will  retain  possession  of 
the  country.  They  have  promptly  supplied  all  our  requisitions  for 
mules,  cattle  for  beef,  etc.,  etc.,  and  have  with  equal  promptitude  re- 
fused the  requisitions  of  their  own  Government  for  similar  articles, 
and  for  men. 

We  do  not  hear  as  much  at  this  place  from  Monterey  as  we  did 
at  Matamoras,  from  all  I  can  learn.  They  appear  to  have  been  un- 
able to  reinforce  the  regular  troops  at  Monterey,  but  they  have  made 
extraordinary  exertions  in  turning  out  the  militia,  and  it  is  said  they 
have  collected  seven  thousand  men  of  this  description  of  force.  The 
more  they  have  of  these  fellows,  the  better  for  us,  for  it  is  well  known 
they  will  run  at  the  first  shot,  and  will  prove  no  obstacle  to  our  ad- 
vance. They  have  only  two  thousand  five  hundred  regulars,  the  re- 
mains of  Arista's  army.  They  are  said  to  be  fortifying  the  place, 
but  I  have  no  apprehensions  of  their  engineers;  they  proved  them- 
selves of  no  account  at  Matamoras,  where  their  work  was  of  the  most 
miserable  description.  As  for  ourselves,  we  have  now  collected  here 
three  thousand  regulars,  and  about  two  thousand  volunteers;  the 
latter  are  arriving  in  numbers  daily  from  below.  A  reconnoitering 
party  has  gone  out  to  examine  the  roads,  and  upon  its  return  I  under- 
stand it  is  General  Taylor's  intention  to  commence  the  advance 
movement  by  throwing  forward  a  brigade  of  regulars  to  some  point 


120         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OP  GENERAL  MEADE 

about  one-third  the  distance,  where  it  is  proposed  to  establish  a 
depot  for  the  supply  of  the  main  army  on  the  march. 

Opinions  are  again  becoming  contradictory  as  to  the  reception  we 
are  to  meet  with  at  Monterey,  many  thinking  they  will  make  a  desper- 
ate stand  then,  others  that  we  shall  occupy  the  place  without  a  shot. 
My  own  opinion  is,  that  they  will  make  a  stand  at  some  point  of  our 
march,  and  that  point  will  be  fixed  by  their  ability  to  reinforce  their 
people  at  Monterey.  If  Paredes  can  throw  into  Monterey  a  large 
force  of  regulars  before  we  reach  it,  they  will  fight  there;  if  not, 
those  that  are  now  there  will  retire  before  us,  till  they  meet  the 
army  from  the  interior,  and  give  us  battle  at  some  favorable  point, 
after  they  have  effected  a  junction.  I  do  not  join  in  the  general 
opinion  of  their  carrying  on  a  desperate  guerilla  war.  Though  de- 
scended from  the  Spaniards,  they  are  a  very  different  race  from  the 
hardy  mountaineers  of  Spain.  Their  mixture  with  the  Indian  and 
negro  race,  and  the  effect  of  climate  enervating  them,  render  them  a 
listless  race,  destitute  of  the  energy  necessary  for  a  war  which  is 
solely  one  of  enterprise.  Then  again,  the  people  in  the  interior  are 
ignorant,  utterly  so,  of  the  use  of  arms,  the  Government  having  pro- 
hibited their  keeping  them,  from  the  fear  of  their  being  used  against 
it.  Indeed,  it  is  universally  conceded  that  their  most  warlike  prov- 
inces are  these  we  are  now  occupying,  where  the  necessity  of  defend- 
ing themselves  against  the  Indians,  and  latterly  the  Texans,  has  com- 
pelled the  Government  to  allow  them  arms,  the  use  of  which  they 
have  acquired;  and  yet,  when  we  lay  opposite  Matamoras  for  a 
month,  and  they  had,  besides  their  regular  force,  some  two  thousand 
rancheros,  they  never  even  attempted  any  enterprise  against  us, 
though  we  afforded  them  all  the  opportunities  it  was  possible  to  give 
them.  From  hence  I  infer  that  in  the  interior  we  shall  meet  with  no 
such  determined  resistance  from  the  people;  and  as  to  their  regular 
soldiers,  they  are  no  better  fitted  for  guerilla  fighting  than  are  ours. 
My  only  apprehensions  as  to  success  arise  from  the  constitution  of 
our  own  force.  I  fear  our  volunteers  will  not  only  prove  inefficient 
themselves,  but  will  prove  a  serious  obstacle  to  our  efficiency,  by  im- 
peding our  progress.  I  fear  the  glory  we  have  acquired  at  the  Palo 
Alto  and  Resaca  de  la  Palma  will  be  somewhat  dimmed  by  our  appar- 
ently tardy  operations  succeeding  them.  People  who  are  accustomed 
to  read  of  campaigns  in  Europe  and  elsewhere,  where  armies  march 
over  thickly  settled  countries,  producing  all  that  is  required  for  the 
subsistence  of  the  army,  and  where  towns  are  daily  occupied  for 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  121 

quarters  for  the  troops,  and  hospitals  for  the  sick,  are  unable  to  com- 
prehend the  obstacles  to  be  surmounted  by  an  army  obliged  to  march 
three  hundred  miles  over  a  country  which,  as  far  as  supplies  are 
concerned,  is  a  perfect  desert,  forcing  it  to  carry  everything  with  it, 
in  the  shape  of  supplies,  ammunition,  medical  stores,  quarters,  hos- 
pitals, and  even  the  food  for  the  animals,  necessary  to  transport 
these  things.  Then  reflect  that  after  these  two  battles  (now  three 
months  since),  not  the  slightest  preparation  had  been  made  in  antici- 
pation of  offensive  operations,  that  boats  had  to  be  sent  for  to  New 
Orleans,  six  hundred  miles  distant,  that  these  boats,  mere  shells  made 
to  run  on  rivers,  had  to  be  brought  six  hundred  miles  over  a  tempestu- 
ous sea,  that  all  the  provisions  had  to  be  purchased  in  New  Orleans, 
that  wagons  had  to  be  made  in  Ohio,  because  they  were  not  to  be 
found  in  New  Orleans,  that  mules  had  to  be  purchased  from  the 
enemy;  and  while  all  this  was  being  done,  some  twenty  thousand 
men  were  rushing  into  the  country,  who  not  only  consumed  supplies 
as  fast  as  they  arrived,  but  had  to  be  taken  care  of,  as  you  would  so 
many  children.  Already  have  they  in  almost  every  volunteer  regi- 
ment reported  one-third  their  number  sick,  and  in  many  cases  one- 
half  the  whole  regiment,  and  I  fear  the  mortality  will  be  terrible 
among  them,  from  their  utter  ignorance  of  the  proper  mode  of  taking 
care  of  themselves.  This  large  number  of  sick  is  a  dead  weight  upon 
us,  taking  away  so  many  men  as  hospital  attendants,  requiring  quar- 
ters, etc. ;  and  if  taken  sick  on  the  march,  requiring  transportation  in 
wagons  or  on  litters;  all  these  things  tell  in  the  long  run,  and  I  men- 
tion them  to  vindicate  General  Taylor  from  the  charges  I  see  the 
Union  is  bringing  against  him,  of  want  of  energy,  and  not  pursuing 
properly  his  victories. 

He  has  been  and  is  most  anxious  to  move,  but  the  credit  he  has 
already  acquired  renders  him  the  more  determined  to  move  in  an 
efficient  manner,  and  not  in  such  a  way  as  to  render  his  movements 
of  no  avail.  Loud  complaints  are  being  made  against  him  here  also, 
by  the  Texans  and  other  volunteers,  vociferously  demanding  to  be 
led  forward,  and  criticising  his  slow  movements,  calling  them  scien- 
tific, saying  it  is  all  nonsense  to  take  such  a  quantity  of  supplies,  we 
ought  to  live  on  fresh  beef,  of  which  the  country  is  full,  as  they,  the 
Texans,  always  did,  they  never  carried  wagons  and  such  things. 
True  enough,  but  what  was  the  result?  Why,  when  they  met  the 
enemy,  one  hour's  fight  exhausted  all  their  ammunition,  and  they  had 
to  retire,  and  when  they  retired,  they  abandoned  their  sick  and 


122         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

wounded  on  the  field.  And,  if  a  man  was  taken  sick  on  a  march  he 
was  left,  to  join  them  if  he  could  get  well,  if  not,  to  die  alone  in  the 
midst  of  the  prairie;  and  if  the  enemy,  as  they  often  did,  previously 
drove  the  cattle  away,  then,  after  starving  for  some  days,  they  had 
to  come  back,  because  there  were  no  cattle  in  the  country;  and  after 
they  took  a  place,  they  had  to  abandon  it  in  a  few  days,  because  they 
had  no  means  of  holding  it.  In  fact,  their  war,  was  simply  a  series 
of  badly  designed  and  worse  executed  forays,  gaining  no  point,  and 
causing  them,  with  all  their  boasted  valor  and  skill,  to  leave  for  ten 
years  the  whole  of  this  frontier  in  the  hands  of  the  Mexicans.  This 
is  not  our  plan.  When  we  advance  it  is  for  some  object,  and  we  shall 
have  the  means  of  holding  every  advantage  we  gain,  of  taking  care 
of  our  people  en  route  and  in  depots,  and  being  enabled  to  fight 
several  battles  before  our  ammunition  gives  out.  But  to  do  this, 
preparations  must  be  made,  and  preparations  require  time  in  every 
country,  but  most  particularly  in  this.  The  Government  is  to  blame 
for  not  making  the  preparations  before  it  sent  the  troops,  and  what 
General  Scott  told  it  is  now  fully  verified,  "that  nothing  could  be 
done  before  September." 

The  Commanche  Indians,  the  other  day,  made  a  descent  upon 
Mier,  a  town  some  thirty  miles  above  here,  butchered  the  women 
and  children,  carried  off  young  girls,  and  committed  all  sorts  of  depre- 
dations. A  command  was  immediately  sent  after  them,  but  did  not 
overtake  them.  The  command,  unfortunately,  were  Texans,  the 
only  mounted  force  then  here,  and  would  you  believe  it,  these  fellows 
sustained  the  Indians,  and  said  they  were  our  allies  and  we  were 
wrong  in  endeavoring  to  punish  them  for  their  conduct  towards  our 
enemies,  even  though  it  did  outrage  all  the  laws  of  civilized  warfare, 
and  from  what  had  recently  transpired,  it  is  feared  that  the  Indians 
have  been  incited  to  this  act  by  people  bearing  the  title  of  American 
citizens!  They  have  recently  (the  Indians)  made  a  treaty  of  peace 
with  us,  and  it  is  rumored  that  at  that  treaty  they  were  informed  of 
the  war  with  Mexico,  and  that  Mexicans  were  our  enemies;  then  hear- 
ing of  the  two  battles,  and  knowing  of  the  defeat  of  the  Mexican 
troops,  they  had  come  here  to  plunder  and  murder,  thinking  we 
would  uphold  them  in  it.  But  the  General  is  determined  to  punish 
them  if  he  can  get  hold  of  them,  and  to  give  them  to  understand  they 
must  keep  in  their  territory.  The  effect  upon  the  Mexicans  would 
be  most  injurious  of  the  toleration  of  such  acts,  as  it  would  arouse  in 
them  a  feeling  of  indignation  at  our  employing  Indians;   but  if,  on 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  123 

the  contrary,  we  chastise  them,  the  effect  will  be  most  beneficial,  as 
it  will  prove  the  Indians  are  not  our  allies,  and  that  we  can  protect 
the  Mexicans  from  them,  which  their  own  Government  had  never 
been  able  to  do. 

Camargo,  Mexico,  August  18,  1846. 

I  have  been  this  morning  ordered  to  accompany  General  Worth, 
who  leaves  to-morrow  with  the  advance  of  the  army,  to  establish  a 
depot  at  Seralvo,  a  small  town  about  half-way  between  this  and 
Monterey.  I  am,  of  course,  very  much  gratified  at  again  being  in  the 
advance,  always  considered  the  most  honorable  position. 

You  might  think  from  what  I  have  written  of  General  Worth, 
that  being  on  his  staff  would  not  be  so  agreeable  as  remaining  with 
General  Taylor,  and  such  indeed  is  the  case;  but  the  arrival  of  Cap- 
tain Williams  precludes  my  having  the  same  position  with  General 
Taylor  as  before,  since  he  occupies  it,  and  I  am  quite  gratified  to 
change  it  for  a  position  on  General  Worths  staff,  where,  as  far  as 
my  own  corps  is  concerned,  I  shall  be  the  head. 

We  leave  to-morrow.  Seralvo  is  some  sixty  miles  distant,  and  is 
said  to  be,  by  those  who  recently  visited  it  on  a  reconnoitering  party, 
delightfully  situated,  in  a  rolling  country,  with  delicious  cold  water 
running  from  the  hillsides,  and  abundance  of  fruit  of  all  kinds.  I 
have  to  leave  here  all  my  baggage  except  my  little  valise  and  my  bed 
— I  even  go  without  my  tent — for  our  only  means  of  transportation 
are  pack-mules,  and  we  have  to  reduce  everything  to  the  minimum. 

Of  course  the  army  will  be  concentrated  before  we  reach  Mon- 
terey. We  are  only  a  detachment  (about  one  thousand)  sent  in 
advance,  to  take  possession  of  this  point,  to  which  provisions,  etc., 
will  be  sent  for  the  supply  of  after  columns. 

I  sincerely  trust  that  our  advance  movement  will  be  but  the  be- 
ginning of  the  end,  and  that  we  shall  soon  have  an  opportunity  of 
showing  these  people  our  determination  to  push  this  war,  and  hence 
induce  them  to  come  to  terms. 

I  see,  by  Sir  Robert  Peel's  speech,  that  England  did  offer  her 
mediation,  and  therefore  presume  it  has  been  declined  by  Mr.  Polk. 

As  to  the  contemplated  attack  on  the  castle  of  San  Juan  de  Ulloa, 
I  very  much  fear  it  will  be  a  failure,  if  the  Mexicans  make  a  stout 
resistance.  I  never  believed  in  the  ability  of  fleets  to  take  fortifica- 
tions, though  the  navy  always  expressed  its  confidence  of  success, 
until  it  became  necessary  for  it  to  attempt  it.     I  think  now  it  would 


124         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

be  more  prudent,  as  far  as  success  is  concerned,  to  have  a  combined 
attack  by  land  and  water.  I  understand  there  is  a  hill  just  back  of 
Vera  Cruz,  which  commands  the  castle,  and  is  only  three-quarters  of 
a  mile  distant.  A  battery  of  heavy  guns  placed  here  would  render 
most  effectual  assistance  in  subduing  the  place. 

Seralvo,  Mexico,  August  28,  1846. 

We  arrived  here  two  days  ago,  after  a  very  pleasant  march  of 
some  six  days  from  Camargo.  We  neither  saw  nor  heard  anything 
of  the  enemy,  though  we  are  now  sixty  miles  in  the  interior,  and  about 
half-way  to  Monterey. 

This  place  is  situated  just  at  the  foot  of  the  first  range  of  moun- 
tains, and  is  prettily  placed  in  the  valley  of  a  mountain  stream, 
which,  as  it  is  pure,  cool  water,  we  esteem  a  great  luxury.  The  people 
have  received  us  most  kindly — indeed,  the  authorities,  after  General 
Worth  had  given  them  an  official  letter,  informing  them  of  his  inten- 
tion to  occupy  the  town,  as  part  of  a  conquered  country,  and  in  con- 
sequence should  expect  from  them  supplies  of  various  kinds,  for  all 
of  which  prompt  payment  in  cash,  at  fair  prices,  would  be  made,  and 
the  whole  town  turned  out  and  brought  us  grass,  wood,  corn,  flour, 
and  everything  that  was  asked  for,  cheerfully. 

We  found  here,  in  the  possession  of  the  Alcalde,  a  paper  from  the 
City  of  Mexico  of  the  6th  of  August,  making  known  that  the  revolu- 
tion, which  had  broken  out  two  months  previously  at  Guadalajara, 
had  extended  to  the  city  itself,  and  on  that  day  the  troops  of  the 
garrison  had  declared  for  Santa  Anna,  and  Paredes  was  no  longer  in 
power.  Santa  Anna  will,  of  course,  return  now,  but  what  his  course 
will  be  is  as  yet  in  doubt.  My  impression  is  that  either  he  will  at 
once  propose  terms  and  make  peace,  or  he  will  set  himself  energetically 
to  work  to  prosecute  the  war;  and  as  he  is  the  master-spirit  of  this 
country,  far  beyond  all  others  in  talent  and  resources,  should  he  adopt 
the  latter  course,  we  may  look  for  a  long  and  severely  contested  war. 

I  trust,  however,  he  will  have  the  good  sense  to  see  the  inutility 
of  his  country  struggling  against  the  United  States,  and  as  he  will 
find  it  in  a  state  of  distraction,  requiring  all  his  ability  to  put  it  in 
such  a  condition  as  to  make  certain  his  power,  he  will  yield  to  the 
influence  of  England  and  propose  such  terms  as  Mr.  Polk  will  con- 
sider acceptable. 

We  have  now  here  some  nine  hundred  men,  with  a  battery  of 
artillery.    Fifteen  miles  from  us  is  another  detachment  of  six  hun- 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  125 

dred,  with  another  battery,  and  in  rear  of  them,  at  various  intervals, 
are  stationed  brigades,  on  the  road  to  Camargo;  so  that  in  a  day  we 
might  concentrate  a  force  of  several  thousand  here,  which  number 
is  sufficient  for  a  defensive  attitude,  in  the  event  of  our  hearing  of 
the  advance  of  the  enemy. 

Our  latest  intelligence  (three  days  from  Monterey)  is  to  the  effect 
they  have  received  no  accession  of  force,  though  it  was  reported  Am- 
pudia,  with  three  thousand  men,  was  marching  from  San  Luis  Potosi, 
and  would  be  in  Monterey  in  the  course  of  four  or  five  days.  Should 
this  prove  true,  it  would  give  them  at  that  point  a  regular  force  of 
between  five  and  six  thousand  men,  and  a  large  irregular  force,  and 
with  the  works  they  have  erected  around  the  town,  they  may  be  in- 
duced to  offer  resistance. 

I  have  been  agreeably  disappointed  in  my  service  with  General 
Worth,  having  been  treated  with  all  possible  courtesy  and  kindness, 
and  I  hope  I  shall  remain  with  him  so  long  as  he  is  in  the  advance. 

Seralvo,  Mexico,  September  3,  1846. 

As  to  hostilities,  our  latest  intelligence  would  lead  us  to  believe 
we  may  expect  to  meet  with  resistance  at  Monterey.  We  have  un- 
doubted information  (indeed  I  have  seen  a  paper  from  the  City  of 
Mexico  announcing  the  fact)  that  on  the  6th  of  August  a  revolution 
of  the  soldiery  took  place  in  the  city,  dispossessing  Paredes  of  the 
Government,  and  recalling  Santa  Anna.  This  individual,  it  is  said, 
made  his  appearance  at  Vera  Cruz  on  the  17th  ultimo,  and  is  now  at 
the  head  of  affairs,  with  the  avowed  intention  of  prosecuting  vigor- 
ously the  war  against  us.  From  Monterey  we  learn  that,  four  days 
ago,  Ampudia  (placed  in  command  by  Santa  Anna)  had  arrived,  with 
two  thousand  men  and  four  pieces  of  artillery,  and  that  large  rein- 
forcements were  daily  expected,  and  they  expressed  their  determina- 
tion to  meet  us  before  we  reached  the  town,  in  order  to  spare  it.  All 
this  is  report,  except  the  arrival  of  reinforcements,  which  we  know  to 
be  a  fact.  It  has  always  been  my  opinion  that  they  would  make  a 
stand  at  Monterey,  if  they  obtained  reinforcements,  and  I  therefore 
expect  we  shall  have  to  take  the  place  by  force  of  arms;  but  I  do  not 
anticipate  its  being  a  very  difficult  affair,  from  all  I  can  learn  of  their 
preparations.  As  to  their  coming  out  to  meet  us,  I  cannot  believe 
them  so  foolhardy;  it  would  be  too  much  good  fortune  for  us,  as 
our  success  would  be  beyond  a  doubt. 

On  our  own  part  our  movements  continue  as  tardy  as  ever. 


126         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

General  Taylor  has  determined  to  march  on  Monterey  with  between 
six  and  seven  thousand  men,  all  his  regulars  and  some  picked  volun- 
teers. The  remainder  of  the  volunteers  are  to  be  left  at  Camargo, 
under  General  Patterson,1  and  are  to  be  sent  for  as  soon  as  we  reach 
any  part  of  the  country  where  an  increased  force  can  be  subsisted. 
The  movement  has  commenced  from  Camargo,  and  we  are  daily 
expecting  the  arrival  of  the  next  division  of  regulars,  when  we  will 
be  pushed  on  in  advance. 

Unfortunately  for  us  we  have  had  some  very  heavy  rains  in  the 
last  few  days,  which  have  so  swollen  some  of  the  streams  on  the  road 
as  to  delay  the  march  of  the  troops  till  they  subside,  and  I  fear  it  will 
be  some  weeks  before  we  shall  be  at  Monterey.  I  say,  I  fear,  not 
that  I  am  over-anxious  to  have  any  more  fighting,  for,  God  knows, 
I  have  seen  enough,  and  am  perfectly  willing  to  forego  any  additional 
glory;  but  if  we  have  the  thing  to  do,  the  sooner  it  is  over  the  better 
for  all  hands.  And  if  Santa  Anna  has  returned  with  the  intention 
of  prosecuting  the  war,  we  may  make  up  our  minds  to  having  to 
whip  them  severely  before  they  come  to  terms,  and  having  this  to 
do,  my  wish  is  that  as  little  time  as  possible  should  intervene,  and  as 
little  distance  as  possible  be  marched  over  before  this  consummation 
is  brought  about. 

We  are  all  in  fine  spirits  and  most  anxious  to  move  on. 

Seralvo,  Mexico,  September  11,  1846. 
We  have  now  collected  at  this  point  the  army  intended  to  operate 
against  Monterey.    It  consists  of — 

Eight  regiments  of  regular  infantry 2500  men. 

Four  regiments  of  volunteer  infantry 2000    " 

Four  batteries  of  light  artillery 280    "      {  ganders 

'  Two 
24-pounders, 

One  battery  of  heavy  artillery 100    "     j  Howitzers 

and  one 
.  heavy  mortar 

Two  squadrons  of  regular  cavalry 200    " 

One  squadron  of  volunteer  cavalry 150    " 

Two  regiments  of  volunteer  cavalry 1000    " 


Total 6230  men 

1  Major-General  Robert  Patterson,  U.  S.  Vols. 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  127 

In  addition,  there  are  between  four  and  five  hundred  men  at- 
tached in  various  ways,  such  as  teamsters,  hospital  attendants  and 
others,  most  of  whom  are  armed,  and  will  swell  our  force  at  a  pinch 
to  seven  thousand  men,  in  round  numbers. 

I  have  just  returned  from  a  reconnoissance  of  the  road  in  advance 
of  this  place.  I  proceeded  thirty  miles,  when  we  came  within  a 
mile  of  a  cavalry  force  of  the  enemy,  amounting  to  eight  hundred. 
It  was  in  the  middle  of  the  night,  we  having  ridden  very  hard  to 
endeavor  to  surprise  them;  but  upon  reaching  this  point,  we  found, 
from  the  peasantry,  that  two  couriers  had  passed  in  advance  of  us, 
who  knew  of  all  our  movements,  and  even  stated  our  number,  eighty 
strong.  Finding  them  prepared  for  us,  we  drove  in  their  pickets, 
and  awaited  their  pursuit;  but  the  cowardly  rascals  were  afraid  to 
come  after  us,  and  not  being  strong  enough  ourselves  to  attempt  to 
attack  them,  we  returned  to  camp  unmolested.  To-morrow  I  go 
forward  in  advance  of  the  army  with  a  strong  working  party  and 
escort,  to  repair  the  road  previously  examined.  The  army  will  com- 
mence their  march  the  next  day,  and  in  ten  days  from  now  we  shall 
know  whether  Monterey  is  ours,  by  hard  knocks  or  not.  I  under- 
stand General  Taylor  thinks  there  will  be  no  fighting,  and  he  probably 
has  sources  of  information  beyond  mine.  At  any  rate,  above  you 
have  my  opinion,  which  is  condensed,  that  the  question  turns,  first, 
on  the  necessity  Santa  Anna  may  find  himself  under  to  continue 
the  war;  upon  this  turns  the  question  of  war  or  peace;  and,  secondly, 
in  case  of  war,  his  ability  to  collect  a  force  to  resist  us,  upon  which 
will  depend  the  point  where  we  may  expect  to  fight.  Under  any 
circumstances,  a  few  months  must  now  decide  the  matter.  We  are 
in  motion  with  six  thousand  five  hundred  men.  At  Camargo,  on  the 
river,  some  one  hundred  and  forty  miles  in  rear  of  Monterey,  we  leave 
a  reserve  of  eight  or  ten  thousand  men.  We  have  all  the  means  of 
transportation  we  can  expect  to  get,  and  there  is  no  obstacle  to  our 
onward  progress,  but  such  as  the  enemy  will  present.  Should  we 
defeat  them,  as  I  feel  confident  we  will,  I  think  one  battle  will  induce 
them  to  yield,  as  it  will  take  them  some  time  to  reassemble  another 
army,  during  which  time  we  shall  be  advancing  towards  their  capital. 
Our  people  are  in  fine  condition  and  spirits,  and  I  think  will  give  a 
good  account  of  themselves  should  the  enemy  be  kind  enough  to 
give  us  the  opportunity.  Still,  the  impression  of  the  majority  is 
there  will  be  no  fight,  and  odds  are  offered  on  this.  You  may  prob- 
ably have  heard  of  peace  when  this  reaches  you,  in  which  event,  of 
course  you  will  have  all  your  anxiety  removed. 


128  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

And  now  as  to  the  subject  of  brevets  mentioned  in  your  last  letter, 
in  which  you  appear  mortified  at  my  having  been  passed  over.  You 
doubtless  remember  I  told  you  I  expected  nothing  of  the  kind,  and 
consequently  am  not  disappointed.  I  understand  General  Taylor 
did  me  the  honor  to  name  me  for  promotion  on  his  long  list,  the  one 
considered  too  large  to  send  to  the  Senate;  but  I  was  always  aware 
that  the  nomination  of  the  commanding  general  was  one  thing,  and 
the  nomination  by  the  "President"  another,  the  one  requiring  hard 
service,  the  other  political  influence,  the  curse  of  our  country.  If  I 
had  strong  Locofoco  friends  at  Washington,  to  back  the  nomination 
of  General  Taylor,  I  might  have  hoped  to  have  been  rewarded;  but 
on  its  absence,  my  claims  will  meet  with  no  attention.  But,  in  truth, 
I  have  but  little  claim  as  far  as  the  two  battles  are  concerned.  On 
those  days  I  did  my  duty,  and  my  duty  simply.  Opportunities  were 
wanting — and,  in  fact,  seldom  occur  to  staff  officers — to  perform 
brilliant  feats,  such  as  ensure  promotion;  but  if  most  faithful  atten- 
tion to  those  duties  for  nearly  a  year  preceding,  and  activity  and 
energy  such  as  (though  I  say  it  myself)  have  attracted  attention  from 
various  officers,  entitle  me  to  the  advancement  of  one  grade,  an  empty 
honor  which  brings  neither  rank  nor  profit  with  it,  then  I  can  safely 
appeal  to  my  brother-officers  for  my  credentials  in  this  case. 

I  write  this  to  you  to  whom,  without  incurring  the  charge  of 
vanity,  I  can  speak  of  my  own  services.  I  can  safely  say  I  am  pretty 
much  the  only  officer  of  my  own  corps  who  has  done  anything,  and 
that,  by  the  blessing  of  God  enabling  me  to  keep  in  good  health,  I 
have  been  actively  employed  ever  since  my  arrival  at  Corpus  Christi, 
this  time  last  year.  Therefore,  on  the  ground  of  meritorious  services, 
I  have  some  claim,  and  this  added  to  my  position  on  the  eighth  and 
ninth  (it  being  customary  to  promote  the  staff  of  a  successful  general, 
when  they  have  anything  in  them  to  deserve  it),  would  have  prepared 
me  not  to  be  surprised,  had  they  thought  proper  to  advance  me  one 
grade;  but  as  I  said  before,  knowing  how  these  things  are  done,  I 
was  fully  prepared  for  my  not  being  noticed. 

I  suppose  you  know  I  am  simply  a  Second  Lieutenant,  and  one 
grade  would  only  have  made  me  a  First  Lieutenant,  bringing  no 
additional  consideration  or  emolument;  but  it  would  give  me  the 
opportunity,  in  case  of  further  active  service,  to  reach  the  next 
grade,  of  Captain,  which  would  be  of  essential  importance  to  me;  and 
besides,  it  is  a  public  testimonial  of  your  merits,  at  all  times  grateful 
to  yourself  and  friends. 

There  is  much  heart-burning  in  the  army  at  the  list  confirmed, 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  129 

and  the  advancement  of  some  officers,  two  grades,  is  considered  as 
most  unjust;  but  I  think  the  list  confirmed  is  most  remarkably  just, 
and  am  surprised,  knowing  the  difficulty  of  selection,  that  so  few 
mistakes  were  made. 

Camp  near  Marin,  Mexico,  September  17,  1846. 

I  have  had  no  opportunity  to  write  to  you  since  the  date  of  my 
last  (I  think  on  the  eleventh),  for  we  have  been  ever  since  marching, 
and  only  halt  at  this  point  to  give  time  to  the  rear  to  close  up.  You 
will  doubtless  see  in  the  papers  all  about  our  march  and  the  disposi- 
tions made. 

On  the  twelfth  the  pioneers,  about  ninety  strong,  with  one  hun- 
dred cavalry  and  twenty-five  Rangers,  constituting  what  was  called 
the  Pioneer  Advance,  left  Seralvo,  to  proceed  in  advance  and  make 
such  repairs  to  the  road  as  might  be  required  for  the  heavy  trains  to 
pass  over.  It  was  with  this  little  detachment  that  I  was  ordered 
to  go. 

It  was  followed  on  the  thirteenth  by  the  First  Division,  and  on 
each  consecutive  day  by  the  other  divisions.  We  kept  a  day's  march 
in  advance  of  the  First  Division  for  two  days,  but  on  the  fourteenth 
our  scouts,  or  rangers,  came  upon  a  party  of  the  enemy's  cavalry, 
and  pursued  them  into  a  rancho,  when  they  joined  a  body  supposed 
to  be  some  four  or  five  hundred.  This  night  we  encamped  at  a  place 
called  Papa-Gallos,  and  being  fifteen  miles  in  advance  of  the  army, 
and  having  but  little  over  two  hundred  men,  the  enemy  having  three 
times  our  number,  we  expected,  as  a  matter  of  course,  he  would  at- 
tempt some  enterprise  against  us,  but  he  left  us  undisturbed. 

On  the  fifteenth  our  little  advance  again  pushed  on,  the  enemy 
retiring,  but  in  passing  through  a  village,  our  Texas  boys  made  a 
rush  at  them  and  delivered  a  fire,  by  which  they  tumbled  two  out  of 
their  saddles  and  got  their  lances  and  carbines.  The  Mexicans  re- 
turned the  fire  without  effect,  and  continued  retiring.  As  they 
appeared  to  be  increasing  in  force,  General  Taylor  ordered  us  to 
halt  until  the  First  Division  came  up,  so  that  we  should  be  just  in 
front  of  it,  and  we  preserved  this  order  of  march  up  to  our  arrival 
at  this  place,  Marin. 

This  little  town,  of  some  two  thousand  inhabitants,  we  found 
entirely  deserted  but  by  a  few  men,  from  whom  we  understood  that 
the  cavalry  we  had  seen  were  under  the  command  of  General  To  we  j  on, 
who  had  a  thousand  at  Marin,  and  some  five  hundred  advanced  near 


130  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

Papa-Gallos,  where  we  first  saw  them,  and  that  they  were  a  corps  of 
observation,  and  also  were  driving  the  people  before  them  and  out 
of  the  way.  In  Marin  they  ordered  every  one  out  of  the  town,  and 
those  who  were  unable  to  move  their  property,  they  turned  the  sol- 
diers into  the  houses  and  robbed  them  of  everything.  The  poor  peo- 
ple (after  we  had  possession  of  the  place  for  an  hour,  you  could  see 
the  bushes  and  hills  all  around  covered  with  women  and  children 
who  had  fled  from  the  place,  and  were  coming  back  as  soon  as  they 
knew  we  were  in  quiet  possession)  were  loud  in  their  denunciations 
of  their  own  soldiers,  and  expressed  great  gratification  we  had  driven 
them  out  of  the  place. 

Well,  here  we  are  within  twenty-five  miles  of  Monterey,  one  day's 
forced  march,  and  two  easy  ones,  and  really  we  know  no  more  of  the 
nature  of  the  reception  they  will  give  us,  or  of  their  defenses,  or  of 
the  number  of  troops  they  have,  than  we  did  when  at  Matamoras, 
three  hundred  miles  distant.  I  have  taken  every  pains  to  find  out 
the  truth,  and  have  heard  a  thousand  contradictory  stories,  but  have 
pretty  much  made  up  my  mind  they  will  not  fight,  and  upon  this 
ground,  my  last  letter,  if  you  recollect,  said  the  point  of  meeting  be- 
tween the  contending  armies  would  depend  upon  the  time  the  rein- 
forcements from  the  interior  should  reach  Monterey.  It  is  now 
believed  the  force  at  Monterey  consists  of  the  debris  of  Arista's  army, 
with  inconsiderable  reinforcements  not  over  two  thousand,  making 
their  regular  force  not  over  four  thousand  men,  the  number  of  their 
irregulars  not  known,  and  we  do  not  care  for  them.  Now,  if  they 
have  only  four  thousand,  they  will  never  stand  our  seven  thousand; 
then,  if  they  are  going  to  retire,  they  must  do  it  before  we  reach  there, 
or  else  all  their  artillery  and  public  stores  will  fall  into  our  hands; 
therefore  I  believe  they  are  evacuating  the  town  at  this  moment,  and 
we  shall  march  in  without  firing  a  gun — that  is  to  say,  provided  our 
information  proves  correct,  that  they  have  no  larger  reinforcements. 
However,  conte  qui  conte,  or  as  old  Rough  and  Ready  says,  "Nolus 
volus,"  we  have  to  go  in  on  the  20th  instant. 

We  wait  to-day  for  General  Butler,1  with  the  Volunteer  Division, 
to  come  up,  and  to-morrow  we  move  en  masse  upon  the  town.  It 
will,  I  presume,  take  us  two  days  to  reach  its  vicinity,  and  on  the 
third  we  will  try  their  mettle.  But  I  believe  sincerely,  as  I  told  you 
before,  that  they  will  not  resist  our  entrance,  unless  it  be  some  skir- 
mishing between  our  advance  and  their  rear.     And  should  we  take 

1  Major-General  William  0.  Butler,  U.  S.  Vols. 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  131 

Monterey  quietly,  and  Saltillo,  peace  may  be  made  before  the  two 
armies  can  meet  again. 

By  our  last  mail,  just  received,  an  officer,  whose  wife  is  in  Pensa- 
cola,  wrote  to  him  that  Santa  Anna  had  not  only  entered  Vera  Cruz 
with  the  cognizance  of  Commodore  Connor,  but  they  had  a  long 
and  confidential  interview  together.  I  should  judge  from  this  Santa 
Anna  was  favorable  to  adjusting  the  difficulty,  and  will  do  all  in  his 
power.  I  believe  now  I  have  told  you  all  the  news,  which  is  the 
general  impression  we  shall  soon  get  into  good  quarters  without  much 
hard  fighting. 

Be  on  your  guard  against  newspaper  reports,  as  a  general  rule 
false.  Even  in  the  army,  in  the  rear  divisions,  they  had  us  of  the 
advance  all  cut  to  pieces,  and  were  quite  glad  to  see  us  alive  when 
they  came  up. 

My  last  letter  will  tell  you  all  about  the  brevets.  You  have, 
however,  done  injustice  to  Bliss'1  merits.  He  was  not  only  in  the 
battle,  but  had  his  horse  struck  twice,  and  is  one  of  the  most  meri- 
torious officers  in  the  army.  His  position  as  Adjutant  General 
placed  him  very  near  General  Taylor,  and  all  the  despatches,  corre- 
spondence, etc.,  have  been  written  by  him,  and  indeed  nearly  all  the 
credit  General  Taylor  has  received  is,  in  fact,  due  to  Bliss'  advice 
and  counsel.  Bliss  is  a  good  friend  of  mine,  and,  as  I  told  you  before, 
I  was  recommended  for  promotion.  This  was  all  General  Taylor 
could  do,  for  which  I  am  really  grateful  to  him. 

I  wish  you  were  in  this  beautiful  country,  for  here  it  is  magnificent, 
the  air  balmy  and  pure,  all  the  tropical  fruits  growing  and  we  are 
just  entering  a  level  table-land,  which  leads  to  the  mountains,  twenty- 
five  miles  off,  but  so  high  we  can  see  them  towering  away  above  the 
clouds,  a  most  magnificent  sight.  Indeed,  were  I  single,  I  should  be 
tempted  to  spend  my  days  in  this  lovely  climate.  On  our  march 
from  Seralvo  I  never  had  a  covering  over  my  head,  nor  anything 
but  my  old  india-rubber  cloak  spread  on  the  ground  for  a  bed.  I 
slept  soundly,  and  have  no  colds  or  rheumatism  or  any  of  the  penal- 
ties I  should  pay,  did  I  do  this  at  home. 

But  I  have  not  time  to  describe  scenery  to  you,  for  I  am  of  course 
much  hurried,  and  in  a  marching  army  all  is  confusion  and  excitement. 

Give  my  best  love  to  dear  mother  and  let  her  consider  this  letter 
as  addressed  to  herself  as  well  as  you,  you,  who  both  and  alone,  with 
my  dear  children,  fill  my  whole  heart.  Be  patient  and  resigned;  let 
1  Brevet-Major  William  W.  S.  Bliss,  assistant  adjutant-general. 


132         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

us  await  God's  good  will,  being  confident  He  will  protect  us,  and  at 
the  proper  moment  permit  us  to  be  reunited.  My  warmest  prayers 
are  for  His  blessings  to  be  showered  on  you  and  our  dear  children. 

Monterey,  September  25,  1846. 

Again  return  thanks  to  God  for  my  providential  escape  from 
danger.  Our  little  army  appeared  before  this  place  on  the  20th 
instant,  finding  it  strongly  fortified  and  garrisoned  by  about  ten 
thousand  men.  We  have  been  pretty  much  ever  since  engaged  in 
fighting,  and  have  suffered  some  terrible  losses,  but  by  skill  and  per- 
severance we  brought  the  enemy  to  terms  this  afternoon,  and  a 
capitulation  has  been  entered  into  by  which  a  cessation  of  hostilities 
for  two  months  is  agreed  upon,  they  guaranteeing  peace,  and  they 
evacuate  to-morrow,  the  town,  leaving  us  masters  of  it,  with  all 
the  public  property. 

I  am  writing  this  in  a  gun-carriage,  and  have  only  five  minutes  to 
assure  you  of  my  perfect  safety.  I  will  soon  write  again.  Write  to 
mother.    Love  to  all,  and  you  may  look  soon  now,  I  think,  for  me. 

Monterey,  Mexico,  September  27,  1846. 

I  wrote  you  a  few  hasty  lines  on  the  twenty-fourth  (misdated 
twenty-fifth)  communicating  to  you  our  having  taken  this  place,  and 
promising  soon  to  give  you  the  particulars.  I  have  been  much  occu- 
pied since,  and,  indeed,  I  believe  no  mail  has  since  left.  At  any  rate 
I  assured  you  of  my  safety,  and  now  proceed  to  give  you  particulars. 

We  arrived  before  Monterey  on  the  19th  instant.  I  was  in  the 
advance  with  General  Taylor,  who  was  seeking  a  suitable  camping 
ground  for  the  army,  beyond  the  range  of  the  enemy's  guns.  We 
advanced  within  a  mile  of  their  works,  but  could  see  no  sign  of  their 
occupation,  and  began  to  believe  reports  received  en  route,  that  they 
had  deserted.  Some  of  our  bold  fellows,  however,  who  pushed  nearer, 
found  a  cavalry  force,  with  which  they  exchanged  shots.  The  Gen- 
eral, having  selected  a  fit  place  for  camp,  ordered  up  the  mounted 
>Texans,  one  thousand  in  number,  when  the  enemy  finding  we  were 
not  going  to  push  into  town  and  be  caught  in  a  trap,  opened  their 
batteries  on  us,  and  fired  several  times  without  doing  any  injury, 
though  one  ball,  I  assure  you,  came  closer  to  me  than  I  desire  it  to 
do  again,  just  passing  about  two  feet  on  one  side  of  my  knee.  Find- 
ing we  were  in  range  of  their  guns,  the  General  withdrew  the  Texans, 
and  selected  a  camp  some  two  and  a  half  miles  from  the  town.    The 


^  »^f^  XmF1LZr&&#'Js!tSg&i 


SKETCH   SHOWING   THE   POSITION    OF   THE   ARMY 


AT   THE   BATTLE   OF   MONTEREY 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  133 

remainder  of  this  day  was  spent  by  the  engineer  officers  in  reconnoiter- 
ing  the  positions  of  the  enemy,  a  duty,  I  assure  you,  sufficiently  haz- 
ardous, as  they  were  obliged  to  go  with  small  parties  and  far  from  the 
camp,  giving  an  enterprising  enemy  ample  opportunity  to  cut  them 
off.  No  such  accident,  however,  occurred,  and  by  night  the  reports 
were  all  in.  It  was  found  the  town  was  most  strongly  fortified  in  the 
direction  of  Marin,  and  weak  in  that  of  Saltillo.  In  consequence, 
on  the  morning  of  the  twentieth,  while  I  was  engaged  in  making  a 
survey  in  front  of  the  enemy's  batteries,  of  the  different  positions,  I 
received  orders  to  report  to  General  Worth,  who,  with  his  division 
(consisting  of  one  regiment  of  Texas  Rangers,  four  regiments  of 
regular  infantry,  and  two  batteries  of  light  artillery,  in  all  about  two 
thousand  men),  was  ordered  to  advance  upon  the  town  in  the  direc- 
tion of  the  Saltillo  road.  I  immediately  repaired  to  him,  found  the 
column  ready  to  move,  and  in  a  few  minutes  marched  with  it. 

We  made  a  long  detour,  to  avoid  the  batteries,  and  reached  a 
rancho,  where  the  command  was  halted,  while  the  General  and  myself, 
with  his  staff,  rode  forward  to  reconnoitre  the  ground.  Our  advance 
was  covered  by  about  fifty  Texans,  and  we  proceeded  along  the  road 
for  two  miles,  till  we  came  into  the  gorge  through  which  the  Saltillo 
road  runs  (see  sketch),  where  the  enemy  were  reported  in  large  force 
in  our  front.  Having  seen  all  we  wanted,  we  were  about  retiring, 
when  they  opened  a  fire  upon  us  from  a  fence  alongside  of  the  road, 
where  some  of  the  rascals  had  sneaked  up  to  cut  us  off,  but  it  was 
promptly  returned  by  the  Texans,  and  we  came  quietly  back  to  camp. 

The  next  morning,  the  twenty-first,  we  started  early  to  place  our- 
selves in  position  on  the  Saltillo  road,  by  which  we  should  cut  off 
the  retreat  of  the  enemy,  and  have  an  eye  to  the  advance  of  his  rein- 
forcements, said  to  be  daily  expected.  As  we  were  turning  the  corner 
of  the  road  entering  the  valley,  the  enemy  showed  himself  with  a 
large  cavalry  force,  some  two  thousand,  with  some  five  hundred  in- 
fantry, evidently  intending  to  dispute  our  passage.  I  should,  how- 
ever, observe  that  on  the  afternoon  previous,  as  well  as  this  morning, 
in  passing  along  the  road  we  had  been  subjected  to  a  plunging  fire 
from  two  pieces  on  the  top  of  "Independence  Hill"  (see  sketch),  from 
which,  however,  we  sustained  no  damage.  Finding  the  enemy  in 
front,  General  Worth  sent  forward  the  Texans,  who  immediately 
engaged  them,  supported  by  two  companies  of  infantry,  acting  as 
skirmishers.  The  Mexican  cavalry  charged  on  our  people  most  gal- 
lantly, but  were  received  with  so  warm  a  fire  as  to  throw  them  into 


134         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

confusion,  and  just  as  they  were  preparing  for  another  charge, 
Colonel  Duncan's  battery  opened  on  them,  and  at  the  first  discharge 
strewed  the  ground  with  the  dead,  and  they  precipitately  fled. 

This  little  affair  was  very  brilliant,  and  served  to  raise  the  spirits 
of  all.  The  enemy's  loss  has  been  since  ascertained  to  be  one  hun- 
dred killed  and  wounded,  among  the  killed  one  colonel,  one  captain, 
and  two  subalterns,  several  officers  wounded;  we  had  but  three 
wounded.  The  infantry  and  a  portion  of  the  cavalry  retired  towards 
the  town,  but  twelve  hundred  of  the  cavalry  went  in  the  direction  of 
Saltillo,  and  have  not  been  heard  from  since.  Finding  an  appearance, 
on  the  part  of  those  who  went  towards  the  town,  of  renewing  the 
contest,  the  light  batteries  opened  on  them  from  a  hill  on  the  north 
side  of  the  gorge,  which  quickly  dispersed  them.  At  the  same  time 
a  plunging  fire  from  a  piece  on  the  top  of  Federation  Hill  was  opened 
on  us,  obliging  us  to  retire  out  of  range  of  the  shot,  from  whence 
commenced  our  operations  on  the  town.  Our  only  loss  from  this 
fire  was  Captain  McKavett,  Eighth  Infantry,  who  was  killed,  and 
two  men  wounded. 

You  will  now  perceive  from  the  sketch  we  were  on  the  Saltillo 
road  beyond  the  gorge  through  which  it  passes  into  town,  and  that 
this  gorge  was  defended  by  artillery  on  the  tops  of  these  hills,  and  by 
a  strong  work  around  the  Bishop's  Palace,  on  one  hill,  and  a  redoubt 
opposite,  on  the  other.  It  now  became  necessary  to  take  these 
heights  before  we  could  advance  upon  the  town.  Accordingly,  a 
command,  consisting  of  two  hundred  Texans  and  four  hundred  regu- 
lars, was  ordered  to  storm  the  summit  of  Federation  Hill.  This  was 
handsomely  done,  though  the  hill  was  nearly  a  thousand  feet  high 
and  very  steep,  defended  by  artillery  and  five  hundred  infantry. 
But  so  gallant  was  the  attack,  the  enemy  were  driven  from  the  summit 
without  having  time  to  carry  their  artillery,  which  was  taken  from 
them  and  turned  upon  their  redoubt  on  the  same  hill,  which  in  a 
short  time  was  stormed  and  carried  also,  so  that  by  night  we  had 
taken  two  of  the  four  positions,  and  encamped  in  the  gorge,  as  was 
designed  in  the  morning.     So  much  for  our  operations. 

I  regret  to  say  those  on  the  opposite  side,  though  successful,  were 
attended  with  more  disastrous  results.  In  order  to  divert  the  atten- 
tion of  the  enemy  from  our  operations,  General  Taylor  directed 
Colonel  Garland's  brigade  of  regulars  to  advance  on  the  eastern  part 
of  the  town  and  cover  an  engineer  officer,  reconnoitering.  In 
doing  this  they  were  obliged  to  pass  through  the  cross-fire  of  all  the 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  135 

batteries  in  that  direction,  in  which  they  suffered  very  much,  but 
were  able  to  pass  through  and  get  into  the  suburbs  of  the  town. 
Finding  no  troops  here,  they  thought  they  could  go  through  the  town, 
and  thus  take  some  of  the  batteries  in  the  rear.  But  while  in  the 
town,  ignorant  of  the  streets  and  positions,  they  suddenly  found 
where  the  streets  were  raked  by  four  or  five  guns,  and  the  first  thing 
they  knew,  nearly  one-half  their  men  were  lying  on  the  ground,  dead 
and  wounded.  The  slaughter  here  was  terrific;  ten  of  our  gallant 
officers  fell  to  rise  no  more,  and  some  ten  others  were  wounded,  some 
beyond  the  hope  of  recovery.  The  two  regiments  constituting  the 
brigade  were  literally  cut  to  pieces,  and  they  were  obliged  to  retire, 
leaving  the  dead  and  wounded  on  the  ground.  Among  the  officers 
who  fell  was  Captain  Williams,  of  my  corps,  who  was  leading  the 
advance.  This  disastrous  result  was  retrieved  partially  by  a  portion 
of  the  Third  Division  of  Volunteers,  which  General  Taylor,  hearing 
firing,  had  despatched  to  reinforce  the  first  command.  This  brigade, 
consisting  of  the  Tennessee  and  Mississippi  regiments,  not  knowing 
where  our  people  were,  advanced  right  in  the  face  of  one  battery 
(marked  C),  when  finding  themselves  so  near,  they  gallantly  charged 
and  took  it,  driving  the  enemy  from  the  guns,  and  retaining  possession 
of  the  place.     Thus  terminated  the  21st  of  September. 

In  which  you  will  see  that  on  our  side,  we  had  defeated  the  enemy, 
having  superior  force,  in  open  fight,  under  their  batteries,  and  taken 
from  them  two  pieces  of  artillery;  that  on  the  other  side,  though 
suffering  a  repulse  with  great  loss,  yet  we  took  from  him  a  fort  with 
four  guns.  The  loss  on  our  side  was  about  twenty  killed  and  wounded, 
one  captain  killed,  and  two  officers  wounded;  on  General  Taylor's 
side,  some  three  hundred  killed  and  wounded,  some  twelve  officers 
killed  and  eight  wounded.  The  loss  of  the  enemy  is  supposed  to  be 
about  two  hundred  in  killed  and  wounded;  but  the  moral  effect  was 
great.  With  us  they  saw  judgment  and  energy  quietly  but  surely 
advancing;  on  the  other  side,  impetuosity  and  fearless  courage,  that 
showed  a  determination  at  all  sacrifice  to  carry  everything  before 
them. 

Early  on  the  morning  of  the  twenty-second  a  party  of  some  five 
hundred  regulars  and  Texans  were  sent  from  our  division  to  storm 
the  height  of  Independence  Hill.  By  daylight  they  were  at  the  sum- 
mit, driving  the  enemy  from  the  position  into  the  Bishop's  Palace, 
from  whence  they  kept  up  an  incessant  fire  of  musketry  upon  our 
people,  with  but  little  effect.    Finding  the  Bishop's  Palace  too  strong 


136  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

to  be  carried  by  infantry,  a  piece  of  artillery  was  taken  to  pieces  and 
carried  up  by  hand  to  the  summit,  which  piece  with  great  skill  threw 
shrapnel  shells  (shells  filled  with  musket  balls)  right  into  the  palace 
and  the  open  work  in  front.  This  made  the  place  so  untenable  that 
the  enemy  undertook  to  drive  us  from  the  summit,  and  made  a 
charge  of  cavalry  and  infantry  up  the  hill.  In  this  they  were 
defeated,  and,  on  retiring,  were  so  vigorously  pursued  by  our  people, 
that  they  continued  beyond  the  Bishop's  Palace,  leaving  this  work, 
with  four  pieces  of  artillery,  in  our  hands,  and  they  retired  into  the 
town.  Thus,  for  to-day's  work,  we  had  the  other  two  points,  giving 
us  four  of  the  enemy's  positions,  with  six  of  his  guns,  and  the  free 
entrance  to  the  city  by  the  Saltillo  road.  Our  loss  to-day  was  only 
one  officer  of  the  Texas  Rangers,  mortally  wounded,  and  some  five 
killed  and  half  a  dozen  wounded;  the  loss  of  the  enemy  much  more 
considerable. 

At  the  eastern  end  of  the  town,  so  crippled  were  they  the  previous 
day,  they  contented  themselves  with  keeping  up  from  the  redoubt 
they  had  taken  a  vigorous  fire  upon  the  other  works  of  the  enemy 
(marked  D.  E.  T.  G.  H.). 

On  the  23d  instant  we  opened  a  fire  on  the  town,  with  the  enemy's 
guns  at  the  Bishop's  Palace,  and  moved  the  gun  taken  in  the  redoubt 
on  Federation  Hill  farther  on  the  hill,  to  the  point  marked  P.  This 
fire  was  kept  up  vigorously  all  the  morning.  In  the  meantime  the 
General  sent  me  forward  on  a  reconnoissance,  to  ascertain  what  bat- 
teries the  enemy  had  in  our  direction.  In  doing  this  I  ascertained  the 
enemy  had  abandoned  all  that  portion  of  the  town  in  our  direction, 
and  had  retired  to  the  central  plaza  of  the  town,  where  they  were 
barricaded,  and  all  the  houses  occupied  by  their  infantry.  General 
Worth  immediately  advanced  on  the  town  and  took  possession,  with- 
out resistance,  of  the  plaza  of  La  Purissima,  where  we  found  a  cem- 
etery and  church,  which  our  infantry  occupied,  and  where  we  placed 
an  eight-inch  mortar  in  excellent  range  to  play  into  the  plaza,  which 
was  now  the  enemy's  last  stronghold. 

After  occupying  the  plaza  of  La  Purissima,  we  threw  forward  our 
infantry  to  that  portion  of  the  town  occupied  by  the  enemy.  They 
had  occupied  the  main  plaza  and  some  two  squares  around  it  in  each 
direction;  they  had  erected  across  the  streets  solid  masonry  walls, 
with  embrasures  for  guns  to  fire  grape,  sweeping  the  street;  then  all 
the  houses  in  the  neighborhood  were  occupied  by  their  infantry,  loop- 
holes being  made  to  enable  them  to  fire  in  any  direction.    Had  we 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  137 

attempted  to  advance  up  the  streets,  as  our  poor  fellows  had  done 
previously,  all  would  have  been  cut  to  pieces;  but  we  were  more 
skillfully  directed.  As  soon  as  we  came  near  their  position,  we  broke 
into  the  adjoining  houses,  and  sent  our  sharpshooters  on  their  tops, 
where,  sheltered  by  the  parapets,  they  could  look  over  and  pick  off 
all  Mexicans  who  showed  their  heads  above  the  houses  in  front. 
Having  thus  driven  the  enemy  from  the  houses  in  front,  the  engineer 
officers  were  engaged  with  picks  and  crowbars  in  making  holes  from 
house  to  house,  through  which  our  people  advanced,  and  in  this 
manner,  by  nightfall,  we  were  enabled  to  reach  within  one  square  of 
the  plaza,  and  rendered  certain  our  coming  to  close  quarters  the  next 
day.  Our  troops  remained  in  the  houses,  where  they  ceased  firing 
and  were  prepared  to  commence  anew  at  daylight  next  day. 

On  General  Taylor's  side,  to-day,  it  was  found,  early  in  the 
morning,  the  fire  from  our  fort  had  been  so  warm,  the  enemy  had 
deserted  all  their  other  batteries,  carrying  their  guns  into  the  plaza. 
These  were  immediately  occupied  by  our  troops,  and  they  commenced 
an  advance  upon  the  town,  in  the  same  cautious  manner  we  had  done, 
and  reached  by  nightfall  a  position  as  near  the  plaza  as  we  had  done, 
so  that  by  night  we  had  driven  the  enemy  from  all  his  exterior  works, 
taken  eleven  guns,  and  had  approached  him  in  the  town  itself,  within 
one  square  on  each  side  of  his  stronghold.  He  still  had  his  citadel, 
but  we  were  screened  from  its  fire  by  the  town  itself.  During  the 
night  our  mortar  threw  shells  every  half  an  hour  into  the  plaza,  so  ac- 
curately as  to  make  many  fall  within  a  few  feet  of  the  church,  their 
main  magazine,  and  almost  every  one  killed  from  six  to  ten  soldiers. 
You  see,  they  were  so  crowded  in  the  space  they  occupied,  that  if  the 
shell  fell  with  any  accuracy,  its  execution  was  terrible.  So  ended  the 
twenty-third.  I  should  mention  the  enemy  endeavored  to  return 
our  compliments,  and  threw  shells  from  the  citadel  into  the  cemetery 
occupied  by  our  mortar  battery,  but  without  any  effect. 

On  the  morning  of  the  twenty-fourth,  as  we  were  commencing  to 
renew  the  assault,  confident  the  night  would  give  us  the  town,  a 
white  flag  came  from  General  Ampudia,  asking  of  General  Taylor 
permission  to  evacuate  the  town,  as  he  now  saw  resistance  was  no 
longer  available.  General  Taylor  had  an  interview  with  him,  in 
which  Ampudia  begged  hard  for  easy  terms,  saying  he  was  still 
strong,  having  yet  five  thousand  men  and  twenty-eight  pieces  of 
artillery;  but,  understanding  our  Government  had  offered  peace  to 
Mexico,  he  was  willing  to  make  an  honorable  compromise  between 


138         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

the  armies,  which  would  open  the  door  to  negotiations  between  the 
Governments,  as,  should  things  be  carried  to  extremities,  the  defeated 
party  would  not  listen  to  terms. 

There  being  something  reasonable  in  this,  and  much  blood  having 
been  shed,  and  there  being  many  private  persons  who  would  suffer 
in  person  and  property  if  things  were  carried  farther,  General  Taylor 
gave  as  his  ultimatum  the  following  terms:  The  Mexican  Army  to 
evacuate  the  place  in  seven  days,  and  retire  beyond  the  Rinconada, 
forty  miles  from  here,  to  which  point  we  were  at  liberty  to  advance. 
The  infantry  and  cavalry  to  take  their  arms;  the  artillery,  six  pieces 
of  light-artillery;  all  the  rest  of  the  public  property  and  munitions 
of  war  to  be  ours,  and  the  town  to  be  given  up  to  our  exclusive  pos- 
session. One  hour  was  given  Ampudia  to  answer.  At  the  termina- 
tion of  thirty  minutes  he  accepted,  and  immediately  three  commis- 
sioners on  each  side  were  appointed,  who  drew  up  the  terms  of 
capitulation,  which  were  signed  by  ten  o'clock  that  night.  This  re- 
sult has  been  caviled  at  by  many,  as  it  is  said  we  had  them  completely 
in  our  power,  and  one  more  day's  operations  would  have  given  us  the 
town,  or  an  unconditional  surrender,  and  that  letting  these  people 
off,  we  should  only  have  to  meet  them  again  at  Saltillo.  But,  for 
my  part,  I  approve  General  Taylor's  course.  They  were  still  very 
strong  in  the  town,  having  three  thousand  men  and  twenty  pieces  of 
artillery,  costing  an  immense  sacrifice  to  subdue  them.  Then  their 
strongest  work,  the  citadel,  with  a  garrison  of  two  thousand  five  hun- 
dred men  and  eight  pieces  of  artillery,  was  untouched,  and  would 
have  required  still  greater  loss  to  reduce,  though  I  am  confident  both 
town  and  citadel  would  have  been  in  our  hands  in  a  few  more  days. 
But  our  volunteer  force,  which  had  shared  in  the  disastrous  losses  of 
the  eastern  side,  were  beginning  to  be  disorganized,  and  already  regi- 
ments were  holding  back,  and  individuals  refusing  to  advance,  and 
they  could  not  be  longer  depended  on.  The  regulars  were  crippled 
almost  to  inefficiency,  and  in  addition,  the  enemy  were  in  hourly 
expectation  of  reinforcements.  Apart  from  these  considerations,  we 
knew  Santa  Anna  was  willing  to  compromise  this  question  if  he  could. 
Should  we  act  with  forbearance  towards  the  army,  and  give  it  hon- 
orable terms,  it  was  probable  we  might  have  its  voice  in  favor  of 
peace,  as  the  national  pride,  so  sensitive,  might  not  be  aroused  by  an 
honorable  capitulation.  Again,  it  was  doubtful  if  we  should  have 
gained  more  by  pushing  matters,  as  it  was  in  the  power  of  the  enemy 
to  run  off  in  the  night,  carrying  all  with  them  which  we  allowed  them 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  139 

to  carry,  except  the  six  pieces  of  artillery  (a  trifle),  and  destroying 
much  valuable  property,  now  ours.  Besides,  there  can  be  no  doubt 
of  the  condition  to  which  we  had  brought  them,  for  the  facts  speak 
for  themselves.  Here  was  an  army  of  six  thousand  men  giving  up 
to  us  a  town  with  twenty-two  pieces  of  artillery  and  a  vast  amount 
of  the  munitions  of  war,  and  retiring  eighty  miles  to  the  interior  and 
leaving  us  in  a  place  they  had  attempted  to  defend.  No  army  that 
was  not  badly  whipped  would  have  done  this,  and  as  to  fighting  us 
again,  if  they  had  all  been  made  prisoners  of  war,  we  could  not  keep 
them,  we  should  have  been  obliged  to  let  them  go,  and  all  would  have 
taken  arms  again,  in  spite  of  agreements  and  paroles;  so  we  gained 
all  we  could,  did  away  with  any  chance  of  failure,  and  made  them 
believe  they,  as  well  as  ourselves,  were  great  people. 

It  is  now  ascertained  they  had  at  the  commencement  nine  thou- 
sand men  and  thirty-eight  pieces  of  artillery,  with  strong  works,  and 
only  the  defence  to  make.  We,  with  six  thousand,  and  no  heavy 
artillery  for  a  siege-train,  one  hundred  and  thirty  miles  from  all  our 
depots  and  supplies,  and  obliged  to  attack  in  the  face  of  all  this  artil- 
lery, brought  them  to  these  terms.  So  ended  the  siege  of  Monterey, 
an  affair,  I  deem,  most  honorable  to  our  arms. 

There  was  some  little  disposition  on  the  part  of  Ampudia  to 
jockey.  There  is  no  doubt  the  Mexicans  were  in  a  state  of  disorgani- 
zation and  mutiny,  and  that  he  would  have  been  forced  to  accept 
almost  any  terms  General  Taylor  had  offered  to  him,  but  our  old 
General  was  desirous  of  playing  a  liberal  and  generous  part  by  them, 
and  thought  it  impolitic  to  push  them  too  hard. 

For  my  part,  you  may  rest  assured,  I  was  exceedingly  rejoiced; 
many  of  our  brave  fellows  slept  in  a  nameless  grave,  for  the  bodies 
of  some  were  never  recovered;  and  any  one  who  for  four  days  and 
nights  is  in  constant  state  of  exposure  to  fire-arms  of  all  descriptions 
will  be  very  well  satisfied  to  terminate  so  disagreeable  an  occupation. 

All  the  amateurs  accompanying  the  army,  and  we  have  a  goodly 
number,  are  now  satisfied,  and  are  now  going  home.  Among  them 
was  Bailie  Peyton,  who  was  an  attache  to  General  Worth.  Owing 
to  this  I  saw  a  great  deal  of  him,  and  have  been  much  pleased  with 
his  wit  and  humor  under  the  most  trying  circumstances.  We  would 
often  express  to  each  other  what  enjoyment  Mr.  Wise1  would  have 
here,  and  you  can  write  to  Mr.  Wise  and  tell  him  we  all,  and  Colonel 

1  Henry  A.  Wise,  brother-in-law  of  Mrs.  Meade,  afterward  Governor  of 
Virginia. 


140         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

Campbell  also,  of  Tennessee  (a  very  handsome  fellow,  who  was  the 
first  to  enter  the  enemy's  batteries)  thought  of  him.  He  was  in 
Congress  at  the  same  time  with  Mr.  Wise  and  Peyton. 

You  will  doubtless  see  the  official  reports,  and  the  newspapers 
will  be  filled  with  anecdotes  of  the  various  attacks.  I  hope  the 
people  of  the  country  will  appreciate  what  we  have  done,  and  for 
myself  individually,  if  I  get  the  approbation  of  those  in  whose  hearts 
I  wish  to  live,  it  is  all  that  I  ask. 

I  do  not  think  I  mentioned  in  the  terms  of  capitulation,  that  an 
armistice  had  been  agreed  upon  for  two  months,  unless  either  or  both 
Governments  should  be  sooner  heard  from.  This  time,  it  is  presumed, 
will  be  ample  for  both  Governments  to  settle  the  terms  of  a  treaty,  or 
at  least  determine  the  question  of  peace  or  a  continuance  of  the  war. 
We,  however,  have  reports  through  New  Orleans  and  Vera  Cruz 
that  a  counter-revolution  against  Santa  Anna  commenced  at  San 
Luis  Potosi;  but  here  they  say  it  was  a  trifling  affair  and  soon  put 
down.  But  the  rumor  from  the  interior  is,  that  the  people  of  the 
City  of  Mexico  have  declared  against  Santa  Anna,  rendering  doubt- 
ful his  being  able  to  maintain  himself  in  power;  all  these,  however, 
are  rumors.  I  think  that  if  Santa  Anna  remains  in  power  he  will 
make  peace,  because  I  believe  the  army  that  left  here  is  desirous  of 
it,  and  it  will  impress  the  remainder  of  the  army,  which  controls 
public  opinion  in  this  country.  If  he  is  overthrown,  there  is  no 
telling  what  will  be  the  result.  It  will  also  greatly  depend  on  the 
demands  of  our  Government.  If  not  too  exigent,  I  am  inclined  to 
believe  the  great  expenditure  of  money,  and  the  recent  loss  of  life, 
will  induce  it  to  be  more  liberal  than  otherwise.  If  we  had  had  a 
commissioner  with  us,  he  could  by  this  time  have  been  near  the 
City  of  Mexico. 

I  have  again,  through  the  misfortunes  of  others,  been  placed  in 
the  agreeable  position  of  head  of  my  corps,  and  as  long  as  I  remain  so, 
my  desire  to  leave  is  greatly  diminished. 

Major  Craig  is  well  and  safe.  What  part  he  took  in  the  recent 
events,  I  cannot  say,  as  he  was  at  the  eastern  end  of  the  town.  John 
Pemberton  I  saw  a  great  deal  of;  he  is  aide  to  General  Worth.  Of 
course,  being  on  the  same  staff,  we  were  together  all  the  time.  He 
discharged  his  duties  with  great  credit  to  himself,  and  was  fortunate 
to  receive  no  wound.  I  do  not  think  you  know  any  of  the  killed  or 
wounded  officers.  Richard  Graham,  the  son  of  Mrs.  Graham  in 
Washington,  is  very  badly  wounded,  but  hopes  are  entertained  he 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  141 

will  get  over  it.  James  Ricketts,  Mrs.  Robert  Meade's1  brother,  is 
safe.  I  saw  him  at  various  times  during  the  actions,  as  his  regiment 
was  under  General  Worth's  command. 

Now  for  a  few  private  lines,  in  which  I  wish  to  express  to  you  my 
heartfelt  gratitude  that  it  has  pleased  God  once  more  to  pass  me 
through  untold  dangers,  and  to  allow  me  still  to  cling  to  the  hope  of 
once  more  being  reunited  to  you.  God  knows  what  joy  it  brings  to 
my  heart  to  anticipate  the  happiness  we  shall  have  together,  and  the 
deep  anxiety  I  have  to  behold  again  my  blessed  little  children,  whose 
images  are  as  fresh  in  my  heart  as  the  day  I  left  them.  Tell  the  boys 
I  will  give  them  a  long  story  about  it  all,  when  I  get  back. 

After  your  good  father  has  read  this  letter,  I  wish  you  would  com- 
municate its  contents  to  dear  mother,  Major  Bache  and  Pemberton. 

My  sketch  is  exceedingly  rough,  but  will  serve  to  illustrate  the 
narrative. 

Monterey,  Mexico,  October  5,  1846. 

I  have  but  little  information  to  give  you.  The  Mexican  army 
has  all  gone  to  Saltillo,  where  Ampudia  has  published  a  flourishing 
proclamation,  assigning  as  a  reason  for  his  evacuating  this  place  that 
his  ammunition  and  provisions  were  exhausted;  whereas  we  captured 
ammunition  to  last  us  two  more  fights  and  provisions  enough  to 
supply  us  some  weeks.  He  also  states  he  repelled  all  our  assaults, 
and  that  we  left  on  the  ground  some  fifteen  hundred  killed  and 
wounded.  In  fact,  his  whole  proclamation  is  a  tissue  of  the  grossest 
falsehoods,  which,  of  course,  we  expected  him  to  make  to  his  own 
people,  to  save  himself.  But  I  very  much  fear  the  thing  will  go 
further,  and  that  the  capitulation  of  Monterey  will,  like  the  conven- 
tion of  Cintra,  prove  most  unpopular. 

It  is  now  rendered  beyond  a  doubt  that  the  Mexicans  were  en- 
tirely and  completely  in  our  power.  A  few  hours  more  fighting  would 
have  brought  about  a  surrender,  at  discretion,  of  the  whole  army. 

General  Taylor  was  actuated  by  the  highest  motives  in  allowing 
them  the  terms  he  did,  hoping,  upon  the  representations  of  Ampudia, 
it  would  be  the  means  of  negotiating  a  peace;  but  from  all  we  can 
now  understand,  Ampudia's  whole  conversation  and  all  his  statements 
prove  to  be  false,  made  through  fear,  and  with  the  hope  (justly  real- 
ized) of  getting  out  of  a  bad  scrape. 

The  general  impression  now  is  that  we  will  not  obtain  peace.    If 

1  Sister-in-law  of  Lieutenant  Meade. 


142         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

so,  we  have  missed  the  opportunity  of  making  some  seven  thousand 
men  prisoners.  Ampudia  distinctly  stated  to  General  Taylor  that  he 
had  received  information  from  the  City  of  Mexico  that  morning  (the 
24th),  that  an  American  Minister  was  to  be  received;  whereas  Santa 
Anna's  reply  to  Mr.  Buchanan,1  published  in  the  Mexican  journals, 
(and  in  Ampudia's  possession),  states  distinctly  that  he  cannot  take 
upon  himself  the  responsibility  of  making  peace;  it  must  be  referred 
to  the  Mexican  Congress,  which  does  not  meet  till  December.  How 
then  could  a  Minister  be  received  before  the  answer  of  Congress? 
This  proves  he  knew  he  was  uttering  false  statements.  Indeed,  no 
reliance  is  to  be  placed  on  anything  these  people  say.  The  highest 
among  them  know  not  what  honor  and  veracity  are;  and  it  is  use- 
less to  expect  anything  from  any  influence  brought  to  bear  upon 
them,  except  fear,  and  our  whole  course  must  be  changed  ere  we  can 
expect  to  bring  them  to  terms.  Here  is  a  third  victory  without  re- 
sult, everything  to  be  done  over  again,  and  our  obstacles  increasing 
as  we  advance. 

If  the  Government  of  Mexico  now  refuse  peace,  upon  such  terms 
as  the  United  States  are  ready  to  offer,  and  they  are  such  as  the 
world  will  not  condemn,  it  will  be  necessary  for  our  country  to  make 
up  its  mind  to  a  long  war  of  sacrifice,  on  our  part,  which  will  be  the 
longer,  the  less  energetically  it  is  pursued.  In  the  first  place,  this 
line  of  operations  we  are  now  on  must  be  abandoned  after  we  reach 
Saltillo  (seventy  miles  from  here),  for,  from  that  point,  it  is  two 
hundred  and  fifty  miles  to  San  Luis  Potosi,  over  a  barren  country, 
with  no  permanent  supplies  of  water,  only  tanks  and  reservoirs  for 
rain-water,  which  they  can  easily  destroy  as  we  approach;  and  when 
we  get  to  San  Luis,  we  are  some  six  hundred  miles  from  the  City 
of  Mexico.2 

Should  the  Government  determine  upon  continuing  on  this  route, 
we  must  take  Tampico,  and  then,  when  we  reach  San  Luis,  we  can 
open  our  communications  with  Tampico,  some  three  hundred  miles 
off,  as  far  as  Vera  Cruz  is  from  the  city  itself. 

Vera  Cruz  must  be  taken,  and  an  attack  made  on  the  city  from 
that  direction.  It  is  well  to  have  it  in  conjunction  with  this,  if  the 
Government  chooses,  but  the  main  attack  must  be  on  the  line  of 
Vera  Cruz.    An  army  of  twenty-five  thousand  men  at  least,  well 

1  James  Buchanan,  Secretary  of  State,  U.  S.  Government,  afterward  President 
of  the  United  States. 

2  Should  be  three  hundred  miles. 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  143 

supplied  with  artillery  and  all  the  munitions  of  war,  should  be  landed 
at  Alvarado,  and  advance  from  thence  on  Vera  Cruz,  and  in  conjunc- 
tion with  the  navy  take  that  place,  from  whence  they  should  advance 
into  the  interior.  At  the  same  time  twenty-five  hundred  men  should 
advance  from  San  Luis  Potosi  towards  the  same  point,  and  some 
twenty-five  hundred  men  are  required  to  hold  the  country  and  occupy 
it,  from  Tampico  to  the  Californias. 

It  is  only  by  doing  things  on  this  scale,  vigorously,  and  at  every 
cost  of  blood  and  money,  that  "an  honorable  peace  will  ever  be 
conquered."  Neither  the  Government  of  Mexico  nor  her  people 
care  about  the  occupation  of  the  country  we  are  now  in.  It  is  a 
positive  benefit  to  the  people;  we  are  spending  here  a  large  portion 
of  the  revenues  of  the  United  States,  and  making  money  more  plenty 
than  it  ever  was  before.  If  the  Government  is  determined  on  op- 
erating on  this  long  line,  it  should  take  full  possession  of  every 
Department  as  it  conquers  it,  overthrow  all  Mexican  jurisdiction, 
proclaim  it  to  the  world  as  part  of  the  United  States,  appoint  all  the 
necessary  officers  for  a  Territorial  Government,  and  extend  our  laws 
over  it,  sequestrating  the  property  of  all  those  who  left  the  country 
or  refused  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance.  Then  Mexico  would  look 
with  some  anxiety  upon  our  approach,  as  she  saw  Department  after 
Department  lopped  off,  and  she  would  be  obliged  to  make  vigorous 
efforts  to  defend  her  soil,  which,  if  we  overcome,  would  be  arguments 
in  our  favor. 

But,  as  it  is,  a  small  band  is  pushed  into  the  interior  of  the  coun- 
try, where  it  is  obliged  to  advance  under  every  disadvantage,  and 
whose  success  is  followed  by  no  material  advantage,  the  country  in 
our  rear  being  as  fully  in  the  possession  of  Mexico  as  if  we  had  not 
passed  over  it.  We  may  go  on  in  this  way  for  five  years,  and  not 
conquer  peace.  The  loss  of  a  few  soldiers,  and  the  temporary  occu- 
pation of  her  frontier  towns,  is  no  embarrassment  to  Mexico;  her 
capital  and  her  vital  parts  must  be  touched.  Once  occupy  these 
(and  we  can  do  it  as  readily  as  we  operate  here,  if  we  have  the  pro- 
portionate means),  and  she  will  be  brought  to  terms. 

October  6. 
I  have  written  a  long  dissertation  on  the  plans  proper  to  be  adopted 
in  the  event  of  the  prosecution  of  the  war,  which  now  seems  to  be 
looked  upon  as  certain  among  the  best  informed  persons  in  our  army, 
and  among  the  Mexicans  at  this  place. 


144         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

As  to  my  personal  interests,  I  presume,  of  course,  that  I  am  to 
remain  here  till  it  is  all  over,  unless  I  make  an  application  to  be 
relieved,  which  I  cannot  bring  my  mind  to  do.  They  have  a  joke 
among  the  officers,  that  it  is  bad  business  for  any  officer  to  be  sent 
here  to  command  me,  for  he  will  be  sure  to  be  killed;  and  it  is  strange. 
Of  the  three  superior  officers  who  have  been  sent  here  at  various 
times,  the  first  (Captain  Cram)  had  to  leave  the  country  soon  after 
his  arrival,  on  account  of  ill-health;  the  second  (poor  Blake)  shot 
himself;  and  the  third  (Captain  Williams)  fell  in  the  recent  operations 
against  Monterey;  leaving  me  each  time  the  senior  officer  of  Topo- 
graphical Engineers.  General  Worth,  with  whom  I  served  during 
the  recent  operations,  has  been  pleased  to  speak  well  of  me  in  his 
report,  and  when  I  thanked  him  for  it,  he  observed  "  that  he  trusted 
the  thing  would  not  end  there,  and  I  might  rest  assured  his  best 
efforts  would  be  exerted  in  my  behalf." 

October  9. 

I  have  nothing  new  to  tell  you  this  morning.  There  is  a  report 
that  General  Canaliso  has  been  placed  in  command  of  the  Mexican 
forces;  that  he  has  arrived  at  San  Luis,  with  a  large  army,  and  or- 
dered Ampudia  to  fall  back  from  Saltillo  to  that  place.  It  is  hard 
to  tell  what  inference  is  to  be  drawn  from  this.  It  is  a  proper  meas- 
ure in  the  event  of  peace,  and  equally  so  in  case  the  war  continues, 
for  it  forces  us  to  march  some  four  hundred  miles  before  we  can  get 
to  them,  which  will  take  us,  with  our  movements,  over  a  month; 
and  as  the  armistice  lasts  two  months,  they  will  have  three  to  fortify 
and  prepare  to  make  their  stand  at  a  point  three  hundred  miles 
nearer  the  capital  than  Saltillo  is,  so  that  no  deduction  can  be  made 
from  this  move,  and  it  is  only  a  report,  of  which  there  are  a  thousand 
in  circulation  each  day,  all  contradicted  the  succeeding  days. 

Last  night's  mail  brings  orders  for  Captain  Linnard  of  our  corps 
to  repair  here,  so  that  my  enjoyment  of  seniority  will  last  but  a 
short  time,  as  I  suppose  Captain  Linnard  will  be  here  in  the  course 
of  a  week  or  two. 

October  10. 
The  news  from  Saltillo  to-day  is  to  the  effect  that  the  people  of 
that  place  have  positively  refused  to  allow  their  town  to  be  fortified, 
pointing  to  Monterey,  which  is  naturally  much  stronger,  and  saying 
that  if  the  Mexicans  could  not  defend  that  place,  with  all  its  strength, 
it  is  useless  to  try  at  Saltillo.    What  effect  this  argument  will  have 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  145 

upon  their  army  is  unknown,  but  rumor  says  they  are  retiring  to 
San  Luis,  and  have  abandoned  the  pass  of  Las  Muertas,  on  the  road 
from  here  to  Saltillo,  which  they  had  commenced  to  fortify. 

It  appears  that  Canaliso,  who  was  reported  to  have  assumed  the 
head  of  the  army,  is  in  Madrid,  but  papers  from  the  City  of  Mexico, 
as  late  as  the  14th  ultimo,  contain  a  proclamation  of  Santa  Anna's, 
in  which  he  modestly  declines  the  supreme  power,  in  order  to  place 
himself  at  the  head  of  the  army,  to  conquer  or  die.  This  is  easily 
understood.  Some  individual  named  Salis,  or  Salisar,  is  temporarily 
placed  at  the  head  of  affairs,  a  puppet  of  Santa  Anna's,  to  bear  the 
brunt  of  disaster,  should  things  turn  out  badly,  he  taking  all  the 
credit  as  director,  should  the  result  be  fortunate.  It  is  supposed 
that  whoever  makes  peace  will  be  overthrown,  and  we  know  that 
whoever  continues  the  war,  and  is  unsuccessful,  will  have  to  yield 
to  the  popular  will.  Santa  Anna,  by  throwing  the  responsibility  of 
the  Government  on  Salis,  and  of  the  army  on  some  general  (for  nobody 
supposes  he  is  coming  to  try  his  fortune),  endeavors  to  trim  his  sails 
to  the  breeze  of  public  opinion,  and  save  himself  by  sacrificing  his 
creatures. 

Monterey,  October  13,  1846. 

Poor  Richard  Graham  died  to-day,  making  the  fifteenth  officer 
killed  in  the  attack  on  Monterey.  This  will  be  a  sad  blow  to  his 
poor  mother. 

Great  indignation  now  prevails  in  the  army  at  orders  recently 
received  from  Washington,  directing  General  Taylor  to  send  General 
Patterson  to  Tampico  with  a  large  portion  of  his  (General  Taylor's) 
force,  to  take  that  place.  This  is  considered  an  outrage  upon  all 
military  propriety,  cutting  up  a  commanding  general's  force,  with- 
out reference  to  him,  or  the  circumstances  in  which  he  may  find 
himself. 

Monterey,  October  20,  1846. 
I  regret  to  tell  you  my  boasted  good  health  has  been  slightly 
disturbed.  Soon  after  writing  my  last  letter  to  you,  I  was  taken 
with  chills  and  fever,  a  disease  very  prevalent  at  this  moment  in  the 
army,  and  attributed  to  the  reaction  from  the  active  and  exciting 
life  we  have  been  leading,  and  to  the  injudicious  use  of  the  fruits 
of  the  country.  To  the  latter  cause  I  attribute  my  attack,  for  I 
indulged  without  any  discretion  in  the  use  of  oranges  and  pome- 


146  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

granates,  not  dreaming  they  could  be  of  any  injury.  The  disease, 
however,  is  of  a  very  mild  character.  I  broke  mine  after  the  second 
attack,  and  have  now  been  six  days  without  a  return,  and  hope  with 
care  to  avoid  it  in  future.  Nearly  one-third  the  army  is  down  with 
it,  and  many  of  the  poor  wounded  fellows  have  been  attacked.  It  is 
said  to  be  a  very  common  disease  at  this  place,  though  for  what 
reason  I  cannot  tell,  for  this  appears  the  garden  spot  of  the  earth, 
the  air  purity  itself,  and  no  source  of  malaria  visible.  I  wish  you 
could  be  here  to  enjoy  the  delicious  climate,  to  see  the  exquisite 
landscapes  presented  by  the  towering  mountains,  and  the  rich  and 
fertile  valley  at  their  feet. 

I  believe  I  told  you  I  had  been  living  in  town  since  the  capitula- 
tion. At  first  I  lived  in  a  house  with  General  Worth,  who  has  shown 
the  most  uniform  kindness  to  me;  but  not  wishing  to  trespass  too 
far  upon  his  civility,  and  the  death  of  Captain  Williams  making  me 
senior,  and  thus  detaching  me  from  General  Worth's  staff  and  re- 
attaching me  to  headquarters,  I  left  General  Worth's  house,  and 
have  taken  possession  of  one  left  in  his  charge  by  the  proprietor, 
General  Ortega,  of  the  Mexican  Army.  This  is  considered  one  of 
the  handsomest  houses  in  town,  and  is  furnished  in  a  style  considered 
in  this  country  magnificent.  The  custom  of  the  country  is  to  furnish 
most  plainly.  Generally  a  table  and  a  few  chairs  constitute  the 
furniture  of  the  parlors,  and  a  bed,  with  a  few  chairs,  that  of  the  bed- 
room. But  General  Ortega,  who  is  a  man  of  wealth,  and  has  been 
Governor  of  this  Department  (Nuevo  Leon),  a  traveled  man  withal, 
has  gone  to  great  expense  in  furnishing  his  mansion,  and  I  am  now 
deriving  the  benefit  of  his  liberality.  The  house  has  six  rooms  in  it, 
as  the  subjoined  sketch  shows.  The  parlor,  a  long  room,  about  the 
size,  I  should  suppose,  of  the  two  in  Fourth  Street,  is  furnished  with 
two  mahogany  pier-tables  (French),  with  large  mirrors  over  them. 
In  each  of  the  four  corners  are  corner-pieces  (tables),  with  vases 
filled  with  beautiful  wax  flowers,  covered  with  glass.  There  are  two 
mahogany  centre-tables,  cane-bottom  and  painted  chairs,  a  mahogany 
sofa  at  one  end,  with  a  strip  of  ingrain  carpet  in  front — a  great 
luxury,  and  the  only  carpet  I  have  seen  in  the  town.  The  windows, 
uniformly  open  to  the  air,  here  have  glass  doors  (of  very  large  panes) 
to  keep  out  the  air  when  cold;  the  doors  are  all  glass  doors.  A  very 
splendid  French  clock,  with  ormolu  ornaments,  is  on  a  table  at  the 
foot  of  the  parlors,  and  the  walls  are  hung  all  around  with  beautiful 
colored  engravings  (French),  illustrating  historical  events  in  Spanish 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  147 

history.  Then  with  curtains  (narrow  strips)  of  red  and  yellow,  hung 
from  gilt  arrows,  you  have  the  parlor,  the  tout  ensemble  of  which,  I 
assure  you,  is  exceedingly  refreshing  to  one  who  has  seen  nothing  like 
civilization  for  fifteen  months.  The  bed-rooms  have  French  bed- 
steads. There  is  no  house  linen,  or  any  other  furniture  but  such  as 
stands  in  the  rooms.  My  messmates  are  Lieutenant  Scarret,  of  the 
Corps  of  Engineers,  with  whom  I  lived  at  Matamoras,  and  a  Lieu- 
tenant Pope,  of  my  own  corps.  We  each  of  us  have  our  own  servants, 
one  of  whom  is  cook,  the  other  hostler,  and  the  third  plays  waiter; 
so  that  we  are  quite  comfortable,  and,  from  our  luxurious  quarters, 
the  envy  of  the  army.  Unfortunately  we  have  no  mess  furniture 
but  our  old  tin  camp  equipage;  but  we  manage  to  get  along  with 
this  in  preference  to  paying  the  enormous  sum  it  would  require  to 
fit  us  out  with  more  suitable  apparatus.  Besides,  our  stay  being 
uncertain,  it  would  be  absurd  to  purchase  articles  perfectly  useless 
to  us  when  we  leave. 

General  Taylor,  as  usual,  is  in  camp  three  miles  from  town,  and 
has  with  him  two-thirds  of  the  army.  General  Worth,  with  his  divi- 
sion, all  regulars,  occupies  the  town  and  keeps  it  in  order.  In  con- 
sequence of  this  arrangement,  good  order  has  hitherto  prevailed;  no 
liquor  is  permitted  to  be  sold  to  the  soldiers,  and  no  person  allowed 
to  reside  in  the  town  who  cannot  give  a  satisfactory  account  of  him- 
self. By  these  means  it  is  hoped  to  exclude  the  gambling  shops  and 
groggeries  that  disgraced  Corpus  Christi  and  Matamoras,  and  which 
were  the  fertile  sources  of  murder  and  robbery,  together  with  every 
other  crime.  It  is  also  hoped  that  the  quiet  and  security  thus  given 
to  life  and  property  will  induce  the  inhabitants,  all  of  whom  have 
left  the  place,  to  return,  when  we  hope  to  have  some  gayety  and 
amusement.  This  place  is  said  to  contain  many  wealthy  and  agree- 
able families;  but  the  fears  of  the  assault  caused  them  all  to  fly  to 
Saltillo  and  other  places  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  city.  None 
have  as  yet  returned,  for  the  volunteers  have  made  themselves  so 
terrible  by  their  previous  outrages  as  to  have  inspired  the  Mexicans 
with  a  perfect  horror  of  them,  and  until  they  are  assured  of  their 
security  they  will  not  return  from  their  hiding  places. 

I  have  but  little  to  add  to  my  surmises  (in  the  shape  of  intelligence) 
in  former  letters.  It  is  now  rendered  beyond  a  doubt  that  Santa 
Anna  is  at  San  Luis,  with  eight  thousand  regulars,  has  drawn  in  there 
Ampudia  with  his  eight  thousand,  and  is  busily  engaged  reorganizing 
and  putting  in  order  these  sixteen  thousand  men,  at  the  same  time 


148         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

that  he  is  making  the  most  vigorous  efforts  to  raise  thirty  thousand 
volunteers.  He  will  not  advance,  it  is  said,  beyond  San  Luis,  but 
ascertaining  our  news  from  the  mail  captured  from  us  (which  had 
despatches  directing  General  Taylor's  attention  to  Tampico),  it  is 
said  he  has  sent  a  large  force  to  Tampico  (the  rest  he  keeps  at  San 
Luis),  and  will  hold  himself  in  readiness  with  a  reserve  to  go  to  either 
point  threatened.  This  shows  him  a  good  soldier,  and  should  the 
war  continue,  I  have  no  doubt  my  anticipations  of  his  energy  will 
all  be  realized. 

Monterey,  Mexico,  October  27,  1846. 
General  Taylor  told  me,  a  few  days  ago,  he  had  written  to  Wash- 
ington, dissuading  the  Government  against  continuing  operations 
any  farther  on  this  line,  it  being  too  long;  and  requiring,  in  case  it 
insists  upon  his  advancing  in  this  direction,  that  he  be  furnished  with 
twenty  thousand  well  disciplined  men  for  the  marching  army,  and 
five  thousand  to  cover  his  rear  and  line  of  communications.  At  the 
same  time  he  insists  upon  having  more  wagons  and  means  of  trans- 
portation furnished  him.  At  the  same  time  he  advises  the  Govern- 
ment to  allow  him  to  take  Tampico,  and  to  hold  the  line  of  the  Sierra 
Madre  from  Tampico  to  this  place.  Then,  with  General  Wool  at 
Monclova  and  Chihuahua,  and  General  Kearney  at  Santa  Fe  and  in 
California,  we  shall  hold  military  possession  of  five  of  Mexico's 
provinces.  Then  let  her  come  and  take  them  from  us,  and  we  await 
her  action. 

This  plan  of  an  armed  occupation,  I,  individually,  am  opposed 
to,  upon  the  ground  of  its  never  having  any  end;  for  Mexico,  though 
she  will  hardly  undertake  to  drive  us  out,  will  nevertheless  be  always 
talking  about  it,  and  making  preparations,  which  will  compel  us  to 
be  always  prepared  by  having  a  large  army  on  this  frontier.  Then, 
again,  the  expense  will  be  enormous  of  maintaining  such  an  army  as 
it  will  be  absolutely  necessary  we  should  have,  besides  the  opposition 
there  would  be  on  the  part  of  the  North  to  see  such  immense  increase 
of  Southern  territory.  I  hope  these  reasons  will  induce  the  Govern- 
ment, even  should  it  accede  to  his  "armed  occupation,"  to  continue 
active  operations  against  Mexico  by  sending  an  army  to  Vera  Cruz, 
and  advancing  on  the  capital,  and  compelling  them  at  every  sacrifice, 
by  force  of  arms,  to  sue  for  peace.  In  the  first  place,  I  think  it  due 
to  our  national  honor,  after  all  the  bluster  we  have  made,  to  show 
them  we  could  do  what  we  said  we  would;  and  then,  after  offering 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  149 

them  peace,  and  they  rejecting  it,  we  should  at  least  make  an  effort 
to  compel  them.    We  hear  nothing  from  Santa  Anna  at  San  Luis. 

A  sad  accident  happened  yesterday,  which  has  thrown  a  gloom 
over  the  camp,  and  by  which  the  army  is  likely  to  lose  one  of  its  most 
gallant  officers.  Captain  Randolph  Ridgely,  of  the  Light  Artillery, 
was  yesterday  thrown  from  his  horse,  while  riding  in  the  street,  and 
falling  on  his  head,  received  some  injury  in  the  brain,  which  it  is 
feared  will  terminate  his  life.  This  young  officer  is  the  one  who,  in 
my  opinion,  most  distinguished  himself  in  the  affairs  of  the  8th  and 
9th  of  May.  He  commanded  Ringgold's  battery  on  the  9th,  and 
gallantly  drove  it  up  within  two  hundred  yards  of  the  Mexican  artil- 
lery, unlimbered  his  pieces,  and  returned  their  fire,  all  in  the  face  of 
their  eight  pieces  of  artillery.  In  our  recent  operations  he  was 
equally  distinguished  for  his  cool  and  undaunted  bravery,  and  it 
seems  hard,  after  passing  with  so  much  credit  through  these  three 
affairs,  he  should  finally  die  the  inglorious  death  that  threatens  him. 
He  is  a  son  of  General  Ridgely,  of  Baltimore;  very  handsome,  and 
distinguished  for  his  fine  manners  and  courteous  affability.  He  was 
the  young  man  who  brought  Rebecca  McLane  to  mother's  party, 
given  to  you  as  a  bride  in  Washington.  He  is  universally  looked 
upon  as  the  preux  chevalier  of  the  army. 

I  have  entirely  recovered  from  my  chills  and  fever — in  fact, 
having  been  well  ever  since  I  broke  them,  having  had  only  two  at- 
tacks. Almost  every  one  has  had  them,  even  the  poor  wounded 
fellows  in  hospital,  and  many  have  died  in  consequence.  The  medical 
officers  say  that  this  climate  is  unfavorable  to  the  healing  of  wounds, 
and  that  they  have  lost  many  who  were  only  slightly  wounded,  and 
would,  without  doubt,  have  recovered,  had  they  been  in  the  United 
States. 

By  the  time  this  reaches  you  the  official  reports  will  have  been 
published.  General  Taylor  has  again  (much  to  the  dissatisfaction 
of  the  army)  made  a  wholesale  business  of  mentioning  names,  and 
has  made  no  distinctions  as  to  individuals;  so,  when  he  recommends 
promotions,  he  will  follow  the  same  plan,  and  begin  at  the  highest 
and  name  all  his  commanding  officers,  from  generals  down  to  colonels 
(he  having  an  awful  respect  for  rank),  whether  they  do  anything  or 
not.  Thus,  at  the  Resaca  de  la  Palma,  the  action  was  fought  entirely 
by  the  platoon  officers,  the  younger  members  of  the  army,  and  yet 
only  two  received  promotion,  all  the  rewards  being  given  to  the  old 
men  of  rank,  some  of  whom  were  not  in  the  action;   but  General 


150         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

Taylor  mentioned  them  all,  because  they  were  in  command  of  regi- 
ments. 

We  are  all  very  anxious  to  see  the  papers  from  the  United  States, 
for  we,  on  the  ground,  never  know  who  are  the  heroes  of  the  affairs 
until  we  see  the  papers  giving  an  account  of  the  battle.  I  think 
General  Worth  will  be  the  great  hero,  and  will  without  doubt  be 
made  a  major  general.  His  success  here  will  do  away  with  all  the 
bad  consequences  of  his  folly  opposite  Matamoras,  which,  I  believe, 
he  now  most  sincerely  regrets  himself. 

You  tell  me  in  your  last  letter  that  the  children  were  all  well. 
God  grant,  in  His  mercy,  they  may  continue  so,  as  well  as  yourself, 
for  whose  safety  and  happiness  I  ever  pray.  It  pains  me  to  be  unable 
to  give  you  any  definite  idea  of  my  return;  I  am  as  much  in  the  dark 
as  yourself.  If  there  is  a  cessation  of  active  operations,  and  an  armed 
occupation  goes  into  effect,  I  shall  endeavor  to  get  away.  If  active 
operations  are  continued,  and  there  is  a  prospect  of  again  meeting 
the  enemy,  I  must  remain  and  take  my  chance. 

Monterey,  November  4,  1846. 

I  heard  of  the  arrival  last  night  at  the  camp  of  Major  James 
Graham,  as  bearer  of  despatches  to  General  Taylor,  and  an  orderly 
has  just  handed  me  a  letter  from  Edward  Ingraham,1  of  the  13th 
October,  written  at  Washington,  and  telling  me  they  had  received 
the  intelligence  of  the  affair  of  Monterey.  Major  Graham  I  must 
go  out  to  the  camp  immediately  to  see.  I  understand  the  purport 
of  his  despatches  is  a  disapproval  of  the  armistice,  and  orders  for 
General  Taylor  to  prosecute  the  war  with  vigor  and  continue  his 
advance.  So  there  is  an  end  to  all  peace,  and  God  knows  now  when 
we  shall  have  it. 

What  we  are  going  to  do  no  one  can  tell.  It  seems  the  prevalent 
opinion  that  the  march  to  San  Luis  is  impracticable,  from  want  of 
water  and  supplies;  so  Tampico  will,  without  doubt,  be  the  next 
point  of  attack.  We  shall  find  the  Mexicans  prepared,  in  large  force, 
well  fortified,  and  with  plenty  of  artillery,  so  that  we  may  anticipate 
warm  work. 

Monterey,  November  10,  1846. 
Another  week  has  passed,  and  mail  day  again  arrived,  but  with 
it  the  destruction  of  all  hopes  of  peace,  at  least  for  the  present.    Since 

1  Nephew  of  Lieutenant  Meade. 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  151 

my  last  I  have  received  your  letters  of  the  6th  and  9th  ultimo,  the 
latter  bearing  evident  traces  of  the  excitement  you  were  in,  owing 
to  the  uncertainty  of  affairs  here. 

Of  course,  with  the  intelligence  of  our  victory,  you  were  informed 
of  its  barrenness,  the  Government  having  despatched  Major  Graham 
to  have  the  armistice  immediately  annuled.  It  does  not  disapprove 
of  General  Taylor's  terms  of  capitulation,  but  it  is  pretty  well  under- 
stood it  only  desisted  because  it  wished  to  feel  the  public  pulse, 
before  it  committed  itself. 

That  we  had  the  Mexicans  completely  in  our  power,  and  could 
have  slaughtered  the  greater  part  of  them  before  they  could  have 
made  their  escape,  was  well  known  to  the  whole  army.  It  was  no 
military  necessity  that  induced  General  Taylor  to  grant  such  liberal 
terms,  but  a  higher  and  nobler  motive.  First,  to  grant  an  oppor- 
tunity to  the  two  Governments  to  negotiate  for  peace,  knowing,  as 
he  did,  that  should  he  destroy  the  Mexican  army,  the  Government 
would  never  listen  to  overtures  of  peace  under  the  disgrace.  Sec- 
ondly, to  stop  the  unnecessary  effusion  of  blood,  not  only  of  soldiers, 
but  of  old  and  infirm  women  and  children,  whom  necessity  kept  in 
the  city,  and  who  were  crowded  with  the  troops  in  the  small  space 
they  had  retired  to,  and  were  surrounded  by  our  troops,  from  whom 
every  shot  told.  Thirdly,  as  a  tribute  of  respect  to  the  gallantry  of 
the  Mexicans,  who  had  defended  their  place  as  long  as  it  was  in  their 
power. 

As  to  the  armistice,  it  was  nothing,  no  loss  of  time,  for  we  are  not 
prepared  now,  and  could  not  have  been  in  less  time,  to  advance. 
As  to  the  army,  we  might  have  secured  their  arms,  but  what  to  do 
with  seven  thousand  prisoners!  We  could  not  send  them  to  the 
United  States,  nor  could  we  guard  them  here;  we  should  have  been 
obliged  to  release  them  upon  some  kind  of  engagement  not  to  serve 
again,  and  this  they  would  have  violated  upon  the  first  opportunity. 

But  it  was  the  hope  of  peace  resulting  from  it,  which  outweighed 
all  other  considerations  with  the  commanding  general;  it  was  the 
hope  of  inducing  the  Mexican  Government,  by  not  pressing  too  hard 
its  army,  and  granting  it  easy  terms,  by  soothing  their  mortified 
vanity,  to  listen  to  the  offers  of  our  Government  for  negotiation.  It 
has  resulted  unsuccessfully,  and  of  course,  as  in  all  military  move- 
ments, want  of  success  damns  it;  but  had  peace  followed,  the  grati- 
tude of  the  Government  and  laudations  of  the  people  would  have 
been  without  bounds. 


152         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

The  old  gentleman  appears  quite  satisfied,  says  he  has  done  his 
duty,  and  his  conscience  is  easy.  He  expresses  himself  ready  to 
leave  the  field  whenever  the  Government  desire  it,  and  I  really  be- 
lieve he  would  be  quite  satisfied  to  be  recalled;  for  he  finds  himself 
called  upon  to  perform  impossible  things,  and  has  not  even  the  con- 
trol of  his  own  forces.  The  cabinet  at  Washington,  profiting  by  the 
history  of  the  Aulic  Council,  is  manceuvering  his  troops  for  him,  and 
at  Washington,  entirely  independent  of  his  wishes  and  views,  organ- 
izing expeditions  for  Tampico,  even  going  so  far  as  to  designate  the 
troops  and  their  commanders.  To-be-sure,  it  is  well  understood  how 
this  is  done,  by  the  mighty  engine  of  political  influence,  that  curse 
of  our  country,  which  forces  party  politics  into  everything. 

General  Patterson  and  others  are  good  Democrats;  they  are  in- 
dignant that  General  Taylor  should  have  left  them  in  the  rear  when 
he  carried  more  troops  than  he  could  feed.  They  complain  at 
Washington,  and  forthwith  General  Patterson  and  Co.  are  directed 
to  proceed  against  Tampico,  and  General  Patterson  informed  before 
his  commanding  general  knows  anything  about  it.  Well  may  we  be 
grateful  that  we  are  at  war  with  Mexico !  Were  it  any  other  power, 
our  gross  follies  would  have  been  punished  severely  before  now. 

General  Taylor,  of  course,  has  to  succumb,  and  the  Tampico 
expedition  is  to  be  immediately  prosecuted.  General  Patterson  goes 
from  Camargo,  in  command  of  about  one  thousand  regular  troops, 
and  some  two  or  three  thousand  volunteers,  all  now  on  the  Rio 
Grande.  He  marches  direct  to  Tampico.  General  Taylor,  however, 
does  not  design  that  he  shall  have  it  in  his  power,  from  ignorance  or 
other  causes,  to  fail;  therefore  he  will  leave  here  with  a  column  of 
some  two  thousand  men  and  artillery,  light  and  heavy,  and  will  join 
General  Patterson  before  he  reaches  Tampico,  when  both  columns 
united,  and  under  General  Taylor's  command,  will  operate  against 
the  town,  in  conjunction  with  the  navy,  if  the  latter  have  it  in  its 
power  to  do  anything. 

In  the  meantime  General  Worth,  with  three  regiments  of  infan- 
try and  one  light  battery  of  artillery,  leaves  day  after  to-morrow  for 
Saltillo,  which  place  he  will  occupy  for  the  present.  He  will,  in  the 
course  of  a  few  weeks,  be  reinforced  by  General  Wool  and  his  com- 
mand, whose  expedition  to  Chihuahua  (another  affair  of  the  Aulic 
Councils)  has  proved  an  utter  failure,  as  he  finds  he  cannot  get  to 
Chihuahua  without  first  going  to  Saltillo,  and  then  has  some  six 
hundred  miles  to  go  back  to  reach  Chihuahua,  and  no  enemy  but  dis- 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  153 

tance  to  encounter.  So  General  Taylor,  who  has  abstained  from  any 
interference  with  him  up  to  this  moment  (though  under  his  com- 
mand), wishing  the  views  of  the  Aulic  Council  to  have  full  swing, 
now  that  General  Wool  reports  that  he  cannot  get  to  his  destination 
without  advancing  beyond  General  Taylor's  command,  and  consum- 
ing his  provisions  and  supplies,  and  that  then  he  must  go  back  again, 
as  far  as  he  came  almost.  General  Taylor,  I  understand,  directs  him 
to  halt  at  Saltillo,  which  will  make  at  that  point  a  force  of  between 
four  and  five  thousand  men  under  Generals  Wool  and  Worth. 

Major  General  Butler  will  remain  here  with  some  twenty-five 
hundred  men,  volunteers  and  regulars.  At  this  place  there  will  be 
a  large  depot  of  supplies  of  all  kinds.  General  Taylor  will  himself 
go  to  Saltillo,  with  General  Worth's  column,  and  after  looking  around 
and  having  the  country  reconnoitered  in  the  direction  of  San  Luis 
Potosi,  he  will  return  here,  and  go  down  to  Tampico  (by  the  road  of 
Linares  and  Victoria),  in  time  to  meet  General  Patterson. 

I  shall  accompany  General  Taylor  to  Saltillo,  and  return  with 
him,  and  accompany  him  to  Tampico,  unless  Captain  Linnard  should 
in  the  meantime  arrive,  and  he  is  daily  expected,  when  some  other 
disposition  not  now  anticipated  may  be  made  of  me. 

So  much  for  our  movements,  considered  by  some  injudicious, 
because  our  force  is  scattered  over  an  immense  extent  of  country, 
taking  time  to  concentrate  it,  and  giving  the  Mexican  general,  if  he 
has  any  enterprise,  the  opportunity  of  directing  his  masses  against  a 
portion  of  it,  and  overwhelming  it  before  it  can  be  reinforced,  after 
the  plan  of  Napoleon. 

On  the  other  side,  it  is  urged  that  the  Mexicans  have  proved 
themselves  utterly  destitute  of  enterprise,  and  could  not  be  brought 
to  act  in  this  vigorous  way,  and  that  if  they  did,  the  forces  at  these 
places,  with  slight  defenses,  are  sufficiently  strong  to  keep  off  the 
whole  nation.  In  my  own  judgment  both  parties  err,  the  one  attrib- 
uting too  much,  and  the  other  too  little,  to  the  Mexicans. 

I  presume  that  General  Taylor's  idea  is  to  hold  this  country  to 
Saltillo,  and  keep  his  troops  ready  to  carry  out  the  orders  of  the 
Government,  to  which  he  has  communicated  the  impracticability  of 
moving  on  San  Luis  from  Saltillo,  owing  to  the  length  of  the  road, 
without  provisions  and  without  water.  At  the  same  time  he  will 
take  Tampico,  and  then  we  shall  have  full  possession  of  the  country 
on  this  side  of  the  Sierra  Madre.  If  the  Government  directs  him,  in 
spite  of  all  obstacles,  to  advance  on  San  Luis,  he  will  have  his  force 


154         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

at  Saltillo  ready  to  do  it.  Should  it  turn  its  attention  to  Vera  Cruz, 
as  it  is  to  be  hoped  it  will,  he  will  have  a  force  at  Tampico,  ready  to 
take  shipping  to  that  place. 

As  to  the  intelligence  from  the  interior,  it  is  contradictory.  An 
Englishman  of  some  shrewdness  arrived  a  few  days  ago,  who  says 
Santa  Anna  is  making  every  effort  to  raise  an  army  of  forty  thousand 
men,  but  progresses  very  slowly;  that  at  present  he  has  only  some 
twelve  thousand,  and  they  almost  disorganized;  that  they  want 
money,  arms,  clothing,  and  almost  everything;  that  Santa  Anna  has 
determined  to  diminish  his  line  of  operations,  so  as  to  force  us  to 
encounter  all  the  disadvantages  of  distance;  that  he  has  recalled 
his  troops  from  Tampico,  not  wishing  to  hazard  a  defeat  there;  that 
fortifications  are  being  made  at  San  Luis,  Zacatecas,  and  other  places 
along  his  line;  and  that  they  expect  the  next  affair  to  be  at  San  Luis, 
supposing  we  will  immediately  advance  on  that  point.  All  this  looks 
plausible  enough,  but  I  place  no  confidence  in  any  Mexican  news  I 
hear,  and  I  can  hardly  believe  they  will  abandon  Tampico,  at  least 
before  we  make  a  demonstration  on  it. 

No  one  now  talks  of  peace,  but  all  conversation  is  directed  to 
the  movements  in  advance  and  the  anticipations  incident  thereto. 
There  are  still  some  few  stubborn  spirits  left,  who  say  they  will  not 
give  up  all  hope  of  peace  until  they  see  the  action  of  the  Mexican 
Congress,  about  to  meet;  that  they  trust  the  Congress  will  have  the 
good  sense  to  force  the  generals  and  the  army  to  make  peace.  But 
for  myself,  I  have  no  such  hope;  I  fear  the  Mexican  character  for 
overweening  vanity  is  of  such  a  nature  that  the  more  you  whip  them, 
the  less  disposed  they  will  be  to  arrange  matters,  and  that  we  have 
before  us  a  long  and  tedious  war,  involving  consequences  to  us  not 
now  anticipated.  God  in  His  mercy  grant  I  may  be  wrong,  and  that 
the  good  sense  of  both  nations  may  bring  about  the  accommodation 
of  a  dispute,  the  continuance  of  which  injures  both,  while  neither 
can  possibly  derive  any  benefit.  For  myself,  individually,  you  know 
my  sentiments;  opposed,  at  first,  to  this  war,  brought  on  by  our 
injustice  to  a  neighbor,  and  uncalled-for  aggression,  she,  in  her  stu- 
pidity and  folly,  giving  our  rulers  plausible  excuses  for  their  conduct; 
but  when  once  in  it,  I  should  and  have  desired  to  see  it  conducted  in 
a  vigorous  manner,  and  brought  to  a  speedy  conclusion  by  its  being 
carried  on  with  energy  well  directed.  But  such  has  not  been  the 
case,  nor  will  it  ever  be  so,  as  long  as  generals  are  made  in  the  count- 
ing-house and  soldiers  on  farms. 


MEXICAN.  WAR  LETTERS  155 

As  to  dear  Sargie's  education,  it  is  impossible  for  me  to  advise 
you,  ignorant  as  I  am.  of  his  disposition  and  character.  I  would 
not  force  him;  I  would  rather  he  grew  up  ignorant  than  have  his 
temper  destroyed  by  unnecessary  exertions  at  his  early  age.  As  to 
what  any  other  child  does  is  a  matter  for  its  parents,  and  not  us;  I 
would  never  bring  up  a  child  on  any  model,  for  children  are  as  differ- 
ent from  each  other  as  is  the  sun  from  the  moon,  and  what  may  be 
very  proper  for  one  is  the  ruin  of  another. 

I  forgot  to  mention  that  Major  Graham  was  sent  by  General 
Taylor  to  communicate  the  termination  of  the  armistice  to  the 
Mexican  army.  It  was  hoped  he  would  have  advanced  beyond  Sal- 
tillo,  and  thus  had  an  opportunity  of  reconnoitering  the  road,  but  I 
understand  he  returned  last  night,  having  found  persons  at  Saltillo, 
waiting  for  him,  who  received  his  despatches. 

Monterey,  November  13,  1846. 

I  take  advantage  of  the  return  of  Major  Graham  to  give  you  in- 
telligence of  my  movements  and  of  our  affairs  here.  General  Taylor 
was  to  have  gone  day  before  yesterday  to  Saltillo,  and  I  to  accompany 
him,  as  I  told  you  in  my  last  letter;  but  the  day  previous  an  express 
came  direct  from  Matamoras,  across  the  country,  with  a  note  from 
Robert  McLane,  saying  he  had  arrived  at  Matamoras,  bearer  of  de- 
spatches to  the  General,  which  radically  modified  those  sent  by  Major 
Graham,  that,  it  not  being  deemed  prudent  for  him  to  cross  the 
country,  he  sent  the  note  to  advise  the  General,  and  would  himself 
come  by  the  usual  route  up  the  river  to  Camargo.  The  General 
postponed  all  movements  till  after  his  arrival,  and  we  were  in  a  state 
of  great  excitement  for  two  days.  Major  Graham's  despatches  or- 
dered an  immediate  advance  into  the  enemy's  country,  and  a  radical 
modification  was  presumed  by  many  to  be  a  peaceable  measure; 
others,  again,  thought  it  was  a  change  of  direction  to  Vera  Cruz; 
and  many  were  the  surmises,  the  hopes,  and  the  fears,  upon  the 
occasion.  Yesterday  Master  Bob  made  his  appearance,  and  all  that 
has  transpired  is  the  reordering  of  the  movements  upon  Saltillo. 

General  Worth  left  this  morning  with  three  regiments  of  regulars 
and  one  field  battery  of  artillery  (about  one  thousand  men).  Gen- 
eral Taylor  will  go  in  a  few  hours,  escorted  by  about  two  hundred 
and  fifty  dragoons,  and  I  shall  accompany  him. 

Captain  Linnard  arrived  day  before  yesterday,  but  is  very  sick 
with  a  congestive  fever,  and  unable  to  attend  to  any  duty. 


156         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

The  General,  I  understand,  simply  proposes  to  go  to  Saltillo  to 
see  the  place;  probably  I  shall  be  sent  to  make  a  reconnoissance  in 
advance  of  it,  in  the  direction  of  San  Luis,  and  then  he  will  return 
here,  and  I  suppose  go  to  Tampico.  Before  the  arrival  of  Captain 
Linnard  he  said  he  should  require  my  services  at  Tampico,  but  now 
I  do  not  know  my  destination,  and  as  General  Worth,  who  is  to  be 
left  at  Saltillo,  is  all  the  time  applying  for  me,  I  should  not  be  sur- 
prised were  I  left  with  him. 

The  purport  of  McLane's  despatches  is  not  known,  but  from  all 
I  can  gather,  the  modification  consists  in  orders  to  desist  operating 
on  the  line  of  San  Luis  farther  than  Saltillo,  then  to  take  Tampico, 
after  which,  my  notion  is,  we  shall  go  to  Vera  Cruz.  However, 
before  Tampico  is  reduced,  both  the  Mexican  and  American  Con- 
gress will  have  met,  and  things  may  be  changed. 

I  have  met  a  great  loss  in  my  friend  Lieutenant  Scarritt,  Corps 
of  Engineers,  who  is  obliged  to  leave  the  country  on  account  of  ill 
health.  We  have  been  associated  together  for  a  long  time,  and  fought 
together  on  the  8th  and  9th  of  May,  and  here.  He  is  a  good  soldier 
and  a  fine  gentleman,  and  I  shall  feel  much  the  loss  of  his  society. 
I  have  told  him,  should  he  go  to  the  North,  to  find  you  out  in  Phila- 
delphia, and  that  you  would  know  all  about  him. 

Monterey,  November  24,  1846. 
My  last  letter  was  dated  on  the  13th  instant,  and  was  written 
just  on  the  eve  of  my  departure  for  Saltillo.  Major  Graham  promised 
to  take  it  with  him,  so  I  presume  it  will  reach  you  in  safety.  Also 
Robert  McLane,  who  said  he  was  going  direct  to  Philadelphia,  prom- 
ised to  call  and  see  you  on  his  arrival,  and  tell  you  all  about  me. 
You,  therefore,  will  be  in  better  luck  than  myself,  for  I  suppose  you 
will  receive  all  my  letters,  and  have  verbal  accounts  of  me,  whereas 
I  find  on  my  return  no  mails  have  arrived  in  my  absence,  and  to-night, 
letters  for  others,  as  late  as  the  31st  of  October,  without  any  for  me, 
my  last  date  being  the  9th  of  October.  I  know,  of  course,  you  have 
written,  and  attribute  my  misfortune  to  the  negligence  of  the  post- 
masters between  here  and  Matamoras,  who  seem  to  do  just  as  they 
please  about  forwarding  the  letters  of  officers.  Some  kind  friend  on 
the  route  has  imagined  I  have  gone  to  Tampico,  or  that  I  am  killed 
perhaps,  and  that  there  is  no  necessity  to  send  my  letters  forward; 
there  must  be  some  such  reason  as  this,  the  fact  being  I  receive  no 
letters,  and  know  I  ought  to  get  them. 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  157 

We  had  a  very  pleasant  trip  to  Saltillo,  making  it  in  four  marches. 
The  road  passes  through  a  valley  for  nearly  the  whole  distance, 
having  an  average  breadth  of  some  six  miles.  This  valley  is  without 
water,  and  very  barren,  the  mountains  rising  on  each  side  to  the 
height  of  some  two  thousand  feet,  forming  a  grand,  though  gloomy 
picture.  About  half-way,  some  thirty  miles  from  here,  we  came  to 
the  famous  pass  of  the  Rinconada,  so  much  talked  of  previous  to 
our  march  to  Monterey,  and  where  we  were  to  have  another  Ther- 
mopylae We  found  the  pass  naturally  very  strong;  but  the  works 
the  Mexicans  had  commenced  were  so  injudiciously  placed  that  we 
could,  I  think,  have  carried  them  without  much  difficulty.  Then 
the  pass  could  have  been  turned  on  both  sides,  and  by  turning  it, 
we  could  have  cut  off  the  supply  of  water  from  the  troops  occupying 
it,  as  the  nearest  water  is  six  miles  in  rear  of  the  pass.  The  Mexicans, 
therefore,  very  wisely  abandoned  it,  and,  indeed,  this  bugbear,  like 
all  preceding  it,  turns  out  to  be  a  trifling  affair,  after  all. 

We  found  Saltillo  a  very  pretty  place,  though  not  so  beautifully 
situated  as  Monterey.  It  is  built  on  the  side  of  a  hill,  or  piece  of 
table-land,  which  traverses  the  valley  at  this  point.  The  top  of  the 
table-land  is  an  extensive  plain,  rocky  and  barren.  The  town  is  laid 
out  in  squares,  after  the  fashion  of  all  Mexican  towns,  with  a  grand 
plaza,  having  on  one  side  the  Cathedral.  This  building  is  very  fine, 
having  attached  to  it  five  chapels,  all  with  magnificent  altar-pieces. 
The  Catholic  Churches  of  Mexico  are  entirely  different  from  those 
of  Europe.  The  altar-pieces,  as  they  are  called,  consist  of  the  most 
elaborate  wood-work,  gilded,  which  occupies  the  whole  wall  of  the 
church  (against  which  is  placed  the  altar),  from  the  floor  to  the  ceil- 
ing. It  looks,  to  one  accustomed  to  more  chaste  ornaments,  like 
gingerbread  work;  but  when  you  see  a  wall,  some  forty  or  fifty  feet 
high,  covered  with  this  mass  of  gold  (apparently),  worked  into  col- 
umns, pilasters,  etc.,  having  niches  in  which  are  placed  figures  the 
size  of  life,  representing  our  Saviour,  the  apostles,  saints  and  others, 
the  evening  sun  shining  on  it  has  an  effect  you  cannot  but  consider 
grand,  even  though  a  studied  criticism  would  pronounce  it  gaudy. 

In  the  Cathedral  of  Saltillo  we  saw  a  great  number  of  wax  figures, 
the  size  of  life,  used  upon  various  occasions,  such  as  the  dead  Christ, 
our  Lady  of  Guadalupe,  the  patron  saint  of  Mexico;  our  Lady  of 
Grief,  whose  assistance  is  always  invoked  in  time  of  affliction.  Some 
of  these  are  well  executed,  but  the  greater  part  look  like  big  wax- 
dolls,  causing  no  sensation  but  that  of  ridicule.    Then  there  is  a 


158         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

great  deal  of  bad  taste  displayed  in  painting  curtains  on  the  walls, 
instead  of  having  rich  drapery,  in  wooden  candelabra,  gaudily  painted, 
such  as  you  see  at  a  circus,  hanging  alongside  of  magnificent  silver 
ones;  and  all  such  things  as  these,  constant  steps  from  the  sublime 
to  the  ridiculous.  Still,  upon  the  whole,  the  imagination  is  affected 
on  entering  one  of  these  large  buildings  (the  proportions  of  which 
are  generally  good),  when  it  is  filled  with  a  crowd  of  devotees,  male 
and  female,  the  grand  altar  crowded  with  priests  and  assistants,  the 
organ  pealing  forth  the  music  of  the  Church,  and  all  seemingly  in 
sincere  devotion. 

Besides  the  Cathedral,  there  are  four  other  chapels,  attached  to 
monasteries.  These  I  did  not  see,  not  having  time,  for  the  General 
sent  me  on  a  reconnoissance  the  day  after  our  arrival,  and  I  was 
absent  on  it  three  days,  going  about  twenty-five  miles  in  front  of 
Saltillo,  keeping  up  my  reputation  of  always  being  among  those  who 
penetrate  farthest  into  the  country.  I  went  to  examine  some  moun- 
tain passes  where,  we  were  given  to  understand,  we  should  all  be 
cut  up;  but  I  found  them  simple  affairs,  no  obstacles  whatever,  as, 
even  should  the  enemy  attempt  to  hold  them,  they  could  be  turned 
in  various  directions. 

Upon  my  return  from  the  reconnoissance,  the  General  returned 
to  this  place,  so  that  I  had  but  little  time  to  examine  Saltillo.  We 
found  the  town  very  full  of  people,  none  having  left  it  but  the  gov- 
ernment employees,  who  were  ordered  to  do  so.  In  consequence  of 
this  we  found  many  of  the  better  class  of  Mexicans  whom  we  had  not 
hitherto  seen.  Generally  their  deportment  was  not  so  humble  as  at 
Monterey,  and  they  attempted  to  extort  exorbitant  prices  for  the 
supplies  the  General  demanded  of  them;  but  the  old  gentleman 
treated  them  without  ceremony,  and  he  ordered  to  be  seized  all  the 
supplies  that  were  in  the  town,  ascertained  their  owners,  and  then 
offered  them  the  market  prices  previous  to  our  arrival,  or  nothing 
at  all.  They  very  wisely  determined  to  take  his  prices,  and  there  the 
affair  ended. 

While  here  he  received  a  reply  from  Santa  Anna  to  his  communi- 
cation announcing  the  cessation  of  the  armistice.  It  is  a  very  diplo- 
matic note,  in  which  he  tells  the  General  that,  "  whether  the  terms  of 
the  capitulation  were  founded  upon  the  necessity  of  the  case,  or  upon 
the  noble  motive  (as  the  General  says  they  were)  of  opening  the  door 
for  negotiations,  he  can  assure  him  it  is  needless  to  think  of  peace 
while  an  armed  North  American  treads  the  soil  of  Mexico,  or  an  armed 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  159 

vessel  threatens  her  coast;  however,  that  the  National  Congress  will 
meet  in  a  few  weeks,  and  upon  that  august  body  will  devolve  the 
responsibility  of  arranging  this  question."  This  is  evidently  for 
"Bunkum,"  about  the  armed  North  Americans,  for  Santa  Anna 
knows  well  enough  that  no  government  in  the  world  would  withdraw 
its  troops  in  time  of  war,  to  await  negotiations,  and  his  reference  to 
the  Congress  evidently  indicates,  to  my  mind,  that  he  is  acting  in 
good  faith,  and  is  himself  desirous  of  peace. 

My  views  of  Santa  Anna  are  the  same  now  as  expressed  to  you 
from  Seralvo,  when  I  first  heard  of  his  return.  //  he  can,  he  will 
make  peace;  but  he  must  first  establish  himself  firmly  in  power,  and 
it  is  idle  for  those  in  Washington  to  have  expected  him  to  make  peace 
and  barter  away  the  territory  of  the  nation  the  moment  he  set  his 
foot  upon  the  soil,  and  because  he  did  not  do  so,  accuse  him  of  treach- 
ery, through  the  public  journals.  We  have  undoubted  information 
of  his  having  already  collected  some  thirty-five  thousand  men  at 
San  Luis,  while  they  are  busy  fortifying.  But  I  doubt  if  he  will  ad- 
vance from  there,  and  my  impression  is  that  this  large  army  is  in- 
tended more  for  his  own  purposes,  and  against  his  own  people  than 
against  us. 

Monterey,  November  27,  1846. 

An  extraordinary  express  being  about  to  start  for  Camargo,  I 
take  advantage  of  it  to  send  you  a  few  lines,  giving  you  intelligence 
of  my  movements  up  to  the  latest  date. 

General  Taylor  has  received  official  communication  from  Com- 
modore Perry,  announcing  the  occupation  of  Tampico,  on  the  14th 
instant,  by  a  portion  of  the  squadron  under  his  command,  and  asking 
that  a  garrison  from  the  army  may  be  sent  to  relieve  the  seamen  and 
mariners  now  occupying  the  place.  Some  fifteen  hundred  or  two 
thousand  men,  with  a  large  supply  of  heavy  and  light  artillery,  were 
immediately  despatched  from  Matamoras,  and  we  may  now  consider 
ourselves  in  full  possession  of  the  line  of  the  Sierra  Madre.  What 
change  this  will  make  in  our  operations  is  not  yet  known.  Of  course, 
there  is  no  necessity  for  General  Taylor  to  go  to  Tampico  with  so 
large  a  column  as  he  had  intended  taking  when  resistance  was  ex- 
pected, but  I  am  under  the  impression  now  that  he  will  go  as  far  as 
Victoria,  a  town  on  the  road  from  here  to  Tampico,  and  about  two 
hundred  and  fifty  miles  from  this  place,  and  one  hundred  from  Tam- 
pico. In  going  down  this  road  he  will  take  possession  of  the  towns 
of  Caideretta,  Linares  and  others,  examine  the  passes  through  the 


160  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

mountains,  of  which  there  are  said  to  be  several,  though  only  mule- 
paths,  and  ascertain  in  person  the  truth  of  a  report  recently  brought 
to  us,  that  General  Urrea  is  at  Victoria  with  a  considerable  force, 
constituting  an  army  of  observation. 

The  abandonment  of  Tampico  is  a  sign  of  weakness  on  the  part 
of  the  enemy,  though  it  is  good  policy,  if  Santa  Anna  was  doubtful 
of  his  power  to  hold  it.  His  position,  his  life,  all,  depend  on  his  first 
effort,  whether  offensive  or  defensive,  being  successful,  and  he  had 
better  abandon  half  the  country  to  us  than  attempt  resistance  and 
be  defeated,  for  this  would  be  his  ruin. 

Our  latest  intelligence  from  San  Luis  was  brought  by  some  Texan 
prisoners,  taken  on  our  march  from  Camargo  here,  and  released  by 
Santa  Anna,  on  the  application  of  General  Taylor,  who  released  four 
commissioned  officers  and  one  hundred  men,  taken  during  the  affair 
here,  without  exchanges  and  without  pledges. 

These  prisoners  say  Santa  Anna  has  some  twenty-seven  thousand 
men  at  San  Luis,  that  they  are  fortifying  the  place,  but  the  rumor  is 
that  he  will  give  us  battle  in  an  open  plain  some  fifteen  miles  this 
side,  and  in  case  of  defeat,  not  presumed  by  them  within  the  range 
of  possibility,  he  will  retire  upon  the  town.  The  great  idea  is  to  cut 
us  up  with  masses  of  cavalry.  Such  good  luck  as  meeting  them  in 
the  open  plain  is,  I  fear,  not  in  store  for  us.  As  to  their  cavalry,  they 
know  too  well  the  capacity  of  our  light  artillery  to  attempt  anything 
of  that  kind;  indeed,  we  have  the  most  perfectly  secure  feelings,  as 
far  as  their  cavalry  is  concerned;  but  I  fear  the  want  of  water  on  the 
road  will  prevent  our  advance  on  San  Luis,  the  more  to  be  regretted 
because  I  firmly  believe  that  could  we  get  there  now,  and  take  the 
place,  as  I  am  sure  we  would,  the  road  would  be  open  to  the  City  of 
Mexico. 

The  journals  in  the  United  States  do  not  seem  to  appreciate  the 
value  of  the  victory  of  Monterey.  By  the  battles  of  the  Palo  Alto 
and  Resaca,  the  enemy  were  forced  to  retire  to  the  Sierra  Madre, 
some  two  hundred  miles  from  the  Rio  Grande,  but  by  the  defeat  at 
Monterey  they  have  been  compelled  to  retire  to  San  Luis,  distant 
four  hundred  miles,  leaving  open  to  us  more  than  one-half  the  whole 
Republic,  and  I  am  certain  that  could  we  defeat  them  at  San  Luis, 
three  hundred  miles  from  the  capital,  our  road  would  be  open  to  it. 

It  is  probably  for  the  best  as  it  is,  for  the  delay  will  give  time  for 
the  Mexican  Congress  to  meet,  and  it  is  not  impossible  that  it  may 
have  the  good  sense  to  accept  the  offers  of  peace  of  the  United  States. 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  161 

Monterey,  December  2,  1846. 

I  did  not  write  by  the  last  mail,  being  very  much  occupied  in 
making  some  drawings  for  General  Taylor,  which  he  desired  to  send 
by  the  mail;  but  I  wrote  you  a  day  or  two  before,  by  a  private 
opportunity. 

The  volunteers  have  been  creating  disturbances,  which  have  at 
last  aroused  the  old  General  so  much  that  he  has  ordered  one  regi- 
ment, the  First  Kentucky  foot,  to  march  to  the  rear,  as  they  have 
disgraced  themselves  and  their  State. 

The  amount  of  the  story  is  this:  Some  few  days  ago,  a  party  of 
volunteers,  to  what  regiment  attached  unknown,  went  into  a  house 
in  the  suburbs  of  the  town,  and  after  forcibly  driving  out  the  hus- 
band, committed  outrages  on  the  wife.  A  day  or  two  afterwards,  a 
Kentucky  volunteer  was  found  in  the  morning  with  his  throat  cut, 
supposed  to  have  been  done  by  the  outraged  husband  as  an  act  of 
retaliation.  The  same  day  two  Mexicans  were  shot  while  working 
in  a  corn-field,  said  to  have  been  done  by  Kentucky  volunteers,  in 
revenge.  The  next  day  another  Kentuckian  was  brought  into  camp 
with  his  throat  cut,  and  several  more  Mexicans  were  shot.  The 
General  in  the  meantime  had  brought  the  thing  to  the  notice  of  all 
the  volunteer  regiments,  giving  strict  orders  that  no  man  should  be 
allowed  to  go  out  with  arms,  and  impressed  upon  the  officers  the 
necessity  of  controlling  the  men  and  putting  a  stop  to  these  out- 
rages, which  would  inevitably  end  in  the  massacre  of  many  inno- 
cent persons. 

It  came  to  his  notice,  however,  that  the  Kentucky  regiment,  not- 
withstanding his  orders,  had  left  its  camp,  in  squads  of  twenty  and 
thirty,  all  armed,  and  avowing  their  intention  of  killing  Mexicans, 
to  revenge  their  murdered  comrades,  and  the  same  day  one  man,  a 
Mexican,  was  shot  within  a  hundred  yards  of  the  camp,  and  a  little 
boy  of  twelve  years  of  age,  who  was  cutting  cornstalks  to  bring  to 
the  camp  for  sale,  was  shot  in  the  field  and  his  leg  broken.  This  poor 
little  fellow,  all  bleeding  and  crying,  was  brought  by  his  relatives  and 
laid  down  in  front  of  the  General's  tent,  and  he  called  out  to  look  at 
him.  Of  course,  the  General  was  much  excited,  and  as  he  could  only 
ascertain  that  armed  parties  of  Kentuckians  had  gone  out,  he  told 
the  colonel  of  the  regiment  that  he  held  him  and  his  officers  respon- 
sible, and  ordered  them  to  the  rear  in  disgrace.  Afterwards,  however, 
intercession  was  made,  and  on  their  making  promises  to  endeavor 
to  find  out  the  guilty  individuals,  and  promising  to  prevent  such  things 


162         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

in  future,  the  old  man  countermanded  the  order.  The  giving  of  it, 
however,  had  the  effect  of  completely  stopping  the  outrages  for  the 
present;  but  the  well-wishers  of  our  cause  would  have  been  glad  to 
see  him  disband  the  whole  regiment  and  send  them  home  as  a  dis- 
grace to  the  army  and  their  State.  It  would  have  had  a  most  bene- 
ficial effect  upon  the  volunteers. 

You  know  I  am  not  one  of  those  regular  soldiers  who  have  all 
their  lives  gotten  up  and  gone  to  bed  at  the  sound  of  the  drum,  and 
who  are  filled  with  all  the  prejudices  of  an  exclusive  class,  and  look 
upon  all  but  regular  troops  with  contempt,  and  never  see  any  good 
in  volunteers.  I  am  more  of  a  juste  milieu  man;  being  a  regular, 
but  having  at  the  same  time  mixed  much  with  civilians,  and  know- 
ing the  impracticability  of  ever  having  regulars  only,  I  am  desirous 
of  seeing  all  the  good  I  can  in  volunteers,  and,  if  possible,  so  modi- 
fying the  system  as  to  make  what  we  must  have  useful. 

The  volunteers  have  in  this  war,  on  the  whole,  behaved  better 
than  I  had  believed  they  would,  and  infinitely  better  than  they  did 
in  the  Florida  war,  under  my  own  eye.  Still,  without  a  modifica- 
tion of  the  manner  in  which  they  are  officered,  they  are  almost  use- 
less in  an  offensive  war.  They  are  sufficiently  well-drilled  for  prac- 
tical purposes,  and  are,  I  believe,  brave,  and  will  fight  as  gallantly 
as  any  men,  but  they  are  a  set  of  Goths  and  Vandals,  without  dis- 
cipline, laying  waste  the  country  wherever  we  go,  making  us  a  terror 
to  innocent  people,  and  if  there  is  any  spirit  or  energy  in  the  Mexi- 
cans, will  finally  rouse  the  people  against  us,  who  now  are  perfectly 
neutral.  In  addition  to  which,  they  add  immensely  to  the  expenses 
of  the  war.  They  cannot  take  any  care  of  themselves;  the  hospitals 
are  crowded  with  them,  they  die  like  sheep;  they  waste  their  provi- 
sions, requiring  twice  as  much  to  supply  them  as  regulars  do.  They 
plunder  the  poor  inhabitants  of  everything  they  can  lay  their  hands 
on,  and  shoot  them  when  they  remonstrate,  and  if  one  of  their  num- 
ber happens  to  get  into  a  drunken  brawl  and  is  killed,  they  run  over 
the  country,  killing  all  the  poor  innocent  people  they  find  in  their 
way,  to  avenge,  as  they  say,  the  murder  of  their  brother. 

This  is  a  true  picture,  and  the  cause  is  the  utter  incapacity  of 
their  officers  to  control  them  or  command  respect.  The  officers 
(many  of  whom  are  gentlemen  and  clever  fellows)  have  no  command 
over  their  men.  They  know  they  are  in  service  for  only  twelve 
months;  at  the  end  of  that  time  they  will  return  to  their  homes, 
when  these  men  will  be  their  equals  and  their  companions,  as  they 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  163 

had  been  before,  and  in  consequence  they  dare  not  attempt  to  exer- 
cise any  control  over  them.  Then,  for  the  most  part,  they  are  as 
ignorant  of  their  duties  as  the  men,  and  conscious  of  their  ignorance, 
they  feel  they  cannot  have  the  command  over  their  people  that  the 
regular  officers  do  over  their  soldiers. 

Now,  the  remedy  I  would  propose  would  be  to  attach  to  every 
regiment  of  volunteers  a  colonel,  lieutenant  colonel,  ten  captains  and 
twenty  sergeants,  with  two  hundred  men,  from  the  regular  army. 
Let  these  officers  have  the  brevet  rank  of  their  respective  grades,  so 
as  to  keep  them  in  the  army.  Let  the  colonel  be  taken  from  the 
lieutenant  colonels,  and  the  captains  from  the  lieutenants.  The  army 
can  well  spare  these  officers,  for  it  is  organized  for  such  a  purpose. 
Then  in  each  regiment  you  would  have  enough  practical  knowledge 
to  give  a  tone  to  it,  and  the  volunteer  regiments  would  soon  be  as 
efficient  as  regular  troops.  But,  as  it  is,  the  generals  know  no  more 
than  the  privates,  and  it  is  only  by  attaching  regular  officers,  as  staff 
officers,  that  they  get  along  at  all. 

But  I  am  afraid  you  will  be  tired  of  this  digression  about  volun- 
teers, a  subject  that  must  be  uninteresting  to  you,  but  not  so  to  us, 
whose  lives  and  reputations  are  dependent  upon  their  actions.  I 
have  been  led  to  make  it  from  my  seeing  by  the  papers  that  a  war  is 
about  being  waged  between  the  volunteers  and  regulars  as  to  their 
respective  efficiency,  and  that  the  volunteers  have  begun  by  accusing 
the  regulars  of  showing  the  white  feather  on  the  21st  at  the  north- 
east end  of  the  town. 

The  truth  is,  that  the  regulars,  by  their  attack,  caused  the  enemy 
to  evacuate  the  battery  taken  on  that  day  by  the  Mississippians  and 
Tennesseeans,  though,  no  doubt,  their  movements  were  accelerated 
by  seeing  the  column  of  volunteers  advancing  from  the  front.  An 
unfortunate  error,  as  afterwards  was  ascertained,  occurred  in  the 
regulars  going  to  the  right,  instead  of  to  the  left,  and  after  entering  the 
town,  owing  to  an  ignorance  of  the  locality,  and  finding  the  enemy 
strong  in  their  front  and  right,  they  attempted,  as  it  is  called,  to  out- 
flank them,  or  turn  their  right,  but  soon  found  they  had  an  insur- 
mountable obstacle  in  their  front,  in  a  stream  that  could  only  be 
crossed  by  two  bridges  that  were  strongly  fortified,  and  after  sus- 
taining a  terrible  fire,  they  retired.  A  portion,  however,  under 
Captain  Backus,  First  Infantry,  went  to  the  left,  and  in  so  doing  got 
on  top  of  a  house,  from  whence  they  could  fire  into  the  rear  of  the 
battery,  and  did  fire  into  the  rear,  killing  a  great  many  Mexicans, 


164  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

and  annoying  them  so  that  they  evacuated  the  work  as  soon  as  they 
saw  the  volunteers  in  front,  and  long  before  they  (the  volunteers) 
reached  the  work.  Now,  had  the  whole  attacking  force  (regular) 
turned  to  the  left,  they  would  have  taken  the  work  before  the  volun- 
teers had  reached  the  scene  of  action.  As  it  is,  the  fall  of  the  battery 
is  due  to  the  action  of  both,  but  chiefly  to  the  regulars;  for  had  no 
attack  been  made  by  them,  the  volunteers  could  never  have  taken 
the  battery  from  the  front,  for  they  would  have  been  cut  to  pieces 
in  attempting  it.  But  had  the  volunteers  not  attacked  it  in  front, 
the  regulars,  who  had  ascertained  their  error,  would  soon  have  taken 
it  in  reverse,  or  from  the  rear.  Do  you  understand  me?  If  so,  I 
should  like  you  to  show  this  part  of  my  letter  to  Major  Bache,  who 
will  doubtless  see  the  contest  going  on  in  the  papers  among  the 
letter-writers. 

Already  has  the  colonel  of  the  Tennessee  regiment  (Colonel 
Campbell),  in  whose  favor,  by-the-by,  I  was  very  much  prepossessed 
from  his  appearance,  written  a  letter,  in  which  he  says  he  "was 
ordered  to  sustain  the  regulars,  but  on  reaching  the  ground  saw  no 
regulars,  and  could  not  ascertain  where  they  were,  but  understood 
they  were  behind  stone  walls  and  houses,  protecting  themselves; 
and  he,  being  subjected  to  a  heavy  cross-fire  from  batteries  (which 
he  understood  the  regulars  were  to  take  and  he  sustain  them  in  it), 
he,  without  waiting  for  the  regulars,  dashed  ahead,  and  took  the 
battery  himself."  Now  this  seems  very  plausible,  but  when  he  does 
not  know  where  the  regulars  were,  I  can  tell  him  they  were  in  the 
town,  subjected  to  the  fire  of  two  additional  batteries  and  many 
thousand  muskets,  which  they  were  returning  with  good  effect,  and 
that  a  portion  of  them  were  killing  the  men  in  the  battery  which  he 
took,  as  fast  as  they  could  load  their  muskets;  and  had  they  not 
been  there,  he  would  never  have  taken  the  work,  for  the  enemy 
would  have  stood  to  their  guns  till  he  reached  them,  and  in  the  two 
hundred  yards  he  ivent  over  without  being  fired  at  would  have  been  a 
terrible  fire  of  grape  and  cannister,  besides  musketry,  that  would,  or 
at  least  might  have  annihilated  his  force  or  made  it  turn  back. 

The  credit  is  due  to  both.  The  regulars  had  driven  the  enemy's 
infantry  from  a  large  space  on  the  left  of  the  battery,  which  would 
have  been  otherwise  occupied,  to  the  annoyance  of  the  volunteers 
coming  from  the  front,  and  before  the  volunteers  reached  within 
charging  distance,  the  regulars  had  commenced  killing  the  men  in 
the  work,  and  would  eventually  have  caused  them  to  evacuate  it, 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  165 

but  they,  seeing  the  volunteers  forming  in  front,  took  a  few  shots 
at  them  and  then  ran.  This  is  the  true  secret  of  the  taking  of  that 
battery. 

The  volunteers  behaved  most  gallantly,  but  it  is  folly  for  them 
to  take  the  whole  credit  to  themselves,  and  still  greater  folly  to  at- 
tempt to  insinuate  that  the  regulars  did  not  do  their  duty.  The  list 
of  killed  and  wounded  conclusively  demonstrates  who  were  in  the 
hottest  fire,  and  the  poor  regulars  did  but  little  in  their  efforts  to 
protect  themselves,  when  we  see  that  at  that  attack  some  fifteen  officers 
were  killed  and  wounded,  and  some  two  hundred  and  fifty  men,  out 
of  a  force  of  not  much  over  six  hundred.  Colonel  Campbell's  letter 
had  induced  me  to  say  this  much  about  the  affair,  that  you  may  fully 
understand  it. 

I  regret  to  say  the  letter-writers  have  created  a  great  ferment  in 
the  camp.  The  fact  is  that  there  never  were  such  ridiculous  and 
absurd  letters  written  as  have  emanated  from  this  great  army  since 
the  battles.  All  that  I  have  read  have  been  a  tissue  of  nonsense  and 
falsehoods,  so  palpably  absurd  as  to  make  me  laugh,  though  others 

are  greatly  annoyed.     For  instance,  I  see  one  Captain and 

Lieutenant  did  wonders  in  the  way  of  killing  Mexicans, 

whereas  it  is  well  known  that  Captain  behaved  in  a  most 

equivocal  manner,  having  been  found  in  a  quarry-hole,  with  his  whole 
company,  fifty  men,  guarding  one  poor  Mexican  prisoner,  and  harsh 
words  had  to  be  used  to  him  before  he  could  be  gotten  out  of  the  hole, 
which  was  way  in  the  rear  of  the  fighting,  but  where  he  was  pro- 
tected from  the  artillery  sweeping  the  plain. 

As  to  Lieutenant ,  he  was  not  in  the  fight  at  all,  having 

been  left  at  camp  to  guard  the  baggage.  This  is  a  fair  specimen  of 
the  accuracy  of  most  of  the  letter-writers. 

All  you  see  about  Generals  Taylor  and  Butler  is  humbug;  no 
difficulty  ever  occurred  between  them,  and  General  Butler  behaved 
most  handsomely.  After  he  was  wounded  and  brought  back  to 
camp,  he  became  a  little  nervous  at  reports  of  the  approach  of  the 
enemy's  cavalry,  and  in  consequence  made  some  barricades  out  of  the 
wagons,  tents  and  baggage.  They  were  considered  a  little  absurd 
and  unnecessary,  and  particularly  annoying  to  those  who,  after  hav- 
ing gone  through  the  day's  hard  work,  found,  on  getting  to  camp, 
their  tents  all  taken  up  and  piled  up  with  their  baggage  to  make  a 
defense  against  cavalry,  and  this,  too,  in  a  thick  wood,  on  a  dark 
night,  when  it  would  be  hard  for  cavalry  to  get  through  quietly. 


166         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

Still,  this  was  a  precautionary  measure  he  deemed  proper  to  take, 
and  though  we  may  criticise  his  judgment,  his  courage  is  beyond 
dispute.  Besides,  General  Taylor  never  censured  anything  he  did, 
nor  did  any  act  of  his  require  it. 

So  also  it  is  altogether  wrong,  that  General  Quitman  brought 
on  the  attack  on  the  morning  of  the  twenty-third,  to  the  disgust  of 
General  Taylor.  On  the  contrary,  General  Taylor  gave  him  full 
power  to  do  whatever  he  thought  proper,  and  after  he  had  commenced 
the  attack,  immediately  sustained  him  with  his  whole  force. 

I  regret  also  to  state  that  Lieutenant  Pope,  of  my  corps,  did  not 
discover  a  battery  one  day,  and  lead  the  column  of  attack  the  next,  and 
"that,  if  his  gallantry  was  the  theme  of  admiration  to  the  whole 
army,"  the  army  never  knew  it  till  after  the  letter  so  stating  the  fact 
came  back  in  the  papers.  Lieutenant  Pope  behaved  very  well,  and 
did  his  duty,  but  nothing  more  than  all  the  rest  of  the  army  did. 
All  this,  however,  is  strictly  entre  nous.  I  thank  heaven  you  never 
published  any  of  my  letters,  and  I  trust  your  discretion  will  ever 
continue,  for  there  are  so  many  cliques,  factions,  and  parties,  among 
regulars  and  volunteers,  that  it  is  almost  impossible  to  write  without 
giving  offence  to  some.  And  as  my  letters  are  simply  intended  for 
your  information,  I  wish  to  be  perfectly  free  to  say  just  what  I  think, 
without  reference  to  others. 

I  was  exceedingly  unfortunate  in  never  paying  any  attention  to 
the  well-known  correspondents  of  different  newspapers,  many  of 
whom  accompanied  General  Worths  column.  For  this  reason  my 
extraordinary  performances  have  not  reached  your  ear  through  the 
public  prints.  I  think,  however,  the  Dear  Public  will  be  sadly  puz- 
zled to  reconcile  the  thousand  conflicting  statements,  and  will  finally 
have  to  throw  themselves  on  the  official  reports,  where  alone  is 
accuracy,  divested  of  bombast  and  falsehood,  to  be  found.  They  are 
doubtless  before  you  by  this  time,  and  I  trust  you  will  be  satisfied 
with  the  mention  that  is  made  of  me  in  them.  I  assure  you  I  am. 
To  have  it  said  that  I  have  done  my  duty  is  all  I  ask,  and  I  have  no 
hesitation  in  saying,  without  mock  modesty,  that  General  Worth 
has  been  pleased  to  say  of  me  more  than  I  really  deserved. 

December  5. 
Our  affairs  remain  pretty  much  in  statu  quo.    An  express  was 
to-day  received  from  General  Worth  at  Saltillo,  forwarding  a  letter 
from  Santa  Anna.    This  was  a  reply  to  General  Taylor's  communica- 


,  ■  4o 

/J-V 


SKETCH   OF  THE   SEAT   OF   THE   WAR   IN   MEXICO   SHOWING   THE   LINE   PROPOSED   TO    BE   OCCUPIED   BY   THE   AMERICAN    FORCES   UNDER   GENERAL   TAYLOR 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  167 

tion  from  Saltillo.  "He  agrees  with  General  Taylor  on  our  construc- 
tion of  the  terms  of  the  armistice,  repeats  his  opinion  that  there  can 
be  no  peace  as  long  as  our  army  occupies  the  territory  of  Mexico, 
but  again  says  that  the  Congress  will  meet  on  the  first  of  this  month, 
and  will  act  as  best  suits  the  high  interests  of  the  country."  General 
Worth  writes  that  he  had  sent  a  confidential  agent  to  San  Luis,  a 
Mexican,  who  had  returned,  having  had  a  private  interview  with 
Santa  Anna,  in  which  Santa  Anna  told  him  he  would  do  all  in  his 
power  to  bring  about  a  peace.  This  may  or  may  not  be  his  inten- 
tion. Many  think  it  is,  and  that  the  Congress  will  make  peace,  if 
it  can  do  so  with  anything  like  honor,  but  I  regret  to  say  I  am  skep- 
tical. The  Mexicans  are  so  little  guided  by  their  true  interests,  are 
so  vain  and  arrogant,  learn  so  little  from  the  past,  and  are  so  sanguine 
of  the  future,  that  I  fear  such  happy  times  as  peace  would  bring  are 
yet  far  off.  Still,  there  is  a  hope,  and  so  anxious  am  I  for  the  result, 
that  as  long  as  there  is  a  hope,  I  will  indulge  in  the  delusion  that  a 
few  weeks  may  prove  vain. 

I  fear  that  before  we  have  peace,  we  must  be  a  little  more  courteous 
and  civil  to  Great  Britain,  through  whose  mediation  I  look  for  it; 
and  we  must  be  less  exacting  in  our  demands  upon  Mexico,  which 
will  hardly  be  brought,  by  anything  we  have  yet  done,  to  despoil 
herself  of  nearly  one-third  of  her  vast  domain. 

Monterey,  December  8,  1846. 

Since  writing  my  last  letter  I  have  been  made  happy  by  the 
receipt  of  your  letters  from  the  1st  to  the  7th  of  November,  by 
which  time  my  long  letter  giving  an  account  of  the  battle  had  reached 
you.  I  feel  very  much  complimented  by  your  kind  notice  of  my  nar- 
rative; you  would  make  some  allowances,  if  you  only  knew  how  I 
was  situated  when  I  wrote  it.  It  was  at  General  Worth's  table, 
where  there  must  have  been  some  eight  or  ten  officers  talking,  and 
others  constantly  coming  in  and  going  out,  and  I  was  so  often  inter- 
rupted, I  had  to  sit  up  till  two  o'clock  to  finish  it.  The  sketch  was 
most  miserable,  but  I  knew  it  was  better  than  nothing,  to  illustrate 
the  various  positions;  and  without  something,  you  could  hardly  get 
a  clear  idea  of  the  affair.  At  the  time,  too,  I  had  not  had  an  oppor- 
tunity of  conversing  fully  with  officers  engaged  on  General  Taylor's 
side  of  the  town,  and  I  may  have  been  led  into  errors,  which  the  offi- 
cial reports  will  correct. 

The  correspondent  of  the  "Spirit  of  the  Times,"  G.  de  L.,  is  Cap- 


168         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

tain  Henry,  of  the  Third  Infantry,  a  classmate  of  mine  at  West  Point, 
a  very  good  fellow,  and  I  notice  his  recent  productions  since  our  march 
from  Camargo  have  been  quite  spirited.  His  account  of  the  battle 
has  not  yet  reached  here,  and  I  cannot  therefore  vouch  for  its  accu- 
racy. He  was  one  of  the  individuals  who  wagered  with  me  on  a  fight, 
and  I  had  the  good  fortune  to  win  a  forage-cup  from  him,  as  I  did  a 
box  of  cigars  from  another,  and  one  of  wine  from  a  third.  This,  I 
suppose,  you  will  say  was  very  bad  in  me,  but  in  war  times  soldiers 
will  be  bad  fellows,  and  you  must  pardon  me  on  the  score  of  my 
confession. 

I  enclose  you  a  rough  sketch  which  will  give  you  some  idea  of 
the  relative  positions  of  various  places  about  to  be  occupied  and  gar- 
risoned by  our  forces,  and  will  enable  you  better,  and  particularly 
your  dear  father,  to  understand  what  is  going  on.  I  have  only  put 
down  the  principal  towns  and  roads;  there  are  an  immense  number 
of  ranchos,  as  they  are  called,  and  numerous  trails  and  mule-paths 
joining  them,  but  the  only  good  wagon  roads,  or  the  lines  on  which 
it  is  practicable  to  move  with  wagons  and  artillery,  I  have  put  down. 

The  troops  as  now  stationed  are  as  follows:  General  Wool,  with 
two  thousand  five  hundred  men  (one  thousand  five  hundred  foot 
and  one  thousand  horse)  and  eight  pieces  of  artillery,  is  now  at 
Parras,  having  been  ordered  there  from  Monclova,  at  which  place 
he  was  stopped  by  General  Taylor,  on  account  of  the  armistice. 
General  Worth  is  at  Saltillo,  where  he  will  soon  have  a  force  of  about 
two  thousand  five  hundred  men  and  eight  pieces  of  artillery.  Major 
General  Butler  will  remain  here,  with  about  one  thousand  five  hun- 
dred men  and  a  large  quantity  of  artillery.  This  will  make  about 
six  thousand  men  and  over  sixteen  pieces  of  artillery  that  could  be 
united  at  Saltillo,  under  General  Butler,  in  the  event  of  Santa  Anna's 
advancing  in  this  direction.  This  force  is  ample  to  hold  him  in  check. 
The  only  danger  to  be  apprehended  is  his  not  giving  them  time  to 
concentrate. 

One  thousand  men  have  been  sent  and  are  by  this  time  at  Tam- 
pico,  with  twenty  pieces  of  artillery  of  various  calibre.  Among  these 
one  thousand  are  five  hundred  regulars,  of  the  artillery,  under  the 
command  of  Colonel  Belton. 

General  Taylor  will  move  from  here  in  a  few  days,  with  about 
two  thousand  five  hundred  men  and  eight  pieces  of  artillery,  to  go 
by  Morelos  and  Linares  to  Victoria.  He  will  pick  up  on  the  route 
the  Second  Infantry,  now  at  Morelos,  numbering  five  hundred  men, 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  169 

and  at  Victoria  he  will  be  joined  by  General  Patterson,  from  Mata- 
moras,  with  over  two  thousand  men.  General  Taylor's  object  is  to 
examine  the  various  mountain  passes  between  this  and  Victoria,  to 
garrison  the  principal  points,  leaving  a  large  garrison  at  Victoria, 
which,  with  the  one  at  Tampico,  will  make  a  force  to  meet  Santa 
Anna,  should  he  advance  from  San  Luis  in  that  direction.  But  he 
can  only  carry  infantry  and  cavalry  by  that  route,  as  there  is  no 
practicable  road  for  artillery  through  the  mountains  from  San  Luis 
but  the  one  to  Saltillo. 

I  have  above  disposed  of  twelve  thousand  men;  there  remain 
some  two  thousand  besides,  who  garrison  the  depots  in  the  rear, 
namely,  Seralvo,  Camargo  and  Matamoras,  and  after  the  occupation 
of  Victoria,  Soto  Marina  will  also  be  made  a  depot,  as  there  is  a 
pretty  good  harbor,  where  small  vessels  can  enter. 

I  see  the  "Union"  states  that  General  Taylor  has  twenty  thou- 
sand men.  We  here  cannot  make  out  over  fourteen  thousand,  a  small 
number  to  hold  a  line  of  over  five  hundred  miles  against  an  enemy 
with  thirty  thousand  men. 

You  will  observe  that  San  Luis  is  a  central  point,  from  whence, 
had  Santa  Anna  only  roads  over  which  he  could  carry  artillery,  he 
might  annoy  us  very  much,  but  I  doubt  his  advancing  beyond  San 
Luis,  unless  he  thinks  he  can  get  a  chance  to  catch  one  of  our  de- 
tachments by  itself,  when  the  hope  of  success  may  lead  him  on.  All 
his  forces  are  at  present  at  San  Luis  said  to  amount  to  thirty  thousand. 
He  has  an  advance  of  two  thousand  at  Matejuala,  on  the  lookout  for 
our  approach.  I  only  wish  there  was  water  on  the  road  sufficient 
for  the  army,  and  that  we  could  march  with  fifteen  thousand  men. 
I  would  then  be  satisfied  of  our  perfect  success  at  San  Luis,  and  on 
its  falling,  the  road  to  the  City  of  Mexico  would  be  open  to  us,  and 
we  should  march  to  that  place  without  opposition.  As  it  is,  we  have 
not  ten  thousand  men  to  march  with,  and  there  is  no  water  on  the 
road.  Under  these  circumstances  this  line  from  Parras  to  Tampico 
will  be  occupied,  and  if  the  Mexican  Congress  refuse  peace,  it  will  be 
permanently  annexed  to  the  United  States,  and  Mexico  told  to  come 
and  take  it.  Then,  if  further  offensive  operations  are  deemed  neces- 
sary, Vera  Cruz  will  have  to  be  attacked  and  taken. 

What  is  thought  of  the  naval  attack  on  Tobasco?  I  have  not 
seen  the  official  account,  but  it  appears  to  be  the  impression  that 
they  did  not  do  as  much  as  they  might  have  done.  If  they  cannot 
take  a  town  with  only  three  hundred  soldiers  in  it,  and  no  artillery, 
what  are  they  going  to  do  against  San  Juan  de  Ulloa? 


170         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

General  Taylor  will  leave  in  a  few  days  for  Victoria,  and  I  shall 
go  with  him.     I  will  write  you  again  before  I  leave. 

Montemorelos,  December  18,  1846. 

We  left  Monterey  on  the  15th  instant,  and  after  a  pleasant  march 
of  three  days  reached  this  place  yesterday  afternoon.  The  command 
consisted  of  about  one  thousand  two  hundred  regulars,  under  General 
Twiggs,  and  two  thousand  volunteer  infantry,  under  General  Quit- 
man, of  Mississippi.  General  Taylor  and  all  his  staff  accompanied 
the  command,  and  it  was  General  Taylor's  plan  to  go  down  to  Vic- 
toria, examine  all  the  mountain  passes  and  the  communications  to 
the  sea;  then,  after  leaving  the  volunteers  at  Victoria,  he  was  to 
return  to  Saltillo.  We  all  were  anticipating  a  pleasant  excursion  of 
six  weeks,  and  looking  forward  with  some  interest  to  the  Mexican 
Congress,  hoping  for  peace,  but  last  night  an  express  reached  here, 
informing  us  that  Santa  Anna  was  advancing  on  Saltillo,  understand- 
ing that  General  Taylor  was  going  to  Victoria,  and  hoping  by  rapid 
marches  to  surprise  Worth,  and  then  attack  Wool,  and  after  using 
both  up  in  detail,  to  advance  on  Monterey. 

General  Taylor,  though  loth  to  believe  the  intelligence,  still 
deemed  it  his  duty  to  act  as  if  it  were  true,  and  in  consequence  left 
this  morning  with  all  the  regulars,  except  one  battery  of  artillery, 
which  goes  to  Victoria  with  General  Quitman.  At  Victoria,  General 
Quitman  will  be  joined  by  General  Patterson,  with  one  thousand 
five  hundred  men,  who  will  take  command  of  the  line  from  Victoria 
to  Tampico.  General  Taylor  will  push  on  to  Saltillo,  where  he  ex- 
pects to  find  Worth  and  Wool  united,  which,  with  his  force,  will 
make  over  five  thousand  men,  with  twenty  pieces  of  artillery;  and 
if  Santa  Anna  is  so  bold  as  to  make  the  attempt,  he  will  most  assur- 
edly meet  with  a  signal  defeat,  I  do  not  care  what  force  he  brings. 

General  Taylor,  being  very  anxious  to  know  the  nature  of  the 
mountain  passes,  has  detached  me  to  go  with  General  Quitman  to 
Victoria,  where,  upon  meeting  General  Patterson,  I  shall  be  furnished 
with  an  escort  of  cavalry,  and  will  then  reconnoitre  the  whole  country 
in  front  of  the  line  of  Tampico  and  this  place. 

I  cannot  tell  you  with  how  sad  a  heart  I  saw  all  my  old  associates 
and  companions  march  away  this  morning,  for  I  am  left  here  with 
only  five  regular  officers,  and  of  the  two  thousand  volunteers,  I  do 
not  know  a  dozen.  Then,  to  think  that  they  are  hurrying  on  with 
the  expectation  of  having  another  battle,  at  which  I  shall  not  be 
present!    Little  as  I  like  fighting,  it  is  still  a  great  disappointment. 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  171 

But  there  are  great  advantages  in  my  position.  I  shall  be  the 
senior  and  only  officer  of  my  corps  with  General  Patterson;  the  duty 
I  am  charged  with  is  most  important  and  honorable,  and  had  I  re- 
turned with  General  Taylor,  when  we  united  with  the  troops  at  Sal- 
tillo,  there  would  be  seven  Topographical  Engineers,  among  whom  I 
would  have  ranked  fourth,  making  a  great  difference  in  my  position. 
Then,  again,  we  are  not  without  hopes  of  active  service  here,  for  it  is 
said  there  are  five  thousand  Mexicans  at  Tula,  under  General  Urrea, 
he  having  concentrated  his  army  of  observation  there;  and  when  he 
finds  there  are  only  three  thousand  volunteers  at  Victoria,  he  may 
try  his  luck  with  us,  which  I  sincerely  trust  he  will,  for  we  shall  give 
him  a  sound  thrashing  if  he  makes  the  attempt. 

I  must  confess  the  advantages  outweigh  the  disadvantages. 
Still  I  feel  very  much  the  separation  from  General  Taylor  and  all 
the  regulars.  The  old  man  was  very  kind  to  me  on  parting,  and  said 
he  would  recollect,  if  anything  turned  up  in  the  way  of  peace,  that 
I  was  the  first  to  join  him,  and  had  been  with  him  ever  since. 

If  Santa  Anna's  advance  be  true,  it  must  be  based  on  the  refusal 
of  the  Mexican  Congress  to  negotiate,  and  we  may  therefore  look  for 
a  long  war;  but  I  still  hope  it  is  a  mere  feint  to  occupy  the  attention 
of  his  own  people,  who  are  loudly  complaining  of  his  having  aban- 
doned Tampico,  and  of  his  want  of  energy  in  not  advancing  on  us. 
Indeed,  his  position  is  very  critical,  and  almost  desperate.  If  he 
advance,  he  is  sure  to  be  defeated,  when  he  will  be  ruined  forever; 
and  if  he  delay,  he  will  be  overthrown  by  his  enemies,  who  are  only 
awaiting  a  plausible  pretext  to  declare  against  him;  a  few  weeks  will 
show. 

The  country  we  have  passed  over  has  been  quite  beautiful.  We 
pass  along  the  foot  of  the  high  mountains  (as  the  sketch  in  my  last 
letter  indicated  to  you),  over  a  rich  plain,  well  cultivated  and  thickly 
settled.  We  expect  to  reach  Linares,  in  two  days'  marching,  to- 
morrow, and  it  will  then  take  us  some  eight  days  to  go  to  Victoria. 
From  Victoria  I  may  go  down  to  Soto  la  Marina  and  to  Tampico. 
There  is  one  bad  thing  about  it;  Heaven  only  knows  when  I  shall 
get  your  letters.    But  I  will  write  to  you  by  every  chance. 

Victoria,  Mexico,  December  30,  1846. 
We  reached  this  place  yesterday,  after  a  pleasant  and  agreeable 
march  of  some  seventeen  days.     I  wrote  to  you  on  the  18th  instant 
from  Montemorelos,  advising  you  of  my  having  been  detached  with 


172         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

General  Quitman,  to  come  and  examine  the  mountain  passes,  and 
that  General  Taylor,  with  the  main  body,  had  gone  to  Saltillo  to 
meet  Santa  Anna,  who  was  said  to  be  advancing. 

We  had  quite  a  peaceable  march,  till  within  three  days  of  this 
place,  when  we  heard  that  troops  had  reached  Victoria  from  Tula, 
in  advance  of  us,  and  we  should  meet  with  resistance.  As  usual,  in 
similar  cases,  their  numbers  were  greatly  exaggerated.  The  enemy 
were  reported  to  be  some  seven  thousand  strong,  with  six  pieces  of 
artillery.  We  had  but  two  thousand,  with  four  pieces,  and  they 
all  volunteers. 

Of  General  Patterson,  whom  we  expected  to  meet  with  fifteen 
hundred  men,  nothing  could  be  heard,  and  for  a  while  things  looked 
blue;  but,  much  to  our  gratification,  the  advance  guard  of  the  enemy 
retired  before  us,  and  when  within  a  few  miles  of  Victoria,  intelli- 
gence reached  us  that  they  had  all  retired  to  the  mountains.  It 
turned  out  that  they  only  had  fifteen  hundred  cavalry  in  the  place, 
which  were  the  advance  of  the  army  they  intended  to  bring  against 
us;  but  finding  it  impracticable  to  get  their  artillery  over  the  moun- 
tains, they  withdrew  their  advance,  and  now  they  say  they  will  not 
fight  this  side  of  the  mountains. 

We  have  no  intelligence  from  Saltillo.  It  is  generally  under- 
stood that  Santa  Anna  sent  his  army  forward  upon  Saltillo,  but 
nothing  further  is  known,  and  we  are  looking  with  interest  for  the 
result. 

I  do  not  think  there  will  be  any  fighting  here,  unless  we  advance 
on  Tula,  when  we  will  meet  with  resistance;  but  I  will  explain  this 
more  fully  hereafter. 

General  Patterson  is  said  to  be  within  fifty  miles  of  this  place; 
he  has  lost  all  the  honor  of  the  taking  of  Victoria  by  being  behind. 

I  am  in  perfect  health,  and  thought  much  of  you  and  our  dear 
children  on  Christmas  Day;  nor  have  I  forgotten  that  to-morrow  is 
our  wedding  day,  and  that  I  have  been  happy  for  six  years. 

Victoria,  Mexico,  January  7,  1847. 
A  few  days  after  our  arrival,  General  Quitman  sent  me  to  recon- 
noitre the  road  to  Tula,  as  far  as  a  little  place  called  Las  Minas, 
and  where  the  enemy  were  said  to  have  their  advance.  I  went  with 
only  twenty  men,  mounted  on  sorry  ponies,  as  we  had  no  cavalry 
of  any  kind;  but,  meeting  a  Mexican  on  the  way,  who  told  us  the 
enemy  had  retired  beyond  the  mountains,  I  advanced  in  perfect 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  173 

security  as  far  as  Las  Minas,  and  had  the  men  been  provided  with 
rations,  would  have  gone  beyond.  It  was  well  I  did  not,  for  on  my 
return  I  found  the  rascally  Mexican  had  deceived  me,  and  that  I 
was  within  six  miles  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  Mexicans.  The  object 
of  my  expedition  was,  however,  fully  accomplished — the  examina- 
tion of  the  road — and  I  satisfied  myself  that  the  road  was  imprac- 
ticable for  wagons  or  artillery.  The  next  day,  the  enemy  being  re- 
ported in  our  vicinity  in  another  direction,  I  went  out  with  my  small 
party  to  examine,  and  ascertained  it  was  a  false  report. 

Three  days  ago,  much  to  our  astonishment,  General  Taylor  made 
his  appearance  with  Twiggs's  division  of  two  thousand  regulars,  and 
at  the  same  time  General  Patterson  reached  here  with  sixteen  hundred 
men  from  Matamoras,  making  our  force  here  nearly  six  thousand  men. 

General  Taylor,  on  reaching  Monterey,  found  the  report  of  Santa 
Anna's  advance  was  false,  and  he  turned  right  around  with  his  whole 
force  and  came  here.  For  what  object,  no  one  knows,  is  so  large  a 
force  assembled  at  this  point.  To  be  sure,  the  enemy  occupy  Tula 
in  strong  force,  but  there  is  no  practicable  road  for  our  artillery  and 
wagons  to  Tula,  and  if  we  do  take  Tula,  we  still  have  to  take  San 
Luis,  some  eighty  miles  distant  from  Tula,  before  we  can  penetrate 
into  the  interior;  whereas  from  Saltillo  we  have  a  good  road  for  heavy 
artillery  to  San  Luis,  and  when  we  take  that,  Tula  will  fall  without 
a  blow. 

It  is  reported  that  General  Scott  is  in  the  country,  and  is  to  or- 
ganize an  expedition  against  Vera  Cruz,  and  it  may  be  that  the  force 
here,  or  a  part  of  it,  is  destined  for  that  place.    A  few  days  will  show. 

Generals  Worth  and  Wool  have  concentrated  at  Saltillo,  and  all 
the  volunteers  from  the  Rio  Grande  have  been  brought  up,  so  that 
there  is  at  present  under  General  Butler's  command  at  that  place 
some  six  thousand  men  and  eighteen  pieces  of  artillery,  ready  to 
receive  Santa  Anna,  should  he  advance,  which  I  hardly  think  he  will. 

From  Mexico  we  have  but  little  news.  The  Congress  is  occupied 
in  the  election  of  a  President,  and  has  not  yet  acted  on  the  proposi- 
tion of  peace.  I  have  seen  papers  to  the  19th  of  December  from  the 
City  of  Mexico.  Their  tone  is  war  to  the  last,  but  at  the  same  time 
despondent;  and  instead  of  driving  us  across  the  Sabine,1  they  talk 
of  their  capacity  to  defend  themselves  at  San  Luis  and  Tula.  I 
understand  that  the  provisional  President,  Salus,  in  his  message  to 

1  The  Sabine  River  empties  into  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  sixty  miles  above  Gal- 
veston, and  is  the  eastern  boundary  line  of  Texas. 


174         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

the  Congress,  says  that  the  Government  is  for  prosecuting  the  war 
vigorously,  but  it  is  for  Congress  to  say  whether  or  not  they  shall 
treat  for  peace;  that  if  the  war  is  continued,  extraordinary  means 
must  be  resorted  to,  to  raise  the  necessary  funds,  for  that  now  the 
Treasury  is  bankrupt,  and  the  troops  without  pay,  clothing,  or  sub- 
sistence. Under  these  circumstances,  I  do  not  see  how  they  can  long 
continue  the  war,  and  one  or  two  efficient  blows  on  our  part  may 
bring  them  to  their  senses.  Their  blindness  is  incomprehensible,  and 
what  they  expect  by  continuing  the  war  is  more  than  I  can  imagine. 

General  Patterson  brought  with  him  the  President's  (ours)  mes- 
sage, by  which  I  see  he  proposes  to  keep  the  country  we  have  con- 
quered, as  a  remuneration  for  the  expenses  of  the  war.  This  will  do 
more  to  bring  about  a  peace  than  many  battles. 

General  Taylor's  column  brought  a  mail  with  it,  in  which  came 
your  letter  of  the  14th  of  November,  at  which  time  you  had  received 
mine  on  the  subject  of  my  promotion.  General  Worth  has  recom- 
mended me  for  a  brevet,  but  it  was  in  a  letter  to  General  Scott, 
written  in  the  early  part  of  December,  and  I  fear  did  not  reach 
Washington  till  after  General  Scott's  departure.  As  soon  as  he  is 
called  on,  however,  to  do  so  officially,  he  will  do  it  again,  for,  unre- 
quested  on  my  part,  he  told  me  he  should  use  all  possible  exertion  to 
secure  my  promotion. 

I  also  received  the  notice  of  the  meeting  of  the  good  citizens  of 
Philadelphia,  proposing  to  present  swords  to  those  officers  from  Phila- 
delphia who  had  distinguished  themselves  on  the  8th  and  9th  of 
May.  If  I  should  be  included  in  this  category,  I  should  deem  it  a 
high  honor. 

Tampico,  January  24,  1847. 

You  will  be  somewhat  surprised,  probably,  to  hear  of  my  being 
in  this  place,  as  doubtless  the  newspapers  will  give  you  the  informa- 
tion of  the  return  of  General  Taylor  to  Monterey,  and  you  will  expect 
me  to  have  gone  with  him.  I  last  wrote  you  from  Victoria,  where 
I  had  gone  with  General  Quitman's  command,  and  where  we  were 
joined  by  General  Taylor,  with  Twiggs's  division  of  regulars. 

General  Taylor,  after  waiting  for  some  days  for  communications 
from  General  Scott,  who,  he  was  informed,  was  in  the  country  some- 
where, determined  to  take  his  force  down  to  Tampico  for  supplies, 
and  await  General  Scott's  orders  at  that  point.  Accordingly,  on  the 
15th  instant,  General  Twiggs's  command  left  Victoria,  and  I  was  as- 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  175 

signed  to  it,  as  it  was  in  the  advance.  The  second  day's  march  we 
were  overtaken  by  an  express  from  General  Taylor,  informing  us 
that  communications  had  been  received  after  our  departure  from 
General  Scott,  that  he  called  for  all  the  regular  troops  and  one-half 
the  volunteers  of  General  Taylor's  command;  that  General  Taylor, 
thus  stripped,  was  to  return  to  Monterey  and  Saltillo,  to  defend  that 
line,  and  General  Scott  was  to  operate  on  the  Mexican  coast,  or,  in 
other  words,  attack  Vera  Cruz.  In  the  orders  communicating  this 
intelligence  I  was  ordered  to  report  to  Major  General  Patterson,  on 
reaching  Tampico,  who  was  to  be  in  command  till  General  Scott's 
arrival. 

At  first  I  deemed,  as  I  suppose  you  will,  this  a  piece  of  ill-luck; 
but  when  I  ascertained  that  the  whole  regular  army  was  coming  here, 
that  the  affair  against  Vera  Cruz  was  to  be  the  great  effort  of  the 
whole  war,  and  that  General  Taylor  was  merely  to  remain  quiet  and 
on  the  defensive — that  I  was  the  only  officer  of  his  staff  detached, 
though  all  applied  to  come  here — I  felt  reconciled,  though  I  must 
confess  I  regretted  exceedingly  parting  with  the  old  man. 

He  has  been  most  outrageously  treated  by  the  Administration, 
which  hopes  to  play  off  General  Scott  against  him,  and  by  depriving 
him  of  all  his  command,  and  leaving  him  in  an  exposed  position, 
with  one-third  of  the  force  which  he  had  before,  and  which  he  deemed 
necessary,  to  break  him  down  and  destroy  his  popularity.  I  trust 
that  it  will  signally  fail,  and  from  having  the  plaudits  of  the  peo- 
ple for  bravery  and  skill,  he  will  now  have  their  sympathy  for  the 
injustice  of  the  course  pursued  towards  him. 

We  arrived  here  last  night.  I  find  the  place  much  larger  than  I 
expected,  and  really  quite  delightful.  There  is  a  large  foreign  popu- 
lation of  merchants,  and  in  consequence  the  town  has  all  such  com- 
forts as  good  restaurants,  excellent  shops,  where  everything  can  be 
purchased,  and  is  in  fact  quite  as  much  of  a  place  as  New  Orleans.  It 
is  inaccessible,  owing  to  a  bar,  having  only  eight  feet  of  water,  and 
as  this  is  the  season  of  "Northers,"  already  many  wrecks  have  taken 
place. 

General  Scott  is  still  at  the  Brazos  de  Santiago,  having  with  him, 
I  hear,  six  officers  of  my  corps,  four  of  whom  rank  me;  so  that  I 
shall  have  to  play  fifth-fiddle,  unless  I  can  manage  to  keep  with 
General  Patterson,  which  I  shall  try  to  do. 

I  can  give  you  but  little  Mexican  news.  There  is  a  report  that 
the  Mexican  Congress  has  decided  by  a  vote  of  three  hundred  to  two 


176         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

hundred  and  fifty  against  the  overtures  of  the  United  States:  but 
this  is  a  mere  report.  Santa  Anna  is  elected  President;  one  step 
towards  his  doing  as  he  pleases;  and  sensible  people  among  the  Mex- 
icans believe  he  is  desirous  of  making  terms  and  will  bring  about  a 
compromise  as  soon  as  he  can.  My  opinion  is  that  the  war  will  not 
last  very  much  longer,  for  both  parties  are  heartily  tired  of  it,  and 
Mexico  is  without  resources  of  any  kind  to  carry  it  on. 

Excuse  the  brevity  of  my  letter,  but  I  am  much  occupied  to-day, 
as  to-morrow  I  go  upon  a  reconnoissance  to  select  a  healthy  position 
for  a  camp  in  the  neighborhood  of  this  place.  I  am  quite  well  and 
strong.  The  place  is  perfectly  healthy,  and  I  anticipate  no  serious 
disease  among  the  troops,  here  or  at  Vera  Cruz,  before  June,  and 
long  before  that  time  there  will  either  be  peace  or  we  shall  have 
Jalapa. 

Tampico,  February  3,  1847. 

I  have  been  so  much  occupied  in  making  reconnoissances  since 
I  last  wrote  you,  that  I  have  allowed  a  mail  to  go  off  without  a  letter 
from  me.  General  Patterson  has  kept  me  running  around  the  coun- 
try, hunting  a  position  to  encamp  the  troops.  I  have,  however,  now 
been  in  every  direction,  and  presume  I  shall  have  a  little  quiet  to 
myself. 

I  suppose,  of  course,  that  when  you  heard  of  my  arrival  at  this 
place  you  made  up  your  mind  to  my  being  present  at  the  attack  on 
Vera  Cruz,  but  from  reports  to-day  I  think  it  quite  problematical. 

It  appears  that  General  Worth  has  reached  the  Brazos,  with  a 
force  of  some  three  thousand  regular  troops,  and  already  several  of 
the  newly  raised  volunteer  regiments  have  arrived  there.  Informa- 
tion, it  is  said,  has  been  taken  to  General  Scott  (also  at  the  Brazos) 
of  the  defenseless  state  of  the  town,  and  the  small  garrison,  not  over 
two  thousand  five  hundred,  that  it  and  the  castle  have.  Now,  it  is 
said,  if  you  strike  immediately,  the  place  is  yours,  and  in  pursuance 
of  this  view,  as  he  at  present  only  has  transportation  for  a  limited 
number  of  troops,  he  has  sent  those  from  the  Brazos,  which  troops, 
with  the  navy,  will  take  the  place  at  once.  If  he  waits  to  concen- 
trate all  his  forces,  he  will  give  them  time  to  send  reinforcements,  as 
it  is  said  ten  thousand  men  will  be  there  in  two  weeks.  So  much  for 
the  report  of  the  day.  For  my  part  I  do  not  believe  it;  I  believe 
General  Scott  will  wait  till  he  can  get  his  whole  force  together,  and 
that  his  best  policy  is  to  whip  a  large  force  there,  in  preference  to  an 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  177 

easy  success;  that  is,  as  far  as  peace  is  concerned.  If  we  defeat 
fifteen  thousand  men  in  the  town  and  castle,  break  them  up,  or  make 
them  prisoners,  we  shall  be  much  nearer  a  peace  than  if  they  gave 
it  up  to  us  without  a  fight. 

My  only  fear  is  that  we  shall  leave  it  so  late  that  the  scourge  of 
the  country,  vomito,  will  make  its  appearance,  in  which  case  we 
shall  have  to  evacuate  the  place  at  once;  but  if  we  are  quick  about 
the  matter,  we  can  take  the  town  and  march  to  Jalapa  before  the  end 
of  April,  and  I  have  no  fears  before  the  month  of  May.  Indeed,  the 
disease  does  not  take  the  form  of  an  epidemic  before  July  and  August; 
but  considering  the  exposures  of  a  camp  and  our  northern  constitu- 
tions, I  shall  look  for  it  in  May,  if  we  are  not  off  the  seacoast.  I 
cannot  conceive  anything  to  prevent  our  being  out  of  danger  by 
that  time,  and  I  therefore  give  myself  no  uneasiness  upon  this  sub- 
ject, and  trust  you  will  follow  my  example. 

General  Scott  is  at  the  Brazos,  and  has  with  him  Major  Turnbull 
and  four  other  Topographical  Engineers.  Captain  McClelland  ar- 
rived here  yesterday,  and  reported  to  General  Patterson,  thus  put- 
ting my  nose  out  of  joint.  He  brought  me  three  pairs  of  spectacles, 
sent  by  you,  for  which  I  thank  you  very  much,  for  I  was  on  my  last 
pair,  and  have  had  some  terrible  frights  lately  when  I  thought  I  had 
lost  them. 

We  are  in  a  complete  state  of  ignorance  here  as  to  what  is  to  be 
done.  Some  say  that  we  are  going  by  land,  some  by  water,  others 
that  we  are  to  wait  here  till  Worth  and  Scott  take  Vera  Cruz,  and  then 
go  there.  All  are  surmises,  nothing  is  known.  My  own  impression 
is  that  General  Scott  is  waiting  for  his  transports;  that  as  soon  as  they 
arrive  we  shall  all  be  shipped  to  some  place  of  rendezvous,  such  as 
Anton  Lizardo  or  Sacrificios,  and  then  landed  to  operate  against 
Vera  Cruz;  that  the  whole  force  will  go  there,  and  go  by  water.  A 
few  days  will  give  us  more  information,  as  General  Scott  is  expected 
here  daily. 

Tampico  is  a  delightful  place,  having  fine  cafes,  and  all  the  lux- 
uries of  a  somewhat  civilized  town.  A  few  evenings  since  a  party 
was  given  by  the  lady  of  one  of  the  foreign  consuls.  Only  about 
fifteen  officers  attended.  I  was  not  among  the  number,  being  an 
entire  stranger  to  all  concerned,  but  I  understand  it  was  quite  an 
elegant  affair,  and  that  there  were  many  beautiful  Mexican  girls 
among  the  guests. 

I  trust  that  when  we  take  Vera  Cruz  the  foolish  Mexicans  will 


178         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

come  to  terms.  Some  say  negotiations  are  pending  now,  and  we 
had  a  report  yesterday  that  commissioners  had  gone  to  Washington; 
but  all  these  are  humbugs,  I  know.  I  do  not  believe  they  will  make 
peace  till  we  have  given  them  one  or  two  terrible  thrashings,  and 
follow  up  our  success  by  marching  directly  on  their  capital.  When 
they  see  us  advancing  and  breaking  down  all  opposition,  they  may 
be  induced  to  come  to  terms. 

Tampico,  February  8,  1847. 

I  have  not  much  news  to  give  you,  though  there  are  many  rumors 
afloat.  General  Scott  is  still  at  the  Brazos,  with  some  four  thousand 
men.  We  have  here,  under  Generals  Patterson  and  Twiggs,  some 
five  thousand,  and  there  are  several  vessels  which  have  passed  here, 
destined  for  the  Island  of  Lobos  (a  point  on  the  coast  about  forty 
miles  south),  where  the  new  levies  from  the  States  are  to  rendezvous. 

The  prevailing  impression  is  that  General  Scott  is  only  waiting 
for  the  ships  and  steamers  from  the  United  States,  to  transport  the 
whole  force  by  water  to  Vera  Cruz,  where  a  landing  will  be  made, 
and  the  town  and  castle  taken. 

It  is  estimated  that  he  will  have  an  efficient  force  of  twelve  thou- 
sand men  (five  thousand  regulars),  with  a  full  supply  of  heavy  artillery 
— in  fact,  a  completely  equipped  expedition — and  that  it  will  not  take 
us  many  days  to  reduce  both  castle  and  town.  If  we  are  only  lucky 
in  securing  a  good  landing  for  our  troops  and  supplies,  I  have  no  fear 
of  the  result.  Once  on  terra  firma,  with  plenty  of  ammunition  and 
provisions,  I  am  confident  we  can  overcome  any  resistance  the  Mexi- 
cans can  make,  but  every  day's  delay  now  is  most  fatal  to  us,  for  the 
healthiness  of  the  place  cannot  be  depended  on  after  March,  and 
should  the  fever  break  out  before  we  succeed  in  taking  the  place, 
the  expedition  will  be  a  complete  and  utter  failure.  Then,  again,  in 
transporting  so  many  troops  upon  this  dangerous  and  stormy  coast,  we 
must  expect  embarrassments  from  the  elements,  for  one  "Norther'' 
will  scatter  the  fleet  of  transports  to  all  parts  of  the  Gulf,  and  it  may 
take  weeks  to  reassemble.  Why  did  not  the  Government,  on  the 
13th  of  October,  when  it  determined  to  annul  General  Taylor's  armis- 
tice, at  once  decide  on  attacking  Vera  Cruz,  and  make  its  prepara- 
tions, call  out  troops,  and  have  us  before  Vera  Cruz  in  December, 
with  the  whole  winter  and  spring  before  us,  and  not,  as  it  has  done, 
dilly-dally  and  waste  precious  time  in  inaction,  till  it  has  now  made 
success  exceedingly  questionable,  from  the  danger  of  the  climate, 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  179 

more  to  be  dreaded  than  the  enemy?  It  has  a  heavy  responsibility 
to  answer  for,  but  I  trust  in  God  we  may  have  good  fortune,  which 
will  put  off  the  day  of  reckoning. 

We  had  yesterday  an  arrival  from  the  Brazos;  no  transports  yet 
arrived.  In  the  meantime  rumor  says  the  Mexicans  are  reinforcing 
and  strengthening  Vera  Cruz,  and  that  we  shall  meet  an  army  of 
some  twenty  thousand  men  there.  The  latter  part  of  this  I  hope  is 
true.  As  I  told  you  before  we  went  to  Monterey,  the  more  we  meet 
the  better;  for  if  we  succeed,  not  only  do  we  acquire  a  greater  glory, 
but  the  enemy  are  broken  up  and  suffer  in  proportion.  There  will 
be  no  capitulation  at  Vera  Cruz;  a  complete  victory  must  be  had  on 
one  side  or  the  other,  and  if  we  gain  the  day,  the  Mexican  army  will 
be  our  prisoners,  as  there  is  no  escape  for  them;  and  as  I  am  sure  we 
shall  conquer,  the  more  we  overcome,  the  fewer  will  we  have  to  meet 
at  other  points,  and  the  greater  the  chance  of  peace.  Rumor  also 
says  that  Santa  Anna  is  advancing  on  General  Taylor  at  Monterey, 
in  hopes  of  succeeding  against  his  diminished  force  (he  having  only 
four  thousand  volunteers),  but  I  believe,  if  he  is  making  a  move,  it  is 
in  the  hopes  of  drawing  us  back  there,  that  the  precious  time  between 
now  and  the  vomito  season  may  be  wasted  by  us  in  useless  march, 
and  thus  the  expedition  to  Vera  Cruz  be  put  off  till  the  fall.  But  in 
this  he  will  be  mistaken.  General  Taylor's  force,  though  small,  is 
large  enough,  with  the  natural  advantages  of  Monterey,  to  keep  off 
the  whole  army  of  Mexico,  so  long  as  he  has  supplies,  and  I  trust  he 
is  well  off  in  that  particular;  and  we  only  wait  for  ships  to  carry  us, 
when  Vera  Cruz  will  be  attacked  and  taken. 

One  of  the  ships,  having  on  board  two  hundred  Louisiana  volun- 
teers, under  Colonel  DeRussy,  was  wrecked  a  few  days  ago  on  its 
way  to  Lobos  Island,  a  point  about  forty  miles  below  here,  and  the 
same  distance  from  Tuspan,  where  there  is  a  Mexican  force  stationed. 
General  Cos,  the  officer  in  command  at  Tuspan,  hearing  of  the  wreck, 
started  off  with  a  thousand  men  and  two  pieces  of  artillery,  to  capt- 
ure two  hundred  poor  wrecked  fellows,  one-half  of  whom  had  lost 
their  arms.  On  approaching  the  spot,  he  sent  a  polite  letter  to 
Colonel  DeRussy,  asking  him  to  surrender,  and  offering  to  send  him 
to  Vera  Cruz  or  the  United  States,  on  his  parole.  The  message  was 
received  a  little  before  sunset,  and  the  colonel  asked  till  the  next 
morning  at  nine  to  deliberate.  As  soon  as  night  set  in  he  commenced 
retreating  up  the  beach,  and  soon  met  one  hundred  regulars,  who 
had  been  sent  to  escort  a  train  of  mules,  with  provisions  for  him,  we 


180  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

knowing  here  of  his  being  wrecked,  but  not  knowing  of  his  being 
menaced  by  the  enemy.  With  this  reinforcement  he  made  good  his 
retreat,  and  at  the  last  accounts  had  halted  to  give  the  Mexicans  a 
fight,  should  they  dare  to  advance  on  him.  Many  of  us  here  think 
a  respectable  force  should  have  been  immediately  sent  to  cut  off 
Mr.  Cos;  but  General  Patterson  doubtless  thinks  he  is  not  author- 
ized to  enter  into  any  expedition  that  would  be  likely  to  have  out  of 
the  way  any  portion  of  the  command  when  the  transports,  hourly 
expected,  should  arrive. 

We  also  have  information  of  the  reoccupation  of  Victoria  by  a 
large  Mexican  force,  which  is  employed  in  maltreating  and  robbing 
all  those  who  were  civil  to  us  during  our  stay  there.  This  I  consider 
cruel  treatment  on  the  part  of  our  Government,  to  send  troops  to 
occupy  a  place,  hoist  our  flag,  give  appearances  of  protection  to  all, 
threatening  those  who  are  unwilling  to  serve  you,  thus  making  and 
forcing  them  to  perform  acts  for  which  they  are  punished  by  their 
own  armies,  on  our  evacuating  the  place.  Either  let  the  people  alone, 
or  when  you  once  have  taken  a  place,  hold  it  and  protect  those  who 
compromise  themselves  by  serving  you.  When  is  the  Government 
of  the  United  States  going  to  awake  from  its  lethargy  and  send  into 
Mexico  a  force  sufficient  to  prosecute  the  war  vigorously  f  Does  it  ex- 
pect our  good  fortune,  and  want  of  energy  on  the  part  of  our  enemies, 
hitherto  attending  our  operations,  is  to  last  forever?  If  so,  it  is  wo- 
fully  mistaken,  and  it  will  find  it  so  before  long,  to  its  cost.  The  war 
will  never  be  ended  so  long  as  it  is  carried  on  on  the  small  scale  we  have 
hitherto  done.  We  must  threaten  Mexico  in  such  a  manner,  and  with 
such  a  force,  as  will  at  once  prove  to  her  the  inutility  of  resistance, 
and  then  we  may  begin  to  hope  for  peace;  but  as  it  is  now  she  clings 
to  the  expectation,  that  by  opposing  to  us  treble  our  numbers  with 
defensive  works,  she  will  be  able  to  check  us,  and  the  first  disaster 
attending  us,  she  expects  a  pronunciamento  on  the  part  of  the  Whigs 
and  Northern  Democrats,  forcing  the  Government  to  withdraw  the 
troops  and  propose  more  lenient  terms.  In  this  idea  she  is  supported 
by  the  fact  of  the  mere  handful  of  men  we  have  in  the  field,  to  hold 
possession  of  a  territory  almost  as  large  as  our  whole  country,  and  at 
the  same  time  invade  the  heart  of  a  populous  country,  defended  by 
the  most  formidable  natural  barriers,  and  with  a  people  who,  however 
low  be  their  spirit,  may  at  least  be  expected  to  defend  their  homes, 
their  families  and  their  religion.  She  is  still  more  fortified  in  this 
idea  by  the  speeches  in  Congress  of  some  of  the  Whigs,  and  the  tone 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  181 

of  many  newspapers  of  the  Whig  press.  She  believes  the  war  un- 
popular, and  she  fancies  that  by  holding  on  she  will  tire  us  out,  and 
dollars  and  cents  will  conquer  us,  if  not  arms. 

Do  not  think  this  idea  absurd;  it  is  true.  There  have  been  re- 
ceived here  Mexican  journals,  with  large  quotations  from  Mr.  Web- 
ster's1 speech  at  Philadelphia,  and  from  the  columns  of  the  "National 
Intelligencer, "  proving  the  unpopularity  of  the  war.  They  cite  the 
recent  elections  to  prove  that  Mr.  Polk  is  not  sustained,  and  they  say, 
"Let  us  hold  on  and  suffer,  and  in  a  short  time  the  Government  of 
the  United  States  will  be  forced  to  respect  Mexico  and  to  withdraw 
all  its  exorbitant  demands. " 

Now,  while  I  give  you  this  as  the  tone  of  public  feeling  in  Mexico, 
I  neither  endorse  it  nor  consider  it  fair;  but  at  the  same  time  I  con- 
sider the  course  of  the  "  Intelligencer, "  and  of  Mr.  Webster  and  others, 
most  injudicious  and  tending  more  to  continue  the  war  than  any 
other  cause.  To  force  Mexico  to  terms  is  a  most  difficult  affair,  and 
never  to  be  accomplished,  unless  we  display  to  her  and  the  world  our 
determination  to  do  it  at  every  sacrifice,  and  that  in  this  determina- 
tion we  are  united  to  a  man.  Let  us  show  a  bold  and  united  front, 
forget  party  for  an  instant;  now  that  we  are  in  the  war,  prosecute  it 
with  all  possible  vigor,  not  in  talk  but  in  acts;  treble  our  ships  upon 
her  coasts,  and  blockade  them  in  reality,  and  not  nominally,  as  is 
now  done  for  want  of  vessels;  threaten  her  from  Saltillo  and  Vera 
Cruz  with  armies,  each  of  twenty-five  thousand  men;  let  her  see  we 
are  determined  to  carry  everything  before  us;  and  you  may  rest 
assured  that  if  she  is  ever  going  to  make  peace,  she  will  do  it  then, 
and  not  till  then. 

The  sentiments  of  Mr.  Crittenden2  and  those  of  Joseph  R.  Inger- 
soll3  are  those  that  we,  the  workers  and  sufferers,  applaud.  Finish 
the  war,  and  then  give  it  to  the  Administration;  but  do  not  protract 
the  war  by  embarrassing  it,  and  leading  our  enemies  to  suppose  we 
are  distracted  in  council,  and  by  consequence  weak  in  moral  and 
physical  force. 

Tampico,  February  17,  1847. 
We  have  nothing  particularly  new.     It  is  well  ascertained  that 
the  troops  at  this  place  and  the  Brazos  are  destined  to  operate  against 

1  Daniel  Webster,  U.  S.  senator. 

2  John  J.  Crittenden,  U.  S.  senator. 

3  Joseph  R.  Ingersoll,  U.  S.  representative  in  Congress. 


182         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

Vera  Cruz,  and  only  await  transportation  to  sail  for  that  point. 
Ships  were  expected  here  by  the  15th  of  last  month.  The  delay  in 
their  appearance  is  unaccountable,  and  a  heavy  responsibility  must 
rest  on  the  shoulders  of  some  individual  or  department.  We  have 
now  been  lying  inactive  at  this  place  for  twenty-six  days,  ample 
time  to  have  proceeded  to  Vera  Cruz  and  taken  the  place;  for  when 
we  first  arrived  the  garrison  was  small  and  ill-provided,  and  would 
have  yielded  with  but  little  resistance.  As  it  is  now,  no  vessels  are 
yet  here,  the  enemy  is  daily  increasing  in  strength  and  means  of 
resistance,  and  the  season  of  the  vomito  is  rapidly  approaching.  We 
all  trust  to  see  transportation  here  in  ten  days,  and  are  most  anxious 
to  get  down  and  have  the  work,  which  must  be  done,  over. 

The  most  important  information  we  have  is  intelligence  received 
from  the  interior,  that  Santa  Anna,  finding  General  Taylor  left  with 
so  small  a  force  at  Saltillo  and  Monterey  (only  four  thousand  five 
hundred  volunteers  and  five  hundred  regulars),  has  advanced  on 
him  with  fifteen  thousand  men,  from  San  Luis,  and  sent  the  force 
from  Tula,  six  thousand  men,  to  operate  on  his  rear  and  cut  off  his 
communications  with  Camargo.  This  news  is  in  Mexican  journals 
of  the  3d  instant.  They  contain  also  Santa  Anna's  address  to  his 
troops,  telling  them  the  time  for  action  has  arrived,  and  they  are  to 
march,  to  drive  us  from  the  Rio  Grande,  or  die.  His  advance  of  two 
thousand  cavalry  has  captured  a  scouting  party  of  General  Taylor's, 
consisting  of  five  officers  and  sixty-five  men,  Kentucky  and  Arkansas 
cavalry,  at  a  place  about  forty  miles  from  Saltillo. 

Great  anxiety  is  felt  for  our  old  and  much-loved  commander, 
and  a  feeling  of  indignation  against  the  Government  for  stripping 
him  of  all  his  force  is  prevalent  throughout  the  army.  Should  any- 
thing happen  to  General  Taylor,  the  country  will  demand  the  reason 
for  his  being  left  in  the  most  exposed  point,  with  so  insufficient  a 
force. 

This  state  of  things  I  had  anticipated  as  soon  as  I  heard  that  so 
large  a  force  was  to  be  concentrated  here  and  General  Taylor  left 
with  so  small  a  one.  I  foresaw  that  the  Mexicans  would  exert  all 
their  energy  to  overwhelm  him,  as  the  weakest  point;  but  it  now 
appears  that  General  Scott's  despatches  to  him,  containing  a  full 
development  of  all  his  plans  and  exact  statement  of  forces,  were 
captured  on  the  person  of  Lieutenant  Richey,  of  the  Fifth  Infantry, 
who  was  cruelly  assassinated  in  Villa  Grande,  on  his  way  to  deliver 
them  to  General  Taylor.     He  had  an  escort  of  ten  dragoons,  but  un- 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  183 

wisely  separating  himself  from  them,  after  getting  into  the  town,  was 
waylaid  and  murdered.  So  that  Santa  Anna  knew  all  of  General 
Scott's  intentions,  almost  as  soon  as  General  Taylor,  and  has  made 
use  of  his  information  to  endeavor  to  overcome  him. 

If  General  Taylor  has  ample  supply  of  provisions,  he  can  fall 
back  on  Monterey  and  hold  it  against  the  whole  of  Mexico;  but  if 
he  has  not  full  supplies,  his  communications  will,  without  doubt,  be 
cut  off,  and  he  may  be  obliged  to  yield  for  want  of  provisions.  But 
where  is  his  assistance  to  come  from?  Is  General  Scott,  upon  rumor, 
going  to  break  up  his  force,  to  send  back  to  General  Taylor  troops 
just  drawn  from  him?  And  here  is  probably  the  solution  of  Santa 
Anna's  movements.  Knowing  the  organization  of  an  expedition  for 
Vera  Cruz,  on  the  seaboard,  he  advances  upon  General  Taylor.  If 
General  Taylor  is  reinforced,  he  hopes  it  will  break  up  the  expedition 
against  Vera  Cruz,  or  delay  it  till  such  time  as  the  vomito  will  appear. 
If  General  Taylor  is  not  reinforced,  he  will  throw  himself  with  his 
whole  force  on  him,  and  endeavor  to  drive  him  back  to  the  Rio  Grande. 
This  is  masterly  tactics,  and  our  blundering  has  thrown  the  game  into 
his  own  hands.  All  this  arises  from  our  not  having  one-half  the  num- 
ber of  men  in  the  country  that  we  ought  to  have.  When  will  the 
war  be  conducted  on  a  proper  scale?  and  when  will  the  Government 
call  out  troops  in  time?  Here,  in  two  months,  nine  thousand  vol- 
unteers will  go  out  of  service,  and  as  yet  not  a  step  is  taken  to  supply 
their  places,  and  when  we  take  Vera  Cruz,  we  will  have  no  force  to 
follow  up  our  success,  and  must  wait  some  six  months  before  another 
raw  army  is  assembled. 

Tampico,  February  19,  1847. 

I  wrote  to  you,  day  before  yesterday,  a  long  letter,  so  that  I  have 
but  little  to  tell  you  now.  General  Scott  has  not  yet  arrived,  though 
he  is  hourly  expected.  He  has  sent  orders  to  detain  and  charter  all 
the  vessels  that  may  arrive  here,  so  that  there  will  be  no  opportunity 
of  writing  after  to-morrow,  until  we  land  at  Vera  Cruz. 

Great  anxiety  still  prevails  on  account  of  General  Taylor.  Letters 
from  San  Luis  state  that  Santa  Anna  has  marched  on  him  with  over 
fifteen  thousand  men,  and  General  Taylor  cannot  muster  more  than 
five  thousand  irregulars.  A  rumor  was  brought  into  town  yesterday 
by  a  Mexican,  and  is  believed  by  the  Mexicans,  that  the  armies  had 
met  and  General  Taylor  had  routed  the  enemy.  But  the  report  is 
premature.    From  the  dates  on  which  we  know  Santa  Anna  to  have 


184  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

left  San  Luis,  he  has  not  had  time  to  reach  Saltillo,  much  less  fight 
a  battle  and  have  the  news  brought  here.  Still,  it  shows  the  ex- 
pectation of  the  Mexicans,  and  that  they  are  prepared  to  hear  of 
the  defeat  of  fifteen  thousand  of  their  best  troops  by  four  thousand 
of  our  volunteers.  God  grant  it  may  be  true,  and  that  the  old  hero 
has  again  come  off  victorious ! 

We,  at  this  place,  are  in  statu  quo.  Several  large  ships  have  ar- 
rived for  the  transportation  of  troops,  and  the  presumption  is  that 
we  shall  be  off  in  the  course  of  ten  days  or  two  weeks  for  Vera  Cruz, 
unless  General  Taylor  should  require  of  General  Scott  reinforcements, 
in  which  case  there  is  no  telling  what  will  be  done.  We  certainly 
have  laid  ourselves  open  to  attack;  our  force  is  too  small  to  operate 
on  one  line,  and  yet  we  are  attempting  to  hold  one  and  operate  on 
another.  General  Scott  may  leave  General  Taylor  to  his  fate,  in 
which  case  about  the  time  we  are  taking  Vera  Cruz  we  may  hear  of 
the  defeat  of  Taylor,  and  the  evacuation  of  the  country  by  our  troops 
to  the  Rio  Grande.     This  will  be  a  pretty  state  of  affairs. 

Tampico,  February  24,  1847. 

General  Scott  touched  here  a  few  days  ago  and  spent  twenty- 
four  hours.  He  seemed  to  be  quite  insensible  to  everything  but  his 
own  expedition,  and  although  the  strongest  representations  were 
made  to  him  of  the  critical  condition  in  which  we  believe  General 
Taylor  to  be,  he  only  answered,  "Men  of  straw,  men  of  straw  "  and 
took  no  further  notice.  God  grant  these  men  of  straw  may  not  throw 
upon  his  shoulders  a  responsibility  too  great  for  him  to  bear ! 

They  say  that  the  castle  is  the  apple  of  the  eye  of  the  Mexican 
nation;  that  they  know,  if  we  take  it,  we  will  blow  it  up,  and  it  will 
be  impossible  ever  to  rebuild  it,  it  having  cost  over  fifty  millions  of 
dollars,  and  that  they  will  make  any  sacrifice  to  save  it.  This  looks 
plausible,  and  I  trust  it  may  be  true,  for  if  Vera  Cruz  is  evacuated, 
we  can  march  at  once  into  the  interior,  and  thus  avoid  the  vomito, 
more  to  be  dreaded  than  a  dozen  Mexican  armies. 

General  Scott  has  gone  to  the  Island  of  Lobos,  about  forty  miles 
south  of  here,  where  there  is  comparatively  secure  anchorage,  and 
where  the  whole  fleet  of  transports  is  to  rendezvous.  Nearly  all  the 
troops  at  Brazos  had  embarked  when  he  left,  and  the  embarkation 
is  beginning  here. 

I  shall  go  with  General  Patterson,  in  the  course  of  a  few  days,  as 
soon  as  half  of  his  command  gets  off.     I  continue  well  and  in  good 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  185 

spirits.  I  have  enjoyed  myself  very  much  in  Tampico,  which  is 
really  an  agreeable  place,  after  the  towns  I  have  recently  been  in. 
The  officers,  about  a  week  since,  got  up  a  picnic  excursion  on  board 
a  steamboat,  which  they  induced  some  thirty  ladies  to  attend.  They 
were  mostly  the  wives  and  daughters  of  the  foreign  consuls,  though 
we  had  some  dozen  Mexican  ladies.  We  had  one  of  the  military 
bands,  and  went  some  twenty  miles  up  the  river,  dancing  on  the  deck 
of  the  steamer.  We  started  at  four  in  the  afternoon,  had  a  little 
supper  about  nine,  and  returned  to  town  by  twelve.     Altogether,  it 

was  a  very  pleasant  affair. 

February  26. 

It  blew  a  "Norther"  all  day  yesterday,  and  it  continues  to  blow 
so  that  no  vessel  can  leave  the  harbor.  Last  night  we  had  a  little 
hop  in  town,  gotten  up  by  some  of  the  young  foreign  residents.  It 
was  much  the  same  thing  as  one  sees  everywhere — a  well-lighted 
room,  good  music,  and  some  twenty-five  or  thirty  well-dressed  ladies, 
who  danced  and  waltzed  as  ladies  do  all  over  the  world.  The  novelty 
of  the  thing  was  agreeable  to  me,  and  with  those  ladies  who  could 
talk  French  or  English  I  passed  my  time  very  pleasantly,  but  to  the 
Mexican  girls,  you  may  well  imagine,  I  had  but  little  to  say.  There 
was  no  beauty,  and  the  prettiest  girl  would  not  have  been  noticed 
in  one  of  our  ball  rooms.  The  people  are  very  kindly  disposed  to- 
wards us,  and  were  they  not  afraid  of  the  return  of  the  Mexicans,  and 
being  compromised  by  civility  to  us,  they  would  be  very  hospitable. 
Even  as  it  is,  their  love  of  amusement  overcomes  their  fears,  and  we 
had  more  Mexican  girls  last  night  than  we  had  at  the  picnic.  We 
were  all  in  good  spirits,  because  information  was  received  in  the  after- 
noon that  an  agent  from  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  bear- 
ing new  propositions,  had  been  landed  by  the  "Potomac"  at  Vera 
Cruz,  and  had  reached  the  City  of  Mexico,  and  that  so  important 
were  his  despatches  deemed,  an  express  had  been  sent  to  Santa  Anna 
for  his  advice.  This  agent  is  said  to  be  Senor  Atocha,  a  Mexican 
who  was  expelled  from  his  country  some  years  ago,  but  is  said  to  be 
in  the  confidence  of  Santa  Anna.  Rumor  says  his  proposition  is  to 
take  the  twenty-sixth  degree  of  latitude  for  our  Southern  boundary, 
and  dropping  all  claims  against  Mexico,  we  pay  them  fifteen  millions 
of  dollars.  This  is  giving  us  a  monstrously  big  slice  of  the  Republic, 
but  they  are  in  such  a  desperate  condition,  I  should  not  be  astonished 
if  the  fifteen  millions  bought  them  over.  At  any  rate,  we  hope  so, 
and  peace  is  much  talked  of. 


186         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

No  intelligence  from  Santa  Anna's  army,  though,  at  the  last 
accounts,  he  was  within  a  day's  march  of  General  Taylor,  and  a 
battle  was  looked  for  hourly.  God  grant  the  old  General  may  whip 
him! 

February  27. 
The  weather  continues  unfavorable  for  the  departure  of  the 
vessel  that  is  to  carry  the  mail.  This  is  bad  luck  for  us,  as  it  stops 
the  shipping  of  the  troops,  and  every  day  is  of  the  utmost  importance. 
No  news  from  General  Taylor,  though  the  Mexicans  have  a  rumor 
that  Santa  Anna's  cavalry  made  a  night  attack  on  him,  and  were 
most  signally  repulsed.  We  are  in  the  greatest  state  of  anxiety  to 
hear  the  result,  as  we  are  now  certain  that  Santa  Anna  has  thrown 
himself  with  his  whole  force  upon  him. 

February  28. 

I  expect  I  shall  leave  before  my  letter,  for  it  is  arranged  that  we 
go  to-morrow,  early  in  the  morning,  in  the  steamship  "Alabama," 
one  of  the  best  steamers  in  the  service,  and  the  mail  will  not  probably 
leave  till  the  day  after.  You  may  therefore  get  later  intelligence 
than  I  can  give  you.  Our  anxiety  about  General  Taylor  still  con- 
tinues, as  we  hear  nothing  beyond  the  report  I  gave  you  yesterday, 
that  he  had  repulsed  a  night  attack  of  cavalry.  As  to  Vera  Cruz,  we 
are  in  a  perfect  state  of  ignorance.  One  day  we  hear  that  it  is  aban- 
doned, the  next  that  it  has  a  garrison  of  fifteen  thousand  men;  so 
that  you  really  know  not  what  to  believe.  My  impression  is  that  we 
shall  meet  with  resistance,  which  we  will  successfully  overcome;  and 
such  being  the  case,  as  I  told  you  before  we  reached  Monterey,  the 
more  they  have  there  the  better.  We  are  going  perfectly  prepared, 
having,  I  understand,  forty  pieces  of  heavy  artillery,  besides  forty 
large  mortars;  and  the  place  is  to  be  taken  scientifically — that  is, 
with  the  least  possible  loss  of  life.  I  feel  perfectly  confident  of  suc- 
cess; we  can  take  the  town  without  much  trouble,  and  the  castle 
we  will  starve  out. 

If  General  Taylor  whips  Santa  Anna,  as  I  hope  he  will,  and  be- 
lieve he  will  till  I  hear  the  reverse,  and  we  take  Vera  Cruz,  I  think 
there  will  be  some  hope  of  peace. 

We  leave  to-morrow  for  Lobos.  It  will  be  some  time  before  all 
the  troops  rendezvous  there,  and  then  we  have  to  go  to  Anton  Li- 
zardo,  about  eighteen  miles  below  Vera  Cruz,  where  it  is  proposed  to 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  187 

land;  so  that  it  will  be  some  weeks  before  we  can  invest  the  place. 

I  tell  you  this,  that  you  may  not  be  anxious  at  not  hearing  of  any 

result. 

Steam  Transport  "Alabama," 

Harbor  op  Anton  Lizardo,  March  8,  1847. 

I  wrote  you  from  Tampico,  just  previous  to  our  embarkation 
for  this  place.  We  dropped  down  to  the  bar  of  Tampico  on  the  1st 
instant,  but  did  not  get  over  it  till  the  evening  of  the  2d.  We  had  a 
pleasant  voyage,  except  on  the  4th,  when  we  had  a  violent  "Norther," 
lasting  the  whole  day;  but  our  ship  behaved  most  beautifully,  and 
we  reached  this  anchorage  on  the  morning  of  the  5th.  During  that 
day  the  whole  fleet  from  Lobos  came  in,  and  by  evening  we  had  some 
seventy  sail  of  all  kinds.  On  the  6th,  General  Scott,  with  all  the 
general  officers  of  the  army,  accompanied  by  the  Engineer  and  Topo- 
graphical Engineer  staff,  went  with  Commodore  Connor  on  board 
one  of  the  small  naval  steamers,  to  make  a  reconnoissance  of  the 
coast,  with  a  view  to  selecting  a  suitable  point  for  landing.  We 
coasted  along  quietly  till  we  came  to  Sacrificios,  when  we  went  in 
to  take  a  view  of  the  town  and  castle.  In  doing  this  we  went  within 
one  and  a  quarter  miles  of  the  castle,  when  it  opened  its  batteries 
on  us  and  fired  some  eleven  shells;  luckily  quite  ineffectually,  they 
either  falling  short  or  going  over  our  heads.  This  operation  I  con- 
sidered very  foolish;  for,  having  on  board  all  the  general  officers  of 
the  army,  one  shot,  hitting  the  vessel  and  disabling  it,  would  have 
left  us  a  floating  target  to  the  enemy,  and  might  have  been  the  means 
of  breaking  up  the  expedition.  It,  however,  proved  the  determina- 
tion of  the  enemy  to  resist,  and  all  are  now  of  the  opinion  that  hard 
fighting  alone  will  give  us  the  place.  Yesterday,  the  7th,  prepara- 
tions were  being  made,  and  orders  issued,  with  reference  to  landing, 
and  it  was  intended  to  make  the  descent  to-day  at  Sacrificios;  but 
the  usual  indications  of  a  "Norther"  being  so  strong,  the  debarka- 
tion was  postponed  for  the  present. 

It  is  intended  to  disembark  at  Sacrificios,  out  of  range  of  the 
enemy's  guns,  and  then  establish  a  camp  around  the  town,  so  as  to 
cut  off  all  communication  with  the  interior.  The  enemy's  works 
will  then  be  examined,  and  suitable  points  selected  for  trenching  the 
walls.  Regular  approaches  will  then  be  made  to  within  three  hun- 
dred yards,  where  our  trenching  batteries  will  be  established  and  the 
walls  knocked  down.  The  town  will  then  be  accessible,  and  once 
within  its  walls,  in  possession  of  a  single  house,  and  they  are  ours. 


188         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

We  have  not  the  slightest  doubt  of  our  sure  and  ultimate  success, 
and  it  is  supposed  that  it  will  not  occupy  more  than  four  or  five  days 
to  take  the  town;  the  castle  will  be  a  work  of  time,  and  in  my  opin- 
ion it  will  only  be  reduced  by  starvation.  The  length  of  time  it  will 
require  to  do  this  depends  upon  the  amount  of  supplies  they  may 
have  on  hand. 

So  much  for  our  operations.  Now  for  Mexican  reports.  Through 
the  medium  of  the  officers  of  the  English  men-of-war  stationed  at 
Sacrificios,  who  have  constant  intercourse  with  the  town,  we  are 
supplied  with  the  daily  files  of  the  "Locomotor/'  a  paper  published 
in  Vera  Cruz.  The  number  the  day  we  reached  here  was  full  of 
patriotic  bombast  as  to  the  defense  they  were  going  to  make,  and  gave 
an  account  of  a  young  women's  procession,  in  which  all  the  young 
and  beautiful  creatures  of  the  place  had  turned  out  with  shovels  to 
work  on  the  fortifications.  The  Englishmen  say  they  had  but  about 
six  thousand  men  in  town  and  castle,  though  La  Vega,  with  two  thou- 
sand men,  was  near,  and  daily  expected.  With  this  small  force  they 
cannot  make  very  great  resistance,  for  we  shall  have,  when  all  are 
landed,  between  thirteen  and  fourteen  thousand,  and  have  forty 
heavy  guns,  and  as  many  mortars,  with  which  we  shall  soon  make  the 
place  a  little  too  hot  for  them. 

But  the  most  interesting  information  in  the  newspaper  is  the 
official  report  to  the  Supreme  Government  of  Santa  Anna,  announcing 
a  two-days'  fight  with  General  Taylor,  near  Saltillo.  He  says  he 
found  General  Taylor  strongly  posted  at  a  pass  in  front  of  Saltillo; 
that  he  attacked  him  on  the  22d  of  February;  that  they  fought  all 
that  day  and  the  next,  on  the  evening  of  which  (the  23d)  he  was 
writing;  that  the  field  remained  to  his  army,  and  he  was  only  pre- 
vented from  routing  General  Taylor  by  the  great  strength  of  his 
position;  that  he  captured  three  pieces  of  artillery  and  two  standards; 
that  he,  himself,  has  lost  one  thousand  in  killed  and  wounded,  Gen- 
eral Taylor  having  lost  two  thousand;  and  after  recounting  all  these 
successes  and  General  Taylor's  great  loss,  he  says  that  the  necessity 
of  giving  proper  attention  to  his  wounded  will  compel  him  to  retire 
upon  Agua  Neuva,  nine  miles  distant,  and  if  he  there  finds  the  sup- 
plies he  has  ordered  up,  he  will  renew  the  attack.  This  is  about  the 
sum  and  substance  of  his  report,  with  the  addition  of  much  bombast 
about  the  heroism  and  courage  of  his  soldiers,  and  the  great  sacri- 
fices they  have  undergone,  and  the  impossibility  of  expecting  such 
conduct  unless  they  are  properly  fed  and  paid. 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  189 

The  conclusion  from  his  report,  making  due  allowance  for  the 
usual  amount  of  falsehood  in  such  documents,  is  that  he  attempted 
for  two  days  to  overwhelm  General  Taylor,  but  has  been  foiled,  and 
so  badly  handled  as  to  be  compelled  to  give  up  the  effort  and  retire. 

If  you  have  received  my  previous  letters  from  Tampico,  you  will 
find  I  have  been  aware  for  some  time  of  his  critical  condition  (Gen- 
eral Taylor's)  and  have  had  the  greatest  anxiety.  I  am  now  sure 
that  when  his  account  is  received,  it  will  be  found  he  has  sustained 
himself  nobly,  and  has  made  a  proper  commentary  on  the  shameful 
conduct  of  the  House  of  Representatives  on  the  vote  of  thanks. 

If  General  Taylor  had  lost  two  thousand  men  (nearly  one-half 
his  force)  and  three  pieces  of  artillery,  and  the  enemy  is  in  possession 
of  the  field  (which  was  his  great  defense,  his  position),  how  is  it  pos- 
sible that  Santa  Anna,  losing  only  one-fifteenth  of  his  force,  did  not 
rout  him,  or  at  least  oblige  him  to  retreat? — whereas  he  acknowledges 
that  the  action  is  undecided,  and  that  he  is  compelled  to  delay  its 
final  decision  till  he  can  get  supplies  for  his  wounded.  But  if  in  pos- 
session of  the  field,  with  an  enemy  who  had  lost  one-half  his  force, 
retiring  from  him,  why  not  wait  those  supplies  on  the  field,  and  not 
carry  his  wounded  nine  miles?  But  the  inference  is  evident:  he  is 
not  in  possession  of  the  field;  he  could  not  dislodge  General  Taylor, 
and  owing  to  his  failure  is  compelled  to  retire  nine  miles,  knowing 
General  Taylor's  force  is  too  small  to  follow  him  that  distance.  We 
therefore  consider  it  a  victory,  and  the  pieces  of  artillery,  we  pre- 
sume, is  some  advanced  battery  of  General  Taylor's,  which  he  was 
compelled,  from  superior  numbers,  to  abandon.  Santa  Anna  says 
that  it  was  composed  of  one  four-pounder  and  two  six-pounders. 
Now,  General  Taylor  had  a  Texas  four-pounder,  manned  by  Illinois 
volunteers,  and  it  is  possible  that  this  battery,  being  in  front  or  in 
some  exposed  position,  may  have  fallen  into  the  enemy's  hand.  But 
General  Taylor  has  maintained  his  position  and  compelled  Santa 
Anna  to  retire,  and  this  was  more  than  was  expected  of  him,  for  we 
all  thought  that  he  would  have  to  retire  to  the  fortifications  of  Mon- 
terey, whereas  the  old  hero  went  out  in  front  of  Saltillo,  and  with 
only  five  thousand  men  (four  thousand  five  hundred  of  them  volun- 
teers) has  beaten  back  Santa  Anna,  with  the  whole  of  the  Mexican 
army,  over  fifteen  thousand  men  strong,  with  an  overwhelming  pre- 
ponderance of  heavy  artillery. 

We  can  detect  several  falsehoods  in  his  report,  such  as  General 
Taylor's  having  eight  thousand  men,  when  we  know  that  he  had  but 


190         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

five  thousand;  also  that  General  Taylor  had  twenty-six  pieces  of 
artillery,  when  we  know  that  he  had  but  eighteen;  and  we  attach  no 
consideration  to  his  estimate  of  General  Taylor's  loss,  as  he  can  have 
no  means  of  correctly  estimating  it. 

It  has  had  the  effect  to  put  us  all  in  good  spirits;  apprehension 
for  General  Taylor's  safety  is  now  removed,  and,  when  we  take  this 
place,  I  think  the  Mexicans  will  begin  to  think  matters  are  becoming 
serious. 

The  same  paper  also  gives  an  account  of  a  revolution  in  the 
capital,  gotten  up  by  the  clergy,  in  consequence  of  the  attempt  to 
force  a  loan  out  of  them.  The  account  says  that  they  fought  for 
three  days,  and  Gomez  Farias  is  overthrown,  in  consequence  of  his 
being  the  prominent  supporter  of  the  obnoxious  measure.  Still,  the 
editor  of  the  paper  says  both  parties,  however  they  may  differ  upon 
other  points,  are  agreed  upon  the  vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war, 
and  are  only  quarrelling  about  the  manner  in  which  the  means  shall 
be  raised.  We  also  understand  that  three  thousand  men,  under 
orders  for  Vera  Cruz,  refused  to  march,  averring  that  they  were  not 
afraid  of  the  Yankees,  but  would  not  expose  themselves  to  the 
vomito. 

What  is  going  to  come  out  of  all  this  no  one  can  tell.  The  agent 
of  whom  I  have  previously  written,  Senor  Atocha,  returned  some  ten 
days  ago.  He  was  much  dispirited,  and  pretty  much  gave  the  naval 
officers  to  understand  that  his  mission  had  failed,  and  if  we  under- 
stand it  correctly,  I  am  not  surprised.  Just  take  a  map  and  see 
what  an  immense  portion  of  Mexico  is  included  north  of  the  twenty- 
sixth  parallel  of  latitude,1  and  say  whether,  if  you  were  a  Mexican, 
you  would  consent  to  despoil  your  country  of  so  large  a  portion  of 
its  domain?  Until  the  Government  of  the  United  States  is  reason- 
able in  its  demands,  it  need  not  look  for  peace.  Mexico  must  be 
much  more  roughly  handled  than  she  has  been,  or  is  likely  to  be, 
before  she  will  accede  to  such  exorbitant  demands.  But  enough  of 
public  matters. 

I  have  given  you  all  the  news,  and  told  you  of  all  our  prepara- 
tions. In  a  few  days  we  shall  be  engaged  in  bombarding  and  batter- 
ing the  town,  and  with  the  blessing  of  God  I  will  give  you  a  long 
account  of  it. 

1  saw  on  board  the  "Raritan,"  flag-ship,  Lieutenant  Biddle,  who 
told  me  that  he  had  seen  you  late  in  January,  a  month  after  your 

1  The  twenty-sixth  parallel  of  latitude  passes  through  the  Brazos  de  Santiago. 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  191 

last  letter,  and  that  you  were  well.  He  had  been  at  a  party  at  your 
mother's,  he  said.  And  from  Tom  Turner,  on  board  the  "Albany," 
I  had  information  that  my  dear  mother,  who  had  been  seriously  ill, 
was  out  of  all  danger  and  getting  well.  So  that  I  feel  confident  that 
all  whom  I  love  are  safe  and  in  good  health.  I  have  also  met  here 
Henry  Bohlen,  who  is  volunteer  aide  to  General  Worth,  and  his 
letters  say  all  their  friends  are  well.  Bohlen  is  looking  very  well, 
and  quite  delighted  at  the  prospect  of  active  operations. 

My  own  opinion  is  that  they  will  make  no  resistance  to  our  land- 
ing, though  every  preparation  to  meet  such  an  emergency  has  been 
made.  General  Worth's  brigade  lands  first,  then  General  Patterson, 
with  whom  I  will  land,  and  then  General  Twiggs's  brigade.  We  will 
be  landed  by  the  navy  boats,  and  our  own  boats  manned  and  officered 
by  the  navy.  The  vessels  of  war  will  be  there  to  clear  the  landing, 
if  necessary.  As  soon  as  we  have  landed  we  will  take  a  position 
around  the  town,  or  in  military  parlance,  invest  it.  Many  suppose 
even  now  that  they  will  give  up  the  town  as  soon  as  they  see  our  force 
and  the  means  of  attack,  but  I  think  they  will  fight.  A  few  days 
now  will  tell  the  story.  I  am  confident  of  the  result,  and  feel  quite 
sanguine. 

Camp  before  Vera  Cruz,  March  13,  1847. 

I  write  you  a  few  lines  in  haste,  to  assure  you  of  my  health  and 
safety.  We  landed  on  the  9th  instant,  without  opposition;  but  on 
the  10th,  on  commencing  our  march  to  invest  the  town,  we  were 
met  by  a  small  party  of  infantry  and  cavalry,  which  we  quickly  and 
readily  drove  from  hill  to  hill  till  we  had  surrounded  the  town.  In 
this  operation  we  had  a  few  wounded,  but  the  enemy  suffered  quite 
severely,  having  many  killed  and  wounded.  Besides  this,  in  taking 
up  our  positions  we  were  directed  to  place  ourselves  beyond  the  range 
of  their  guns,  but  they  had  placed  some  in  such  a  position  that  part 
of  our  command  were,  from  the  nature  of  the  ground,  compelled  to 
place  themselves  under  their  long  range.  In  consequence  of  this  we 
have  had  a  few  men  wounded  and  Captain  Alburtiss,  of  the  Second 
Infantry,  killed.  This  is  our  only  loss,  and  he  is,  I  believe,  the  only 
officer  touched,  except  Lieutenant  Colonel  Dickinson,  South  Carolina 
Regiment,  who  received  a  slight  wound  in  the  breast,  and  Lieutenant 
Davidson,  Second  Infantry,  wounded  in  the  hand. 

We  have  now  invested  the  town  and  cut  off  all  communication 
with  the  interior.    Our  batteries  will  soon  be  placed,  and  then  the 


192  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

game,  which  has  been  altogether  on  the  enemy's  side,  will  begin  on 
ours.  The  enemy  are  about  five  thousand  strong  in  town  and  castle, 
strongly  fortified  with  artillery,  but  our  engineers  are  confident  that 
they  will  bring  them  to  terms. 

We  have  information  through  the  Vera  Cruz  papers,  that  Santa 
Anna  has  retreated  from  Agua  Nueva,  on  the  City  of  Mexico.  The 
inference  therefore  is  that  he  has  been  completely  whipped. 

Camp  before  Vera  Cruz,  March  25,  1847. 

You  will  have  heard  that  Commodore  Connor  has  been  relieved 
by  Captain  Perry.     He  returns  in  the  "  Princeton." 

I  have  but  little  intelligence  to  give  you,  beyond  the  fact  of  my 
safety  and  good  health  up  to  this  moment.  It  has  now  been  two 
days  since  a  battery  of  ten  mortars  was  opened  on  the  town,  which 
has  been  constantly  throwing  shells  into  it.  It  is  presumed  that  the 
damage  done  has  been  very  great,  and  several  houses  have  been 
burnt;  but  I  fear  all  the  injury  has  fallen  on  innocent  people,  non- 
combatants,  such  as  citizens,  women  and  children,  and  that  the  sol- 
diery have  not  been  touched.  Yesterday  a  battery  of  six  guns,  the 
pieces  of  which  came  from  the  navy,  and  which  was  officered  and 
manned  by  the  navy,  opened  on  the  town,  and  has  been  playing  for 
twenty-four  hours.  This  morning  a  battery  of  four  twenty-four- 
pounders  and  two  eight-inch  howitzers  was  also  opened,  and  hopes 
are  entertained  that  these  batteries  will  bring  the  town  to  terms. 
My  opinion,  however,  is  that  they  are  doing  but  little  damage  to 
the  enemy's  works  and  troops,  and  that  the  town  will  only  be  carried 
at  the  point  of  the  bayonet. 

Our  loss  has  been  trifling,  considering  the  great  exposure  of  our 
people.  Up  to  this  moment,  besides  the  losses  mentioned  in  my  last 
letter,  only  one  officer  has  been  killed,  Captain  J.  R.  Vinton,  of  the 
artillery,  who  was  killed  in  the  trenches.  Lieutenant  Baldwin,  of  the 
navy,  was  slightly  hurt  yesterday  at  the  naval  battery.  Besides 
these,  some  eight  or  ten  men  have  been  killed,  and  as  many  wounded; 
a  loss  most  small,  when  you  consider  that  we  have  some  thirteen 
thousand  men,  and  that  a  large  proportion  have  been  exposed  to 
the  heavy  firing  of  six  of  the  enemy's  batteries  for  nearly  a  week. 
But  we  have  been  enabled  by  the  advantages  of  the  ground,  and 
throwing  up  works,  to  protect  ourselves. 

For  my  individual  part  I  have  been  pretty  much  a  spectator  for  a 
week,  the  Corps  of  Engineers  having  performed  all  the  engineering 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  193 

that  has  been  done.  This  is  attributable  to  the  presence  of  Colonel 
Totten,  who  wishes  to  make  as  much  capital  for  his  own  corps,  and 
give  us  as  little,  as  possible.  My  great  regret  now  is  that  I  was  sepa- 
rated from  General  Taylor.  His  brilliant  achievement  at  Buena 
Vista,  exceeding  any  feat  ever  yet  performed  by  our  arms,  or  which 
ever  will  be,  I  should  have  gloried  to  have  shared  in,  and  regret  ex- 
ceedingly fate  should  have  decided  otherwise. 

Harry  Ingersoll  commanded  yesterday  the  gun  from  his  ship  in 
the  naval  battery.  He  had  several  men  killed  at  his  gun,  and  had 
his  hat  knocked  off,  besides  other  escapes;  but  I  saw  him  after  he 
was  relieved,  and  he  was  safe  and  sound.  This  opportunity  has 
been  afforded  the  navy,  owing  to  its  great  anxiety  to  do  something, 
and  there  being  no  opportunity  on  its  own  element. 


March  27,  1847. 

A  violent  "Norther"  prevented  the  "Princeton"  from  sailing 
yesterday,  and  it  has  turned  out  very  well,  for  yesterday  a  flag  came 
in  from  the  enemy,  asking  for  terms.  General  Scott's  reply  was 
prompt  and  conclusive:  Nothing  but  an  unconditional  surrender  of 
town  and  castle. 

They  made  some  demurring,  but  commissioners  have  been  ap- 
pointed on  both  sides,  and  are  at  this  moment  (10  a.  m.)  endeavoring 
to  arrange  terms  satisfactory  to  the  Mexicans.  It  is  evident  from 
this  fact  that  the  game  is  up  for  the  Mexicans;  the  town  is  ours 
beyond  a  doubt,  for  they  would  not  ask  for  terms  if  they  were  not 
willing  to  give  it  up. 

The  "Princeton"  will  wait  for  the  result,  and  you  will  hear  it  by 
her.  Should  they  not  come  to  General  Scott's  terms,  one  day  more 
will  give  us  the  town  by  force  of  arms,  and  then  we  will  go  to  work 
on  the  castle. 

I  cannot  write  more.  I  am  well  and  trust  in  God's  mercy  all 
will  come  out  right. 

I  regret  to  say  that  young  Schubrick,  of  the  navy,  was  killed,  day 
before  yesterday,  at  the  naval  battery.     His  mother  was  a  du  Pont. 

New  Orleans,  April  9,  1847. 
I  have  reached  thus  far  on  my  way  home,  having  been,  as  you 
will  see  by  the  enclosed  document,  ordered  to  Washington  by  Gen- 
eral Scott,  or  in  other  words  "honorably  discharged."    WThen  I  last 


194  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

wrote  to  you  (March  27th),  I  had  but  little  conception  that  any  such 
great  happiness  was  in  store  for  me;  but  our  good  friend  General 
Worth  (who  has  done  everything  in  his  power  to  convince  me  he 
had  no  agency  in  the  omission  in  his  report  of  the  paragraph  relating 
to  me)  represented,  without  my  knowledge,  to  General  Scott  the 
length  of  time  I  had  been  in  the  field,  and  the  faithful  services  I  had 
rendered.  General  Scott,  being  aware  that  I  did  not  legitimately 
belong  to  the  column  under  his  command,  at  once  said:  "If  Major 
Turnbull,  Chief  Topographical  Engineer,  will  say  Mr.  Meade's  ser- 
vices are  not  absolutely  necessary,  I  will  order  him  to  Washington." 
Major  Turnbull  said  that  I  was  unexpectedly  with  him,  that  I  did 
not  belong  to  his  detail,  and  consequently  he  had  officers  enough 
without  me.  The  order  was  therefore  issued,  of  which  I  send  you  a 
copy,  and  I  took  passage  on  the  31st  ultimo,  on  board  the  steamer 
"Alabama,"  expecting  to  be  here  some  six  days  ago.  But  she  was 
obliged  to  stop  at  Tampico,  where  we  remained  two  days,  and  also 
at  the  Brazos,  where  we  lost  a  day;  and  then  one  of  the  boilers  gave 
out,  just  as  we  crossed  the  bar  of  the  Mississippi,  and  detained  us 
twenty-four  hours  in  getting  up  the  river.  All  these  things  caused 
us  to  fail  in  reaching  here  before  last  evening. 

I  also  enclose  you  a  letter  addressed  to  the  Adjutant  General 
at  Washington,  by  which  you  will  perceive  that  the  error  with 
reference  to  myself  in  General  Worth's  report  is  disclaimed  as  in- 
tentional. 

What  will  you  say  to  my  return?  and  what  will  your  dear  father 
say?  I  will  frankly  acknowledge  that  I  had  a  most  anxious  time  in 
making  up  my  mind  what  to  do.  I,  however,  reasoned  that  it  was 
my  intention,  from  the  first  moment  I  left  you,  to  perform  my  duty 
and  remain  so  long  as  duty  required  me,  but  to  retire  whenever  I 
could  do  so  honorably,  and  I  could  not  retire  in  a  more  honorable 
manner  than  I  have  done. 

Again,  I  found  myself  at  Vera  Cruz  a  perfect  cipher,  the  major, 
three  captains  and  one  lieutenant  I  had  over  my  head  depriving  me  of 
any  opportunity  I  might  otherwise  have  of  distinction. 

Thirdly.  Though  I  have  said  and  written  nothing  about  it,  be- 
cause I  could  not  help  it,  yet  the  expenditure  of  my  whole  pay  while 
in  the  field,  and  leaving  you  without  any  share,  has  been  a  source  of 
mortification  to  me  greater  than  I  can  describe. 

Finally,  I  consulted  my  friends,  some  of  the  most  distinguished 
officers  of  the  army,  such  as  Lieutenant  Colonel  C.  F.  Smith  and 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  195 

Lieutenant  Colonel  Duncan,  General  Worth  and  others,  and  all  of 
them  advised  me  to  leave. 

The  above  were  the  reasons  influencing  me;  but  I  had,  neverthe- 
less, to  struggle  against  my  own  personal  inclination,  which,  I  frankly 
confess,  was  to  remain,  and  against  the  fear  that,  when  I  report  to 
Colonel  Abert,  he  may  either  send  me  right  back  to  General  Taylor, 
or  else  send  me  to  some  out-of-the-way  place,  where  my  separation 
will  be  almost  as  complete  from  you,  without  all  the  advantages  of 
being  with  an  army  in  the  field.  However,  I  will  hope  for  the  best, 
and  not  anticipate  evils;  but  I  sincerely  trust  that  both  yourself 
and  father  will  not  disapprove  of  the  step  I  have  taken.  I  do  not 
now  speak  of  the  happiness  we  both  shall  feel  at  being  reunited,  but 
I  speak  of  it  as  a  question  of  duty  and  honor,  and  with  reference  to 
future  interests. 

However,  for  better  or  worse,  here  I  am  on  my  way  back  to  you. 
I  shall  be  detained  here  two  days,  for  I  have  a  public  account  to  close 
in  bank,  and  I  am  literally  without  even  the  necessary  garments  to 
travel  in.  I  may  be  detained  a  day  in  Charleston,  and  shall  certainly 
be  one  in  Washington.  You  need  hardly  expect  me,  then,  before  the 
22d  or  23d,  though,  rest  assured,  I  shall  leave  no  exertion  unspared 
to  hasten  the  moment  when  I  shall  hold  you  and  my  ever  dear  chil- 
dren in  my  arms. 

I  forgot  to  say  that  I  had  seen  in  the  papers  my  brevet  for  Mon- 
terey, and  just  on  leaving  Vera  Cruz  got  your  letter,  referring  to  the 
same.  Of  course,  I  feel  complimented  and  gratified  at  any  notice 
being  taken  of  my  services,  and  am  truly  grateful  to  your  good  father 
for  the  exertion  of  his  good  offices  on  my  behalf.  I  will  soon  see  him, 
however,  and  return  my  thanks  in  person. 

On  Board  the  Mail  Steamer, 

In  the  River  Potomac,  April  20,  1847. 

We  are  within  a  few  miles  of  Washington,  and  I  write  these  few 
lines  to  inform  you  of  my  safe  arrival  thus  far.  Owing  to  our  taking 
a  boat  on  the  Alabama  River,  instead  of  the  mail  coach  from  Mobile, 
we  lost  a  day,  and  I  remained  a  day  in  Charleston,  to  transact  some 
business  with  individuals  residing  there.  This  has  put  me  back  two 
days,  so  that  I  shall  not  see  you,  as  I  hoped,  on  the  20th.  To-morrow 
I  must  remain  in  Washington,  to  report  to  Colonel  Abert  and  settle 
some  accounts  at  the  Department.  If  all  things  go  right,  I  hope  to 
leave  the  next  day  for  Philadelphia,  in  which  case  you  may  look 


196  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

for  me  to  dinner.  I  may  come  on  in  the  night  train,  but  I  am 
so  fatigued  with  traveling  at  night  that  I  now  propose  to  come 
in  the  day  line.1 

1  On  the  night  of  March  27  articles  of  capitulation  were  signed  and  exchanged, 
and  General  Scott  on  the  29th  took  possession  of  Vera  Cruz  and  the  castle  of 
San  Juan  d'Ulloa.  On  April  the  8th  General  Scott  began  his  advance  on  the 
city  of  Mexico,  and  after  defeating  the  Mexicans  at  Cerro  Gordo,  Jalapa,  Puebla, 
Contreras,  Churubusco,  and  Chapultepec  he  attacked  the  capital  and  entered  it 
September  14,  1847.  The  army  occupied  the  city  of  Mexico  until  the  treaty  of 
peace  was  signed,  February,  1848. 

The  following  served  with  the  army  in  Mexico  under  Generals  Taylor  and 
Scott  and  afterward  became  conspicuous  in  the  Civil  War  and  are  subsequently 
mentioned. 

UNITED  STATES  ARMY 

George  A.  McCall,  assistant  adjutant-general,  afterward  commanded  the 
Pennsylvania  Reserves  in  the  Federal  Army  of  the  Potomac. 

Joseph  Hooker,  assistant  adjutant-general,  afterward  commanded  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac  at  the  battle  of  Chancellorsville,  May,  1863. 

Irvin  W.  McDowell,  assistant  adjutant-general,  afterward  commanded  the 
Federal  forces  at  the  first  battle  of  Bull  Run,  July,  1861. 

Robert  E.  Lee,  captain  Engineer  Corps,  afterward  commander-in-chief  Con- 
federate States  Army,  and  commanded  the  Confederate  Army  of  Northern 
Virginia  at  the  battle  of  Gettysburg,  July,  1863. 

P.  G.  T.  Beauregard,  first  lieutenant  Engineer  Corps,  afterward  commanded 
the  Confederate  forces  at  the  battle  of  Shiloh,  April,  1862. 

George  B.  McClellan,  second  lieutenant  Engineer  Corps,  afterward  organizer 
and  commander  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac. 

Joseph  E.  Johnston,  captain  Topographical  Engineer,  afterward  commanded 
the  Confederate  forces  at  the  first  battle  of  Bull  Run,  July,  1861 ;  also  commanded 
the  Confederate  forces  opposing  General  Sherman's  March  to  Atlanta,  1865. 

George  G.  Meade,  second  lieutenant  Topographical  Engineers,  afterward  com- 
manded the  Army  of  the  Potomac  at  the  battle  of  Gettysburg,  July,  1863. 

John  Pope,  second  lieutenant  Topographical  Engineers,  afterward  commanded 
the  Federal  forces  at  the  battle  of  Cedar  Mountain,  August,  1862. 

Richard  S.  Ewell,  first  lieutenant  First  Regiment  of  Dragoons,  afterward 
commanded  the  Third  Corps,  Army  of  Northern  Virginia,  at  the  battle  of 
Gettysburg. 

George  Stoneman,  second  lieutenant  First  Regiment  of  Dragoons,  afterward 
commanded  the  cavalry  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  in  the  campaign  known  as 
"Stoneman's  cavalry  raid,"  May,  1863. 

Alfred  Pleasanton,  second  lieutenant  Second  Regiment  of  Dragoons,  afterward 
chief  of  cavalry  Army  of  the  Potomac,  at  the  battle  of  Gettysburg. 

Abner  Doubleday,  first  lieutenant  First  Regiment  of  Artillery,  afterward,  on 
the  death  of  General  Reynolds,  commanded  the  First  Corps,  Army  of  the 
Potomac,  at  the  battle  of  Gettysburg. 

William  H.  French,  first  lieutenant  First  Regiment  of  Artillery,  afterward 
commanded  the  Federal  forces  at  Harper's  Ferry  during  the  Gettysburg  cam- 
paign. 


MEXICAN  WAR  LETTERS  197 

Seth  Williams,  first  lieutenant  First  Regiment  of  Artillery,  afterward  as- 
sistant adjutant-general  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  at  the  battle  of  Gettys- 
burg. 

Ambrose  P.  Hill,  second  lieutenant  First  Regiment  of  Artillery,  afterward 
commanded  Third  Corps,  Army  of  Northern  Virginia,  at  the  battle  of  Gettys- 
burg, and  killed  at  the  battle  of  Petersburg,  April,  1865. 

Henry  J.  Hunt,  first  lieutenant  Second  Regiment  Artillery,  afterward  chief 
of  artillery  Army  of  the  Potomac  at  the  battle  of  Gettysburg. 

John  Sedgwick,  first  lieutenant  Second  Regiment  of  Artillery,  afterward 
commanded  the  Sixth  Corps,  Army  of  the  Potomac,  at  the  battle  of  Gettysburg, 
and  killed  at  the  battle  of  Spottsylvania  C.  H.,  May,  1864. 

Richard  H.  Rush,  second  lieutenant  Second  Regiment  of  Artillery,  afterward 
colonel  Sixth  Pennsylvania  Volunteer  Cavalry  (Rush's  Lancers),  Army  of  the 
Potomac. 

Braxton  Bragg,  captain  Third  Regiment  of  Artillery,  afterward  commanded 
Confederate  forces  in  the  Civil  War. 

Edward  O.  C.  Ord,  first  lieutenant  Third  Regiment  of  Artillery,  afterward 
commanded  the  Federal  forces  at  the  battle  of  Dranesville,  December,  1861. 

John  F.  Reynolds,  first  lieutenant  Third  Regiment  of  Artillery,  afterward 
commanded  the  left  wing  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  at  the  battle  of  Gettys- 
burg, and  killed  July  1,  1863. 

George  H.  Thomas,  first  lieutenant  Third  Regiment  of  Artillery,  afterward 
commanded  the  Federal  Army  of  the  Cumberland. 

Ambrose  E.  Burnside,  second  lieutenant  Third  Regiment  of  Artillery,  after- 
ward commanded  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  at  the  battle  of  Fredericksburg, 
December,  1862. 

John  Gibbon,  second  lieutenant  Fourth  Regiment  of  Artillery,  afterward 
commanded  the  Second  Corps,  Army  of  the  Potomac,  at  the  battle  of  Gettys- 
burg. 

George  Sykes,  first  lieutenant  Third  Regiment  of  Infantry,  afterward  com- 
manded the  Fifth  Corps,  Army  of  the  Potomac,  at  the  battle  of  Gettysburg. 

Ulysses  S.  Grant,  second  lieutenant  Fourth  Regiment  of  Infantry,  afterward 
commander-in-chief  United  States  Army  and  President  of  the  United  States. 

Lewis  A.  Armistead,  first  lieutenant  Sixth  Regiment  of  Infantry,  afterward 
commanded  a  brigade  in  "Pickett's  charge"  at  the  battle  of  Gettysburg  and  was 
wounded  and  died  within  the  Union  lines. 

Edward  Johnson,  first  lieutenant  Sixth  Regiment  of  Infantry,  afterward  com- 
manded a  division  in  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia  at  the  battle  of  Gettys- 
burg. 

Winfield  S.  Hancock,  second  lieutenant  Sixth  Regiment  of  Infantry,  after- 
ward commanded  the  centre  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  at  the  battle  of 
Gettysburg. 

Lafayette  McLaws,  first  lieutenant  Seventh  Regiment  of  Infantry,  afterward 
commanded  a  division  in  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia  at  the  battle  of 
Gettysburg. 

James  Longstreet,  first  lieutenant  Eighth  Regiment  of  Infantry,  afterward 
commanded  the  First  Corps,  Army  of  Northern  Virginia,  at  the  battle  of  Gettys- 
burg. 

George  E.  Pickett,  second  lieutenant  Eighth  Regiment  of  Infantry,  afterward 
commanded  a  division  in  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia  and  led  the  assault 
known  as  "Pickett's  charge"  at  the  battle  of  Gettysburg. 


198  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

UNITED  STATES  VOLUNTEERS 

Jefferson  Davis,  colonel  First  Regiment  Mississippi  Rifles,  afterward  President 
of  Confederacy. 

John  W.  Geary,  colonel  Second  Regiment  Pennsylvania  Volunteers,  afterward 
commanded  a  division  of  the  Twelfth  Corps,  Army  of  the  Potomac,  at  the  battle 
of  Gettysburg. 

Jubal  A.  Early,  major  Virginia  Volunteers,  afterward  commanded  a  division 
in  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia  at  the  battle  of  Gettysburg. 


PART  III 

NARRATIVE  FROM  THE  END  OF  THE  MEXICAN  WAR 
LETTERS  TO  THE  CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS 

1847-1861 

The  part  taken  by  Lieutenant  Meade  in  the  Mexican  War  is 
incidentally  well  indicated  by  the  preceding  letters.  That  his  ser- 
vices were  appreciated  by  his  immediate  superiors  is  amply  proved 
by  frequent  mention  of  him  in  their  official  reports.  As  to  the  gen- 
eral impression  which  his  character  and  ability  produced,  a  man  of 
sound  judgment  wrote  from  Washington:  "I  have  had  great  pleasure 
in  learning  here  accounts  of  Mr.  Meade,  the  same  as  you  mention; 
that  is  to  say,  that  he  is  in  high  estimation  in  the  army,  and  known  to 
everybody,  Lieutenant  Luther  spoke  of  him  to  Mrs.  Wise,  she  tells 
me,  as  a  most  efficient  officer,  much  consulted,  employed  and  relied 

upon.     Major appeared  to  me  very  shy  of  giving  him  credit 

on  fit  occasions.  For  instance,  I  heard  him  speak  of  General  Worth's 
operations  at  Monterey.  He  said  General  Worth  had  a  plan  or  map 
before  him,  of  positions,  routes,  etc.,  but  did  not  say  a  word  of  Mr. 
Meade,  who  probably  furnished  the  map,  and  at  all  events,  the  ma- 
terials for  it.  This  morning,  however,  he  showed  incidentally  in  a 
general  talk  we  had  about  military  matters  and  the  Topographical 
Corps,  that  he  knew  well  Mr.  Meade's  merits  and  his  distinguished 
position.  He  quoted  what  General  Worth  had  said  about  Mr. 
Meade's  value,  and  his  courage  and  bravery,  and  also  said  (whether 
from  General  Worth  or  himself  or  both,  I  do  not  know)  he  was  such 
a  gentleman.  He  told  me,  too  (but  this  must  be  kept  to  yourselves), 
that  he  had  seen  a  letter  of  General  Worth  to  the  government, 
speaking  in  very  high  terms  of  Mr.  Meade,  but  did  not  find  the  pas- 
sage in  the  public  despatch.  He  has  promised  to  show  me  all  the 
plans,  maps,  etc.  I  have  been  more  or  less  addicted  for  some  years 
past  to  a  sort  of  military  reading,  I  did  not  know  why;  but  now  find 
it  of  some  use,  if  cautious  not  to  make  any  pretensions  to  military 
knowledge.    There  is  one  fact  with  regard  to  Mr.  Meade,  not  now 

199 


200  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

so  fruitful  as  it  will  some  time  be,  worthy  of  Margaret's1  recollection, 
for  it  will  in  due  time  be  productive  of  results,  and  I  wish  her  to  re- 
member it.  By  universal  concession  the  corps  (Topographical)  has 
gained  greatly  in  public  favor  during  the  war  as  an  arm  of  importance. 
General  Taylor,  it  is  understood,  has  become  convinced  of  it,  though 
at  first  he  held  it  in  little  estimation.  You  observe,  too,  that  re- 
cently more  of  the  corps  (five)  have  been  sent  to  the  army,  and  it  is 
now  proposed  to  increase  its  force.  The  fact,  then,  I  refer  to  is  this, 
that  the  revolution  has  taken  place  when  Mr.  Meade  has  been  nearly 
the  whole  of  the  time  the  only  officer  of  the  corps  with  the  army,  to 
demonstrate  its  efficiency  and  thus  work  the  change  in  the  public 
mind.  He  has  certainly  been  the  chief  if  not  the  only  agent  in  bring- 
ing about  the  change.  I  am  more  than  satisfied,  indeed  gratified 
beyond  my  expectations,  by  the  character  he  has  acquired.  For  who 
could  have  supposed  that  with  his  low  grade,  and  singly,  by  his  own 
exertions,  in  a  comparatively  obscure  branch  of  the  service,  he  could 
in  so  short  a  time  have  done  so  much  for  himself  and  his  corps,  not 
by  any  chance  exhibition,  but  by  the  steady  employment  of  his  talents 
and  accomplishments  in  the  way  of  his  duty!" 

Lieutenant  Meade  duly  arrived  in  Washington,  and  upon  report- 
ing to  the  Bureau  of  Topographical  Engineers,  found  that  his  antici- 
pations of  being  reordered  to  Mexico,  or  being  doomed  to  some  out- 
of-the-way  post,  were  not  realized.  His  reception  was  of  the  most 
flattering  character,  and  much  to  his  gratification  he  was  directed  to 
proceed  to  Philadelphia  and  resume  his  duties  under  Major  Bache. 

The  cordial  welcome  extended  to  Lieutenant  Meade  by  his 
numerous  friends,  and  the  honors  paid  him  by  his  fellow-citizens  of 
Philadelphia,  greatly  enhanced  the  pleasure  he  derived  from  his  long- 
wished-for  return  to  his  home  and  family.  Among  many  other 
marks  of  recognition  of  his  services,  he  was  presented  by  some  of  his 
fellow-citizens  with  a  beautiful  and  costly  sword,  as  a  tribute  to  his 
gallant  conduct  in  the  several  actions  in  Mexico. 

He  was  soon  at  work  assisting  Major  Bache  in  the  construction 
of  the  Brandywine  light-house  in  Delaware  Bay,  and  in  making  a 
survey  on  the  Florida  Reef,  and  remained  thus  employed  until  Sep- 
tember, 1849,  when,  the  services  of  a  topographical  engineer  being 
required  in  Florida,  he  was  selected  for  the  duty  and  ordered  to  report 
to  Brevet  Major-General  Twiggs,  at  Tampa. 

The  remnant  of  the  tribe  of  Seminole  Indians,  which  still  occu- 
1  Wife  of  Lieutenant  Meade. 


NARRATIVE  201 

pied  parts  of  Florida,  had,  after  faithfully  keeping  for  seven  years 
the  treaty  made  with  them  in  1842,  by  General  Worth,  become  dis- 
satisfied, and  in  the  summer  of  1849,  had  shown  indications  of  an 
approaching  outbreak.  Several  murders  had  been  committed  by 
them,  and  the  citizens  living  in  that  district  had  become  alarmed 
and  compelled  to  fly  from  their  homes,  and  for  a  while  it  looked  as  if 
another  Florida  war  were  imminent. 

General  Twiggs  had  been  ordered  to  assume  command  at  Tampa, 
with  instructions  to  adopt  such  measures  as  might  be  needful  to 
secure  the  frontier  or  to  punish  the  Indians.  It  was  to  assist  in  this 
duty  that  Lieutenant  Meade  had  been  ordered  to  join  the  command. 
Judging  from  previous  experience  with  General  Twiggs,  he  did  not 
anticipate  a  pleasant  tour  of  duty.  He  had  served  with  that  officer 
in  the  advance  of  General  Taylor's  army  from  Corpus  Christi  to  the 
Rio  Grande,  in  1846,  and  owing  to  some  unpleasant  passages  occurring 
at  that  time  no  good  feeling  existed  between  them. 

He  reported  to  the  general  in  October,  at  Fort  Brooke,  and  his 
reception  is  described  as  of  the  most  formal  character.  The  gen- 
eral, after  giving  him  instructions,  inquired  of  him  what  outfit  he 
needed,  and  was  much  surprised  at  his  modest  demand  for  "  two  men 
and  a  mule." 

His  orders  were  to  make  a  reconnoissance  of  the  country  so  as  to 
put  the  general  in  possession  of  sufficient  topographical  knowledge 
to  enable  him,  if  it  became  necessary,  to  move  his  troops  with  facility. 
He  was  also  instructed  to  select  the  sites  for  a  line  of  forts  on  the  best 
route  between  Fort  Brooke  at  Tampa,  and  Fort  Peirce  at  Indian 
River,  on  the  east  coast  of  Florida. 

He  set  to  work,  as  he  always  did,  to  execute  what  he  had  to  do 
in  the  most  expeditious  and  thorough  manner.  The  promptness 
with  which  he  furnished  the  required  information,  the  excellence  of 
his  work,  and  the  completeness  of  his  reports,  soon  attracted  the 
attention  of  General  Twiggs,  who  remarked  to  his  adjutant-general: 
"Meade  is  doing  good  work  and  putting  on  no  staff  airs.  Order  the 
quartermaster  to  send  him  a  proper  outfit  and  make  him  comfort- 
able." This  being  done,  Lieutenant  Meade  for  some  time  supposed 
that  he  was  indebted  for  it  to  the  kindness  of  his  personal  friend,  the 
adjutant-general,  Brevet  Major  William  W.  Mackall,  and  was  much 
surprised  to  learn  from  that  officer  that  it  had  been  done  at  the 
instance  of  the  general  himself. 

There  had  been  some  preliminary  surveys  made,  previous  to 


202         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

Lieutenant  Meade's  arrival,  for  the  site  of  the  first  post  on  the  line 
described  between  the  western  and  eastern  coasts  of  Florida.  One 
of  the  results  of  his  survey  was,  however,  the  indication  of  another 
point,  on  Peas  Creek,  as  the  true  position  for  the  post.  Thereupon 
a  lively  discussion  having  arisen  on  the  question,  General  Twiggs 
finally  made  a  personal  examination  of  the  ground,  which  led  to  his 
confirming  Lieutenant  Meade's  selection,  and  as  a  recognition  of  his 
judgment  in  the  special  case,  and  of  his  general  good  service  and  con- 
duct, he  caused  the  post  to  be  named  Fort  Meade. 

The  Indian  troubles  were  settled  without  any  military  move- 
ments, and  the  duty  for  which  Lieutenant  Meade  had  been  ordered 
to  Florida  having  been  accomplished,  he  was,  in  February,  1850, 
relieved  by  General  Twiggs  in  a  very  complimentary  order  and  in- 
structed to  report  to  the  Bureau  of  Topographical  Engineers,  and  by 
it  remanded  to  his  old  station  in  Philadelphia. 

He  here  continued  with  Major  Bache  until  the  completion  of 
the  Brandywine  light-house  in  the  summer  of  1851.  Then,  under 
instructions  from  the  bureau,  he  assumed  charge  of  the  building  of 
the  light-house  on  Carysfort  Reef,  Florida,  a  very  important  and 
difficult  work,  which  had  been  in  charge  of  Major  Linnard,  of  the 
Corps  of  Topographical  Engineers,  during  the  winter  until  his  sudden 
death  in  the  spring  of  1851,  whereupon  the  duty  of  continuing  its 
construction  was  assigned  to  Lieutenant  Meade. 

The  continuation  of  the  construction  of  the  Carysfort  Reef  light- 
house, Florida,  was  the  first  work  of  the  kind  in  which  Lieutenant 
Meade  was  in  charge,  although  he  had  had  some  experience  of  that 
sort  of  construction  while  serving  in  a  subordinate  capacity.  This 
was  the  beginning  of  an  employment  in  that  branch  of  the  service 
for  several  years. 

At  that  date,  1851,  the  construction  of  light-houses,  as  to  variety 
of  structure  to  support  the  light,  adaptation  to  ground,  and  lighting 
apparatus  itself,  was  in  its  infancy.  Knowledge  of  these  matters, 
be  it  understood,  was  not  exactly  in  its  infancy,  nor  was  there 
wanting,  as  had  been  even  then  proved,  plenty  of  ability  in  adopting 
the  best  appliances  known,  and  in  adapting  them  to,  or  modifying 
them  for,  any  possible  existing  conditions.  But  within  only  a  re- 
cent period,  when  it  was  felt  that  the  time  had  arrived  for  a  national 
system  of  lighting  the  coasts,  the  building  and  lighting  of  houses  had 
been  executed  in  an  obsolete  and  a  desultory  fashion.  In  the  mat- 
ter of  lighting  apparatus  alone,  many  light-houses  still  had  the  old- 


NARRATIVE  203 

fashioned  reflecting  apparatus,  modern  only  as  compared  with  the 
immemorial  ancient  beacon  fire.  It  was  no  longer  ago  than  1827 
that  Fresnel  had  died,  after  having,  through  his  discoveries,  within  a 
few  years  of  his  death,  revolutionized  the  whole  system  of  lighting. 
His  improvements,  added  to  by  those  of  the  Stevensons  and  others, 
had  by  1850  rendered  the  system  of  lighting  apparatus  perfect.  We 
had  acquired  power  over  the  whole  range  of  artificial  light,  could 
reflect  and  refract  it,  combine  the  reflecting  and  refracting  systems, 
and  even  treat  it  so  that  there  should  be  no  waste.  The  screw-pile 
and  the  hydraulic-pile  had  also  been  invented  and  applied  to  the 
construction  of  the  foundation  of  towers,  and  great  works  in  masonry 
had  been  executed  for  light-houses  on  the  coast  of  England,  so  that 
splendid  examples  had  been  afforded  of  the  possibilities  of  light-house 
construction  in  various  localities.  But  the  Light-House  Board  of 
the  United  States  was  not  organized  until  August,  1852,  so  at  the 
period  when  Lieutenant  Meade  took  charge  of  the  construction  of 
the  Carysfort  Reef  light-house  he  entered  upon  the  work  under 
the  direction  of  the  chief  of  his  corps,  Colonel  Abert,  to  help  acquire, 
not  to  benefit  by,  the  experience  which  now,  by  this  date,  has,  under 
the  auspices  of  the  Light-House  Board,  perfected  the  light-house 
system  of  the  United  States.  He  came  admirably  equipped  for  the 
work,  through  his  general  training,  through  special  training  in  such 
work  in  the  office  of  Major  Bache,  through  the  special  aptitude  which 
he  had  for  it,  and  through  the  zeal  with  which  he  always  threw  him- 
self into  anything  that  came  within  the  line  of  his  duty. 

Although  late  in  the  season  of  1851  for  operations  in  a  semi- 
tropical  climate,  Lieutenant  Meade  at  once  proceeded  to  Florida 
and  took  charge  of  the  construction  of  Carysfort  Reef  light.  Hence- 
forth, for  several  years,  his  duties  in  light-house  construction  neces- 
sitated his  travelling  constantly  from  point  to  point  on  the  coast 
and  brief  sojourns  there.  Although  himself  precluded  from  enjoy- 
ing the  comforts  and  solace  of  a  settled  home,  he  determined,  in  the 
interest  of  his  young  children,  that  home,  with  all  that  it  ought  to 
imply  of  education,  good  habits,  and  formation  of  friendships  in 
early  life,  should  not  be  wanting  to  his  family.  Accordingly  he  de- 
cided that  the  family  should  continue  to  live  in  Philadelphia,  which 
offered  advantages  so  signal  for  education  and  comfort,  and  where, 
besides,  they  were  surrounded  by  relatives  and  friends,  the  already 
wide  family  circle  having  been  even  lately  increased  by  the  presence 
of  his  aged  mother,  who  had  removed  from  Washington  to  take  up 


204         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

her  permanent  residence  in  Philadelphia.  Thus  he  had  been  favor- 
ably placed,  occupying  the  same  house  which  he  had  taken  soon  after 
being  ordered  to  duty  with  Major  Bache  in  1843,  and  for  the  last  three 
years  enjoying  the  society  of  his  mother,  who  lived  in  her  own  house 
only  a  short  distance  from  his.  The  unmarred  serenity  of  this  life 
was  destined  to  be  rudely  broken  about  this  period  by  death  in  the 
family.  In  1852  he  and  his  wife  experienced  a  great  shock  in  the 
death  of  his  mother  and  of  her  father.  His  affection  for  his  mother 
had  been  very  deep.  A  mere  boy  at  the  time  of  his  father's  death, 
doubtless  it  had  been  intensified  by  increased  maternal  tenderness 
at  that  period.  But  whatever  the  cause,  the  tie  was  an  unusually 
close  one,  maintained  on  both  sides  with  the  most  touching  con- 
stancy. She  died  on  the  22d  of  March,  1852.  The  death  of  Mr. 
Sergeant,  closely  following  on  the  25th  of  November  of  the  same 
year,  was  also  a  severe  blow  to  his  daughter,  and  as  well  to  his  son- 
in-law,  whom  he  had  made  doubly  his  son  by  reposing  in  him  a  con- 
fidence scarcely  exceeded  by  his  own  mother's.  Mutually  apprecia- 
tive of  each  other,  Mr.  Sergeant,  to  the  day  of  his  death,  continued  to 
entertain  the  favorable  opinion  which  he  had  early  expressed  as  to 
his  son-in-law's  capacity,  and  his  son-in-law  in  his  turn  had  firm  faith 
in  and  reliance  on  Mr.  Sergeant,  who,  though  retired  from  active 
participation  in  public  affairs  on  account  of  years  and  increasing  in- 
firmities, died  full  of  honors.  In  the  years  to  come  when  the  young 
lieutenant  of  Topographical  Engineers  had  risen  to  the  command 
of  a  great  army,  had  won  a  splendid  victory  against  an  enemy 
flushed  with  constant  success,  and,  at  the  zenith  of  his  fame,  was  re- 
ceiving the  plaudits  of  his  countrymen,  he  was  heard  to  say  that  he 
could  have  wished  that  these  two  were  present  to  see  that  he  had 
not  proved  unworthy  of  their  faith. 

On  August  4th,  1851,  Lieutenant  Meade  received  his  promotion 
as  first  lieutenant  of  Topographical  Engineers. 

From  the  manuscripts  and  printed  matter,  comprising  letters 
and  reports  of  Lieutenant  Meade  and  reports  of  the  Light-House 
Board,  is  drawn  what  is  necessary  to  give  the  following  resume  of 
his  labors  on  light-house  construction. 

On  February  26,  1852,  we  find  him  writing  from  Carysfort  Reef 
to  Colonel  Abert,  reporting  that  the  temporary  illuminating  appa- 
ratus of  the  catoptric  kind,  to  be  used  while  awaiting  arrival  of  the 
dioptric  one,  would  be  ready  for  lighting  on  the  10th  of  March.  An 
absurd  contretemps  had  happened  regarding  the  dioptric  apparatus. 


NARRATIVE  205 

It  had  been  received  in  the  New  York  custom-house,  and,  remaining 
there  more  than  nine  months,  had  been  sold  to  the  highest  bidder. 
In  this,  Lieutenant  Meade's  first  report  regarding  light-house  mat- 
ters, he  discusses  the  various  apprehended  dangers  from  wind,  wave, 
and  atmosphere,  to  iron-pile  structures — a  discussion  suggested  by 
popular  prejudice  against  such  structures,  originating  in  popular 
misapprehension  of  the  differences  between  the  construction  and  the 
sites,  respectively,  of  Carysfort  Reef,  Florida,  and  Minot's  Ledge, 
Massachusetts,  where  a  light-house  had  been  destroyed  in  a  storm. 

In  August,  1852,  we  find  him,  upon  a  requisition  from  the  Light- 
House  Board,  supplying  information  regarding  the  Florida  light- 
houses at  Carysfort  Reef  and  Sand  Key  and  the  Sand  Key  light-ship. 
In  answer  to  a  request  conveyed  through  the  secretary  of  the  Light- 
House  Board,  he  gave  a  general  scheme  for  the  lighting  of  the  Florida 
Reef,  incidentally  discussing  the  kind  of  light-house  best  adapted  in 
his  opinion  to  the  purpose — one  whose  substructure  should  be  neither 
wholly  of  masonry  nor  wholly  of  piles,  but  a  combination  of  the  two, 
with  masonry  for  the  foundation  into  which  to  set  the  piles.  This 
would,  on  the  one  hand,  he  said,  avoid  the  great  first  cost  of  light- 
houses built  wholly  of  masonry  and,  on  the  other,  the  perishableness 
of  piles  in  contact  with  salt  water  and  air.  We  shall  see  later  that  he 
changed  his  opinion  as  to  the  character  of  light-house  best  adapted 
to  the  region,  and  frankly  confessed  it. 

In  August,  1853,  we  find  him  writing  to  Colonel  Abert  a  most 
interesting  account  of  Sand  Key  light-house,  designed,  all  but  the 
watch-room  and  lantern,  by  Civil-Engineer  I.  W.  P.  Lewis,  of  Boston. 
The  description  of  the  optical  phenomena  exhibited  by  the  particu- 
lar First  Order  Fresnel  apparatus  to  be  used  in  this  light-house  is 
noteworthy  for  its  clearness  of  expression  on  a  difficult  subject,  as  it 
has  the  precision  of  a  mathematical  treatise. 

An  interesting  episode  of  light-house  duty  occurred  in  connection 
with  the  Crystal  Palace  Exposition  in  1853.  A  First  Order  Fresnel 
lenticular  apparatus  intended  for  the  Cape  Hatteras  light-house,  was 
exhibited  at  the  exposition,  and  in  this  connection  we  have  a  letter 
from  Admiral  (then  Captain)  du  Pont  to  Lieutenant  Meade,  urging 
him  to  expedite  certain  routine  matters  and  come  if  possible  to  New 
York  to  confer  with  him  and  superintend  the  setting  up  of  the  appa- 
ratus in  the  Crystal  Palace.  This  apparatus  was  exhibited  for  the 
purpose  of  giving  popular  information  regarding  this,  at  that  period, 
comparatively  unknown  invention.    Full  notes  descriptive  of  the 


206         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

apparatus  are  among  Lieutenant  Meade's  papers,  in  his  handwriting, 
written  with  a  precision  and  clearness  that  would  have  entitled  them 
to  a  place  in  an  encyclopaedia.  They  were  evidently  made  out  (as 
is  shown  by  the  fact  that  they  were  found  with  a  slip  from  a  New 
York  newspaper  of  October  1,  1853,  embodying  the  same  information 
with  the  amplifications  that  a  newspaper  man  would  make)  for  the 
purpose  of  correctly  informing  the  writer  of  the  printed  article,  so 
that  he  in  turn  could  enlighten  the  public. 

In  October,  1853,  Lieutenant  Meade  reported  to  the  secretary  of 
the  Light-House  Board  that  the  light  at  Sand  Key  was  exhibited 
July  20th  for  the  first  time,  that  the  plans  and  estimates  for  a  beacon 
on  Rebecca  Shoal  were  made,  that  the  plans  and  estimates  for  a 
light-house  in  the  northwest  channel,  Key  West  Harbor,  were 
nearly  ready,  that  the  plans  and  estimates  for  light-houses  at  Cedar 
Keys  Coffin's  Patches  would  be  prepared  as  soon  as  possible  con- 
sistently with  due  care. 

In  December,  1853,  letters  passed  between  the  secretary  of  state, 
secretary  of  war,  and  the  chairman  of  the  Light-House  Board,  show- 
ing, on  the  one  part,  intention  to  withdraw  Lieutenant  Meade  from 
his  duties  in  light-house  construction  and,  on  the  other,  resistance  to 
accomplishment  of  that  intention.  His  usefulness  in  the  sphere  in 
which  he  was  acting  had  by  this  time  become  so  well  recognized  by 
the  Light-House  Board  that  the  intention  of  relieving  him  from  his 
duties  under  it  was  abandoned. 

In  January,  1854,  he  gave  full  plans  and  estimates  for  the  light- 
house to  be  erected  on  Sea  Horse  Key,  Florida,  discussing  the  char- 
acter of  the  lighting  apparatus,  the  physical  characteristics  of  the  key, 
and  the  question  of  the  title  to  the  land,  and  in  the  following  April 
sent  in  a  report  from  a  preliminary  examination  of  Coffin's  Patches, 
with  reference  to  the  erection  of  a  light-house  there.  In  that  con- 
nection he  retracts  his  opinion,  given  in  1852,  that  a  combination  of 
masonry,  upon  which  should  be  superposed  iron  piles,  would  be  the 
best  construction  for  such  places,  giving  the  maximum  stability,  and, 
although  greater  in  first  cost,  in  the  interest  of  true  economy.  He 
said  that,  if  for  no  other  reason  than  the  expense  of  the  light-house 
establishment  on  coasts  so  extended  as  those  of  the  United  States, 
they  would  not  be  warranted  in  adopting  that  plan.  But,  independent 
of  that,  he  said,  he  must  admit  that  he  had  acquired  more  faith  than 
he  had  had  in  the  durability  of  structures  on  iron  piles,  and  that 
experience  and  reflection  had  convinced  him  that  they  would,  with 


NARRATIVE  207 

proper  precautions,  last  as  long  as  the  superstructure  of  iron.  The 
matter  and  the  manner  of  this  and  similar  discussions  afford  admi- 
rable examples  of  Lieutenant  Meade's  habits  of  investigation  and 
careful  statement,  giving  due  weight  to  all  reasons  that  could  be 
adduced  for  or  against  a  project,  even  his  own,  neither  magnifying 
nor  slurring  over  any  point,  to  gain  a  purpose,  to  ride  a  hobby;  his 
purpose  being  single,  to  get  at  the  truth,  and  knowing  that  this 
often  presents  itself  as  many-sided.  Frankly,  if  the  conclusions 
which  he  had  reached  came  to  be  modified  or  reversed  in  his  own 
mind,  he  would  admit,  and  even  go  out  of  his  way  to  state  the  fact, 
so  as  not  to  mislead  by  leaving  on  record,  whether  verbal  or  written, 
what  misrepresented  the  views  which  he  finally  held.  This  action, 
growing  out  of  the  truthfulness  of  his  nature,  pervaded  everything 
he  said  and  did  in  his  daily  life. 

Among  Lieutenant  Meade's  papers  is  a  detailed  description  of  a 
lamp  invented  by  him  for  the  light-house  at  Sand  Key,  as  a  substi- 
tute for  the  Cancel  Lamp,  which  is  operated  by  clock-work  in  con- 
nection with  an  oil  pump.  This  pump,  the  chief  point  of  which  is 
its  having  its  reservoir  in  the  dome  of  the  light-house,  and  acting  by 
hydraulic  pressure,  is  perfectly  well  adapted  for  light-house  purposes 
in  climates  where  the  temperatures,  as  at  Sand  Key,  never  sink  very 
low. 

On  April  13,  Lieutenant  Meade  relieved  of  his  charge  of  the 
Fourth  Light-House  District  his  old  chief,  Major  Bache,  who  was 
ordered  to  the  Pacific  coast  on  light-house  construction,  and  from 
this  time  forward  to  the  end  of  the  term  of  his  light-house  duties,  he 
administered  the  affairs  of  both  the  Fourth  and  Seventh  Light-House 
Districts. 

Enough  has  been  said  to  show  that  in  this  portion  of  Lieutenant 
Meade's  work,  as  elsewhere,  he  applied  himself  diligently  to  his 
profession,  sparing  no  pains  in  the  performance  of  the  specific  duties 
devolved  upon  him.  When  he  was  relieved  from  duty  in  this  service 
by  Lieutenant  (now  Colonel)  W.  F.  Reynolds,  his  successor  in  light- 
house construction,  he  turned  over  to  him  May  31,  1856,  the  charge 
of  the  Fourth  and  Seventh  Light-House  Districts,  in  which  the  fol- 
lowing light-houses  were  either  in  process  of  construction  or  repair: 

Absecum,  New  Jersey;  Cross  Ledge,  Delaware  Bay;  Ship  John 
Shoal,  Delaware  Bay;  Brandy  wine  Shoal,  Delaware  Bay;  Reedy 
Island,  Delaware  River;  Rebecca  Shoal  Beacon,  Florida;  Jupiter 
Inlet,  Florida;  Coffin's  Patches,  Florida. 


208  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

Through  an  order,  of  April  24,  1856,  relieving  Lieutenant  Meade 
from  duty  in  the  light-house  service,  and  instructing  him  "to  report 
as  assistant  to  the  officer  in  charge  of  the  survey  of  the  lakes,"  he 
became  attached  to  that  work.  In  the  following  month — May  19 — 
he  was  promoted  captain  of  Topographical  Engineers  for  fourteen 
years  continuous  service;  and  by  Special  Orders  No.  70,  of  May  20, 
1857,  from  the  adjutant-general's  office,  Washington,  District  of 
Columbia,  Captain  Meade  was  assigned  to  duty  in  charge  of  the 
lake  survey. 

The  lake  survey,  begun  in  1841,  completed  in  1881,  and  but 
slightly  retarded  by  the  Mexican  War,  was  at  first  of  a  compara- 
tively rude  character,  not  deserving  the  name  of  geodetic.  It  lacked 
methods  of  precision  and  was  greatly  hampered  by  want  of  proper 
instruments,  astronomical  and  others.  Nothing  much  was  possible 
at  the  beginning,  with  an  initial  appropriation  of  only  $15,000,  and 
but  small  appropriations  following,  while  a  vast  expanse  of  country 
had  to  be  surveyed,  of  which  it  was  desirable,  owing  to  the  entire 
absence  of  surveys  over  it,  to  embrace  as  large  an  area  as  possible 
in  the  least  possible  time.  This,  among  the  other  causes  mentioned, 
led  to  an  inadequacy  which  had  to  be  remedied  in  the  future.  The 
surveys  at  the  very  beginning  were  what  were  not  long  afterward 
regarded  as  of  no  higher  grade  than  fine  reconnoissances,  and  were 
eventually  revised  with  new  and  proper  instruments,  and  methods 
of  the  utmost  precision. 

With  increased  appropriations  and  the  ability  which  these  give 
to  furnish  proper  appliances,  the  survey  rapidly  assumed  the  char- 
acter of  a  geodetic  survey,  measuring  its  bases  with  the  best  appa- 
ratus, determining  its  latitudes,  longitudes,  and  azimuths  with  ap- 
proved instruments  and  methods.  These  included  the  hypsometry 
and  the  meteorology  of  the  country,  the  magnetic  declination,  dip, 
and  intensity,  the  changes  of  water-level,  the  set  of  currents;  and  in 
short,  all  those  departments  which  belong  to  a  geodetic  survey  of  the 
first  class. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  survey,  in  1841,  the  upper  lake  region 
was  only  sparsely  occupied;  but  settlers  were  beginning  to  pour  in, 
and  commerce  was  increasing  among  the  lake  ports.  At  this  time, 
the  waters  of  all  the  lakes  were  but  imperfectly  known,  leading  yearly 
to  much  loss  of  life  and  property  upon  them.  There  were  no  charts 
of  the  shores  of  the  lakes,  except  those  derived  from  reconnoissances 
made  by  Captain  Bayfield,  of  the  British  navy,  and  these,  giving  the 


NARRATIVE  209 

depth  of  water  only  in  isolated  places,  and  being  inadequate  for  the 
needs  of  American  ship-masters,  were  in  little  use.  Light-houses  and 
beacons  were  very  few,  and  captains  of  vessels  practically  learned  the 
navigation  by  grounding  on  shoals  or  being  bilged  on  unknown  rocks. 
The  gales  on  the  lakes  were  sometimes  violent  and  continuous,  and, 
in  stress  of  weather,  any  offing  in  which  a  vessel  might  endeavor  to 
lay  to  might  be  inadequate  to  keep  her  from  going  ashore.  Under 
these  circumstances,  the  dissemination  of  knowledge  of  the  lake 
ports,  through  charts  with  directions  for  their  use,  the  building  of 
light-houses  and  beacons,  and  the  placing  of  buoys,  were  impera- 
tive duties  of  the  general  government,  especially  in  view  of  the  ad- 
vance of  population  and  the  increase  of  traffic  on  the  lakes.  All  these 
things  were  within  the  province  of  the  lake  survey,  either  directly  or 
indirectly,  to  accomplish  through  its  survey  of  the  region.  The  mag- 
nitude of  the  work  may  be  imagined  from  the  fact  that  the  American 
shore-line  of  the  lakes,  with  their  islands,  was  4,700  miles  in  length, 
and  the  total  amount  of  the  shore-line  actually  surveyed,  including 
rivers  and  small  streams,  amounted  to  6,000  miles. 

The  officers  who  were  successively  in  charge  of  the  work  were  in 
the  following  order:  Captain  W.  G.  Williams,  Lieutenant-Colonel 
James  Kearney,  Captain  J.  N.  Macomb,  Lieutenant-Colonel  James 
Kearney,  Captain  George  G.  Meade,  Colonel  James  D.  Graham, 
Lieutenant-Colonel  W.  F.  Reynolds,  Major  Cyrus  B.  Comstock, 
Captain  Henry  M.  Adams,  and  Major  Cyrus  B.  Comstock.  Cap- 
tain Meade's  term  of  service  in  charge,  being  from  1857  to  1861, 
occurred  very  nearly  in  the  middle  of  the  whole  period  of  the  dura- 
tion of  the  lake  survey,  which,  as  has  been  mentioned,  was  from  1851 
to  1881.  He  entered  upon  this  service  at  a  time  when  the  appliances 
and  methods  of  the  survey  had  long  been  of  constantly  improving 
geodetic  grade,  although,  according  to  Lieutenant-Colonel  Comstock, 
in  the  final  report  of  the  lake  survey,  it  did  not  reach  until  1870  the 
highest  refinement  in  its  theodolite  work,  and  in  the  elimination  of 
instrumental  errors.  With  his  usual  promptness  in  throwing  himself 
zealously  into  whatever  he  undertook,  and  improving  and  perfecting 
wherever  he  found  anything  that  he  thought  was  susceptible  of  im- 
provement, Captain  Meade  left  his  mark  upon  some  of  the  processes 
committed  to  his  care,  introduced  others,  and  carried  the  survey 
well  forward  in  its  general  progress. 

As  in  the  case  of  his  light-house  duty,  Captain  Meade  came  well 
prepared  to  the  charge  of  the  lake  survey.    He  had  that  compre- 


210  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

hensive  mental  grasp  of  the  country  which  makes  the  born  surveyor, 
to  perfect  which  practice  alone  is  needed,  and  without  which  no 
amount  of  practice  is  of  any  avail.  This  aptitude,  which  must  have 
been  apparent  to  every  one  associated  with  him  in  his  previous  or 
subsequent  military  career,  had,  at  the  time  of  his  attachment  to  the 
lake  survey,  received  much,  if  not  final,  development  through  his 
association,  as  assistant  for  some  years,  with  Major  Bache.  With 
him  a  natural  tendency  to  precision  was  fostered  by  office-work, 
and  a  knowledge  of  the  best  practice  in  at  least  topography  and 
hydrography  was  necessarily  acquired. 

The  principal  work  accomplished  by  Captain  Meade  during  his 
administration  was  the  survey  of  the  whole  of  Lake  Huron,  and  the 
completion  of  that  of  Saginaw  Bay.  "In  1860,"  as  stated  by  Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Comstock,  in  the  report  before  mentioned,  "the  sur- 
vey of  the  northeast  end  of  Lake  Michigan  was  extended  southward 
to  include  the  Fox  and  Manitou  Islands  and  Grand  and  Little  Trav- 
erse Bays,  and  the  data  were  thus  obtained  for  a  much-needed  chart 
of  a  dangerous  part  of  the  lake  passed  over  by  the  vessels  sailing 
between  the  Straits  of  Mackinac  and  Chicago.  Local  surveys  of  a 
few  harbors  on  Lake  Superior  were  made  in  1859,  and  in  1861  the 
general  survey  of  the  lake  was  begun  at  its  western  end."  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Comstock  adds:  "The  general  methods  of  survey  employed 
by  Captain  Meade  were  similar  to  those  followed  by  Captain  Macomb. 
The  nature  of  the  field  operations  required  a  combination  of  triangu- 
lation  and  astronomical  work  for  the  determination  of  the  positions 
of  points  on  the  shores  of  Lake  Huron,  and  made  some  change  neces- 
sary in  the  method  of  executing  the  off-shore  hydrography.  Larger 
appropriations  permitted  a  considerable  expansion  of  the  scope  of 
the  survey,  the  introduction  of  more  accurate  methods  in  obtaining 
longitudes,  and  the  commencement  of  a  series  of  magnetic,  water- 
level,  and  meteorological  observations  at  many  points  on  the  lakes." 
The  method  of  off-shore  hydrography  adopted,  afterward  applied 
to  all  the  lakes,  consisted  in  the  running  around  a  lake  of  a  belt,  of 
about  ten  miles  in  width,  of  sounding-lines  about  one  mile  apart, 
beyond  and  connecting  with  the  terminus  of  the  belt  of  more  minute 
hydrography  along  the  immediate  shore.  The  general  configuration 
of  the  bottom  of  a  lake  was  determined  by  running  a  few  lines  com- 
pletely across  it. 

Captain  Meade  was  no  sooner  appointed  to  the  charge  of  the 
lake  survey  than  we  find  him  keenly  solicitous  to  forward  the  work 


NARRATIVE  211 

upon  the  lines  approved  by  previous  experience,  and  to  increase  its 
efficiency,  in  connection  with  which  one  of  his  earliest  moves  was 
toward  general  improvement  in  methods  of  topography.  In  his  first 
annual  report  he  asks  for  $2,750  "for  simultaneous  meteorological 
and  water-level  observations  to  be  made  over  the  whole  lake  region." 
In  his  fourth  annual  report,  October  20,  1860,  he  mentions  some  of 
the  results  of  these  observations,  collated  with  those  of  outside  ob- 
servers. They  showed  the  highest  range  of  any  lake  to  be  that  of 
Lake  Michigan,  which  was  5.5  feet.  "There  has  not  yet  been  time," 
he  says,  "since  the  observations  of  the  survey  were  commenced,  for 
any  general  results  to  be  deduced  beyond  what  are  perhaps  now  well 
known." 

Undoubtedly  the  most  notable  suggestion  which  he  made  and 
adopted  for  the  survey  consisted  in  a  modification  of  the  then  exist- 
ing method  for  the  determination  of  longitudes  by  the  electric  tele- 
graph, known  as  the  American  method.  This  method  was  invented 
by  Professor  Sears  C.  Walker.  Professor  Alexander  D.  Bache, 
superintendent  of  the  Coast  Survey,  says  in  his  report  for  1853: 
"He  (Professor  Walker)  invented  the  application  of  the  galvanic 
circuit  to  the  recording  of  astronomical  observation;  which,  under 
various  ingenious  modifications,  is  known  as  the  American  method." 

The  American  method  invented  by  Professor  Walker  for  the  de- 
termination of  longitude  by  star-signals,  through  the  medium  of  the 
electric  telegraph,  consisted  simply  in  the  observation  at  two  stations, 
east  and  west  of  each  other,  of  the  meridian  passage  of  stars,  whose 
time  of  transit  at  each  station  was  recorded  by  the  time  of  the  eastern 
clock,  thus  giving  in  time,  which  can  be  reduced  to  space,  the  differ- 
ence between  the  two  stations.  Captain  Meade's  modification  was 
a  notable  one,  although  too  late  to  be  referred  to  by  the  superin- 
tendent of  the  coast  survey,  seeing  that  the  report  quoted  was  pub- 
lished in  1853,  and  Captain  Meade's  modification  was  not  suggested 
until  1858.  It  redounds  all  the  more  to  Captain  Meade's  credit, 
however,  that  he  should  have  originated  any  good  modification  after 
the  lapse  of  so  long  a  time  since  the  discovery  of  the  American  method. 
Captain  Meade's  language  relating  to  what  he  had  accomplished  was 
scrupulously  guarded.  He  says,  in  his  report  for  1859:  "So  far  as 
my  knowledge  extends,  derived  from  published  reports,  it  has  hitherto 
been  the  practice  to  employ  in  the  observatories  but  one  clock  at  a 
time — that  is  to  say,  the  eastern  clock  being  connected  with  the  main 
current,  and  the  western  clock  disconnected  from  both  main  and 


212  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

local  circuits,  the  transit  of  a  star  over  both  meridians  was  recorded 
at  each  station  by  the  time  as  shown  by  the  eastern  clock  only,  and 
the  difference  of  the  times  of  transit  gave  the  difference  of  longitude 
by  the  eastern  clock.  To  obtain,  therefore,  a  final  result  (the  mean 
of  the  two)  had  to  be  observed  at  each  station."  Captain  Meade 
proceeds  to  say,  in  an  explanation  which  is  mainly  too  technical  to 
be  introduced  here,  that,  in  discussions  with  Professor  C.  A.  Young, 
of  Western  Reserve  College,  Hudson,  Ohio,  he  had  suggested  the 
convenience  of  an  arrangement,  afterward  carried  out  through  Pro- 
fessor Young's  special  skill  in  electric  telegraphy,  by  which  the  tran- 
sit of  a  star  over  each  meridian  was  recorded  on  both  eastern  and 
western  clocks.  The  only  objection  made  to  this  innovation  was 
that  the  resulting  determination  of  the  difference  of  longitude  be- 
tween stations  would  be  affected  by  any  variation  that  might  take 
place  in  the  "pass"  of  the  relay-magnet  during  the  passage  of  the 
stars  between  the  meridians.  "  But,"  he  adds,  "  as  the  whole  amount 
of  this  pass  was  found,  from  careful  experiments,  not  to  exceed  0.03 
of  a  second  (three  hundredths)  its  variation  in  6.5  minutes  (difference 
of  longitude,  in  time)  may  be  considered  as  an  inappreciable  quan- 
tity, insensible  in  comparison  with  the  other  errors  inseparable  from 
all  observations  with  field  instruments."  Professor  Young  remarks, 
in  his  official  report  to  Captain  Meade,  of  April  28,  1859,  in  regard  to 
the  modification  described:  "I  believe  no  other  arrangement  has 
ever  hitherto  effected  this  double-clock  record  of  each  observation, 
the  desirableness  of  which  yourself  first  suggested  to  me." 

In  the  telegraphic  determination  of  longitude,  just  described, 
Lieutenant  C.  N.  Turnbull  was  associated  with  Professor  Young.  It 
was  under  the  direction  of  Captain  Meade  that  Lieutenants  Turn- 
bull  and  Poe  did  considerable  astronomical  work,  and  Lieutenant 
Smith  a  good  deal  of  magnetic  work,  for  the  survey.  Also  under 
him  Lieutenant  J.  L.  Kirby  Smith  executed  primary  triangulation, 
while  Lieutenant  Robert  F.  Beckham  assisted  Lieutenant  Poe  in 
telegraphic  and  chronometric  determination  of  longitudes  of  points  on 
portions  of  the  Canada  lake  shore. 

In  addition  to  his  superintendence,  he  personally  executed  the 
measurement  of  a  primary  base,  much  reconnoissance,  planning  of 
triangulation,  erection  of  signals,  and  off-shore  hydrography.  It  is 
needless  to  go  further  into  details,  as  enough  has  been  said  of  Cap- 
tain Meade's  work  on  the  lake  survey  to  show  the  activity  of  his 
administration.    This  work  is  chiefly  interesting  as  forming  the  last 


NARRATIVE  213 

period  of  his  career  before  the  breaking  out  of  the  Rebellion.  The 
surveying  season  on  Lake  Superior  was  verging  upon  its  close,  and 
the  surveying  parties  had  not  yet  returned,  when  he  was  relieved 
from  the  charge  of  the  survey  by  Lieutenant  James  D.  Graham,  on 
August  31,  1861,  and  ordered  to  duty  with  the  armies  in  the  field. 

The  period  immediately  preceding  the  secession  of  the  Southern 
States  found  Captain  Meade  quietly  engaged  in  his  duties  in  charge 
of  the  lake  survey.  He  had  watched  with  deep  anxiety  the  current 
of  events,  eagerly  scanning  the  political  horizon  for  some  glimmer  of 
hope  that  the  dreaded  resort  to  arms  might  be  averted.  No  poli- 
tician, in  the  petty  sense,  he  was,  in  the  highest,  penetrated  with  a 
pure  love  of  country,  and  believed  that,  if  only  time  could  be  gained 
for  reflection,  the  sober  second  thought  of  the  people  would  end  in 
their  return  to  common-sense  and  reason.  In  accordance,  therefore, 
with  his  belief  in  the  wisdom  of  the  most  conservative  course,  he  had, 
in  the  presidential  election  of  1860,  cast  his  vote  for  Bell  and  Everett. 

The  position  at  this  time  of  officers  of  the  regular  army  was  an 
exceedingly  trying  one,  especially  for  those  who,  like  Captain  Meade, 
were  fully  alive  to  the  grave  responsibility  attaching  to  them  as  officers 
of  the  government,  on  whose  example  much  depended.  The  defec- 
tion of  those  officers  who  saw  fit  to  cast  their  lot  with  the  Confederacy 
caused  the  actions  of  all  to  be  scrutinized,  and  often  misunderstood, 
in  the  then  excited  frame  of  the  public  mind.  In  many  instances 
the  suspicions  aroused  at  this  period  by  the  careful  reticence  of  officers 
who  felt  the  delicacy  of  their  position  led  to  want  of  due  appreciation 
of  their  services  even  after  they  had  signalized  themselves  in  the 
war. 

Captain  Meade  deprecated  all  violent  language,  as  subordinating 
reason  to  passion,  as  productive  of  no  possible  good,  and  certain  to 
entail  evil.  For  his  own  part  he  calmly  awaited  the  unfolding  of 
events,  which,  if  untoward,  no  action  of  his  should  have  fostered, 
and  to  which,  if  favorable,  he  should  have  the  satisfaction  of  know- 
ing that  his  own  temperate  speech  and  counsel  had  contributed. 

To  his  mind  his  own  course  was  clear.  He  never  for  a  moment 
doubted  where  his  duty  led  him.  In  the  strongest  language  of 
reason  he  denounced  the  Southern  leaders  who  were  goading  their 
people  into  civil  war.  He  expressed  himself  as  deploring  the  neces- 
sity of  using  force,  but  as  believing,  if  the  necessity  should  come,  in 
the  employment  promptly  and  energetically  of  the  whole  power  of 
the  government  to  prevent  a  disruption  of  the  Union.     But   that 


214  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

necessity  had  not  yet  arisen,  and  so,  trying  to  hope  for  the  best, 
but  fearing  the  worst,  he  awaited  the  event,  before  which  he  had  no 
national  active  course  to  take,  but  which,  if  it  should  arrive,  was  to 
place  him  face  to  face  with  his  duty  as  a  patriot,  to  contribute  the 
full  measure  of  his  knowledge  as  a  military  man  to  the  salvation  of 
his  country.  As  to  the  result  of  the  war,  if  it  should  come,  he  had 
from  the  first  no  misgivings,  provided  the  gravity  of  the  occasion 
were  realized  and  the  immense  resources  of  the  government  were 
properly  employed. 

He  knew  well  the  temper  of  the  people  both  North  and  South. 
He  knew  well  the  resentment  of  a  considerable  party  in  the  North 
at  what  it  deemed  the  pro-slavery  aggression  of  the  South  for  the 
maintenance  of  the  existing  political  equilibrium,  and  of  the  still 
more  intense  feeling  of  the  whole  South  at  what  it  deemed  the  en- 
croachment of  the  North  upon  the  rights  growing  out  of  the  Con- 
stitution. He  knew  well  that  political  leaders  on  the  one  side  longed 
to  take  the  opportunity  offered  to  personal  ambition  by  a  most 
specious  pretext,  and  that  those  on  the  other  had  appeared  to  justify 
them  by  the  belief  in  and  proclamation  of  an  irrepressible  conflict. 
He  knew  well  the  determined,  if  once  aroused,  spirit  of  the  North, 
and  the  equally  determined  and  more  fiery  spirit  of  the  South,  which 
had  for  a  long  time  been  aroused.  And,  finally,  he  knew  well  the 
immense  superiority  of  the  North  over  the  South  in  men  and  material 
resources,  and  of  the  contempt  of  the  South  for  the  North,  as  a 
people  of  tradesmen  unable  to  cope  with  it  in  war.  Knowing  all 
this,  as  he  was  well  aware  few  could  realize  it,  through  long  resi- 
dence in  both  parts  of  the  country  and  intimate  acquaintance  with 
prominent  men  on  both  sides,  he  saw  how  both  sides  were  griev- 
ously mistaken  in  facts  and  conclusions;  that  if  an  appeal  to  arms 
were  made,  the  conflict  would  be  terrible ;  and  he  strove  to  impress 
the  solemnity  of  the  crisis  upon  all  with  whom  he  came  in  contact, 
in  the  belief  that  it  was  his  duty  to  do  what  in  him  lay  toward 
soothing  the  exasperated  state  of  public  feeling  in  face  of  a  danger 
which  menaced,  but  which,  if  averted,  might  never  recur. 

In  Detroit,  as  elsewhere,  there  was  intense  political  excitement, 
and,  as  elsewhere,  one  of  its  manifestations  was  distrust  of  many 
officers  of  the  army  and  navy,  consequent  upon  the  resignation  of 
a  few  officers  from  the  South.  The  views  of  such  officers  as  Captain 
Meade  were  very  distasteful  to  petty  politicians  and  to  those  thought- 
less people  who  looked  upon  the  impending  conflict  as  a  mere  riot, 


NARRATIVE  215 

to  be  suppressed  at  the  first  appearance  of  United  States  troops,  and 
they  were  very  indignant  at  any  one  who  attempted  to  make  them 
fully  realize  the  situation. 

Nothing  could  be  a  better  illustration  of  the  possible  injudicious 
action  of  a  people  laboring  under  strong  political  excitement,  than  the 
circumstance  that,  in  the  midst  of  the  ferment  in  Detroit,  a  procla- 
mation for  a  mass  meeting  of  citizens  of  Detroit  for  the  framing  and 
passage  of  resolutions,  requested  the  presence  of  army  and  navy 
officers  stationed  there,  in  order  that  they  might  take  the  oath  of 
allegiance  to  the  United  States.  These  officers  thereupon  met  at 
the  office  of  Captain  Meade,  and  with  but  one  exception  declined  to 
attend  the  mass  meeting.  The  grounds  which  they  took  for  their 
refusal  were:  That  it  was  unbecoming  in  officers  of  the  government 
to  be  present  at  such  a  meeting,  especially  for  such  a  purpose;  that 
it  would  be  a  dangerous  precedent  for  officers  to  take  an  oath  at  the 
demand  and  in  the  presence  of  a  crowd,  and  that  the  callers  of  the 
meeting  were  unjustified  in  making  such  a  demand.  They  then 
drew  up,  signed,  and  forwarded  to  the  War  Department  a  paper 
expressing  their  willingness  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  whenever 
called  upon  by  the  War  Department. 

The  action  of  these  officers  in  declining  to  attend  caused  a  great 
deal  of  violent  language  in  regard  to  it  to  be  indulged  in  by  some 
people  at  the  mass  meeting,  which  dispersed  after  the  usual  patriotic 
speeches  and  resolutions.  Nothing  of  moment  came  of  the  affair, 
although  it  is  believed  that  the  stand  taken  by  the  officers  was  the 
cause,  for  a  time,  of  suspicion  and  ill-will  toward  them  among  some 
worthy  people  of  that  part  of  the  country,  who  later  became  satisfied 
of  the  propriety  of  their  course. 

Soon  after  the  firing  on  Fort  Sumter  and  the  first  call  of  President 
Lincoln  for  volunteers,  Captain  Meade  made  urgent  and  repeated 
requests  to  the  government  for  active  duty.  No  attention  being 
paid  to  them,  he,  late  in  June,  1861,  went  to  Washington  and  pro- 
tested against  being  retained  in  charge  of  the  lake  survey,  and  ap- 
plied for  increased  rank  in  one  of  the  new  regiments  then  being  raised. 
He  was  promised  that  something  should  be  done  for  him,  but  nothing 
came  of  it,  and  he  returned  to  Detroit. 

In  addition  to  his  duties  in  charge  of  the  lake  survey  he  had  been 
placed  in  charge  of  the  erection  of  certain  light-houses  on  Lake 
Superior.  All  the  younger  officers  associated  with  him  had  been 
ordered  away  and  were  actively  engaged  in  raising  and  organizing  the 


216  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

large  bodies  of  volunteers  in  the  different  States.  Thoroughly  dis- 
pirited at  being  retained  on  civil  duty  in  time  of  war,  at  seeing  sev- 
eral of  his  juniors  in  his  own  corps  already  promoted  to  the  rank  of 
brigadier-general,  the  battle  of  Bull  Run  fought,  new  levies  of  troops 
called  for,  and  at  still  hearing  nothing  from  Washington,  he  began 
to  fear  that  his  chances  for  active  service  were  fast  passing  away. 
In  this  state  of  affairs  he  started  early  in  August  for  Lake  Superior, 
in  performance  of  his  duties,  and  while  there  received  orders  to  turn 
over  those  duties  to  Colonel  James  D.  Graham,  one  of  the  oldest 
officers  of  his  corps,  and  to  repair  to  Washington  to  take  charge  of 
the  recruiting  and  organizing  of  one  of  the  companies  of  Topographical 
Engineers,  lately  authorized  by  Congress. 

The  long  delay,  which  had  been  caused  apparently  by  disinclina- 
tion to  confer  higher  rank  upon  him,  coupled  with  the  avowed  ob- 
jection of  the  department  to  allowing  officers  of  the  staff  corps  of  the 
regular  army  to  accept  positions  in  the  volunteer  service,  had  led  to 
his  determination  to  resign  his  position  in  the  regular  army,  in  order 
to  accept  the  colonelcy  of  one  of  the  regiments  of  Michigan  volun- 
teers, which  had  been  offered  to  him  by  Governor  Austin  Blair  of  that 
State.  He  was  about  leaving  Detroit  for  Washington,  in  obedience 
to  his  orders,  when,  much  to  his  surprise  and  gratification,  he  was 
officially  notified  of  his  appointment,  on  August  31, 1861,  as  brigadier- 
general  of  volunteers,  with  orders  to  report  to  General  McClellan, 
then  commanding  the  forces  about  Washington. 

Some  months  previously  to  this,  he  had,  in  anticipation  of  enter- 
ing upon  active  service,  broken  up  his  house  in  Detroit  and  sent  his 
family  back  to  their  old  home  in  Philadelphia.  He  therefore  lost 
no  time  in  hastening  to  Washington  and  reporting  to  General  McClel- 
lan, by  whom  he  was  assigned  to  the  division  commanded  by  Major- 
General  George  A.  McCall,  known  as  the  Pennsylvania  Reserves. 
General  McCall,  who  had  not  yet  fully  organized  his  command, 
allowed  General  Meade  to  remain  in  Washington  for  a  few  days,  for 
the  purpose  of  perfecting  his  outfit,  which  had  been  neglected  in  the 
haste  of  his  departure,  in  his  anxiety  to  reach  the  field.  While  thus 
engaged  he  enjoyed  the  society  of  Mrs.  Meade  and  his  eldest  son, 
John  Sergeant  Meade,  who  had  joined  him  in  Philadelphia  on  his 
way  through  that  city  from  Detroit  to  Washington,  and  who  remained 
with  him  until  he  was  notified  by  General  McCall  to  join  the  com- 
mand. On  his  reporting,  he  was  assigned  by  General  McCall  to 
the  command  of  the  Second  Brigade  of  Pennsylvania  Reserves. 


NARRATIVE  217 

The  division  of  General  McCall,  known  as  the  Pennsylvania  Re- 
serves, had  been  authorized  by  special  act  of  legislature,  passed  at 
the  instance  of  Governor  Andrew  G.  Curtin,  of  Pennsylvania,  after 
the  quota  of  that  State,  under  the  first  call  of  the  President  for  troops, 
had  been  filled.  They  were  organized  as  a  "Reserve  Corps  of  the 
Commonwealth,"  and  consisted  of  thirteen  regiments  of  infantry, 
one  of  cavalry,  one  of  artillery,  and  placed  under  the  command  of 
Major-General  McCall.  On  the  urgent  demand  of  the  authorities 
at  Washington  for  reinforcements,  after  the  defeat  of  the  Union 
army  at  Bull  Run,  this  force  had  been  despatched  as  rapidly  as  pos- 
sible to  that  city,  and  were  mustered  into  the  service  of  the  United 
States  as  a  division  which  became  part  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac, 
then  being  organized  by  Major-General  George  B.  McClellan. 

General  Meade,  now  in  the  forty-sixth  year  of  his  age,  was  about 
to  enter  upon  a  field  of  labor  entirely  different  from  that  in  which  he 
had  been  engaged  for  the  preceding  thirteen  years.  The  pursuits 
which  he  had  so  relished  were  to  be  laid  aside  at  the  call  of  duty, 
and  from  the  peaceful  scenes  of  his  scientific  labors,  for  which  he  was 
so  eminently  fitted,  he  was  to  betake  himself  to  the  stir  of  camps,  to 
arduous  marches,  and  the  horrid  din  of  battle.  Many  were  the  re- 
grets expressed  at  this  time  by  those  with  whom  he  had  come  in  con- 
tact in  the  course  of  those  labors,  at  the  loss  to  science  of  one  who 
had  evinced  for  it  such  high  qualifications.  So  strong  was  this  feel- 
ing on  the  part  of  Professor  Henry,  the  distinguished  secretary  of  the 
Smithsonian  Institution,  that  he  endeavored  to  dissuade  General 
Meade  from  seeking  active  service.  They  had  been  thrown  much 
together  during  the  last  few  years  while  General  Meade  was  con- 
ducting the  lake  survey,  and  Professor  Henry  had  come  to  regard 
him  as  one  possessed  of  so  great  aptitude  for  that  class  of  work  that 
he  was  unwilling  to  lose  him  from  the  ranks  of  science,  to  which  he 
was  himself  so  enthusiastically  devoted.  Professor  Henry  even  went 
so  far  as  to  call  upon  Mrs.  Meade,  on  the  occasion  of  a  visit  of  his  to 
Philadelphia,  for  the  express  purpose  of  beseeching  her  to  lend  her 
aid  to  prevent  a  step  which  would  result  in  so  great  a  loss  to  science. 
From  his  point  of  view  he  regarded  it  as  sheer  waste  for  one  possessed 
of  the  scientific  qualifications  of  General  Meade  to  relinquish  his 
brilliant  future  in  the  field  of  science,  and,  as  he  expressed  it,  become 
mere  food  for  powder. 

There  was  now,  however,  no  question  of  choice.  The  general 
knew  full  well  where  honor  and  duty  lay.     His  wife,  too,  would  have 


218         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

been  the  last  of  all  the  world  to  obstruct  the  path  which  led  to  them. 
On  the  contrary,  sad  as  might  be  separation  and  torturing  anxiety, 
their  consideration  could  not  daunt  one  who  held  that  the  place  of 
every  brave  man  was  in  the  field.  And  so,  instead  of  attempting  to 
dissuade  her  husband,  she  had  done  all  in  her  power  to  procure  him 
the  rank  with  which,  in  recognition  of  his  military  talents  and  ex- 
perience, he  could  fittingly  appear  there.  The  tenderest  apprecia- 
tion of  her  self-abnegation  is  often  expressed  in  the  letters  which 
follow,  which  evince  throughout  a  devotion  and  the  recognition  of 
the  fullest  return,  which  alone  can  explain  the  possibility  of  one  so 
situated  as  he  was  through  long  years  of  march,  battle,  defeat,  vic- 
tory, pouring  out  his  whole  soul  through  pages,  teeming  with  incidents 
of  war,  in  joy,  sorrow,  solicitude,  thanksgiving,  in  love  and  prayer  for 
home.  As  for  him,  nothing  could  give  a  better  idea  of  the  sentiments 
by  which  he  was  inspired  at  this  momentous  period  of  his  country's 
history  than  the  words  which  he  addressed  to  a  friend  in  a  letter 
written  only  a  few  days  before  he  took  the  field.  "I  cordially  agree 
with  you,"  he  said,  "in  earnest  prayers  that  a  merciful  Providence 
would  so  guide  the  hearts  of  the  rulers  on  both  sides  as  to  terminate 
this  unnatural  contest.  But,  as  for  myself,  I  have  ever  held  it  to 
be  my  duty  to  uphold  and  maintain  the  Constitution  and  resist  the 
disruption  of  this  Government.  With  this  opinion,  I  hold  the  other 
side  responsible  for  the  existing  condition  of  affairs.  Besides,  as  a 
soldier,  holding  a  commission,  it  has  always  been  my  judgment  that 
duty  required  I  should  disregard  all  political  questions,  and  obey 
orders.  I  go  into  the  field  with  these  principles,  trusting  to  God  to 
dispose  of  my  life  and  actions  in  accordance  with  my  daily  prayer, 
that  His  will  and  not  mine  should  be  done." 

To  these  letters  is  at  this  point  substantially  committed  the  task 
of  exhibiting  the  career  of  General  Meade  during  the  next  four  years. 
They  can  appear  meagre  only  by  comparison  with  the  naturally 
ardent  desire  of  all  to  know  much  more  than  they  or  any  other  one 
work  on  the  subject,  however  voluminous,  can  tell;  for  they  are 
replete  with  information  from  one  whose  mental  poise  was  never  dis- 
turbed, however  hurried  and  exciting  the  events  around  him,  and 
faithfully  and  unremittingly  trace,  as  far  as  circumstances  and  the 
nature  of  private  letters  will  allow,  the  fortunes  of  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac  from  its  march  from  the  defences  of  Washington  to  the 
surrender  of  Lee's  army  at  Appomattox  Court  House. 


PART  IV 

CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS 

1861-1865 

To  Mrs.  George  G.  Meade: 

In  Camp,  September  22,  1861. 

I  hope  you  will  not  be  very  much  put  out  at  not  receiving  a  letter 
earlier  from  me,  but  I  have  really  been  very  much  occupied,  and  yes- 
terday, in  addition  to  other  duties,  we  had  a  grand  division  review 
for  the  Prince  de  Joinville1  and  others.  I  was  so  sorry  you  and 
Sergeant2  had  gone.  The  review  passed  off  very  well,  pretty  much 
the  same  as  you  saw,  except  that,  having  been  advised  of  the  arrival 
of  the  distinguished  strangers  only  the  night  before,  Gauttier  did  not 
have  the  privilege  of  sticking  McCall  for  a  fine  collation.  McClellan, 
however,  took  the  Frenchmen  over  to  the  Chain  Bridge  and  by  Ball's 
Cross-Roads. 

I  felt  very  sad  when  you  drove  off,  and  could  hardly  shake  off 
the  idea  that  I  was  looking  on  you  perhaps  for  the  last  time — at 
any  rate,  for  a  long  while;  but  I  trust  matters  will  be  more  favorable 
to  us,  and  that  it  will  please  a  just  and  merciful  Providence  to  per- 
mit us  to  be  happy  once  more,  united,  and  free  from  immediate 
trouble.  There  has  been  nothing  new  since  you  left.  We  have 
daily  the  usual  announcement  that  the  enemy  have  been  seen  some- 
where above  us,  on  the  opposite  side;  but  they  confine  their  opera- 
tions to  letting  us  see  them.  What  they  are  going  to  do,  no  one 
without  the  gift  of  second  sight  can  possibly  imagine.  In  the  mean- 
time we  are  becoming  better  prepared  to  meet  them,  and  after  awhile 
if  they  don't  show  themselves,  I  presume  we  shall  have  to  hunt  them 
up.  I  find  camp  life  agrees  very  well  with  me,  and  the  active  duties 
I  have  entered  on  are  quite  agreeable.  Sometimes  I  have  a  little 
sinking  at  the  heart,  when  I  reflect  that  perhaps  I  may  fail  at  the 
grand  scratch;  but  I  try  to  console  myself  with  the  belief  that  I  shall 

1  Third  son  of  Louis  Philippe,  King  of  the  French  1830-1848. 

2  Son  of  General  Meade. 

219 


220         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

probably  do  as  well  as  most  of  my  neighbors,  and  that  your  firm 
faith  must  be  founded  on  some  reasonable  groundwork. 

William  Palmer  brought  Kuhn1  out  to  see  me,  who  presented 
letters  from  Harrison  Smith2  and  Henry  Fisher,  asking  me  to  assist 
him  in  procuring  a  staff  appointment.  He  said  he  supposed  my  staff 
was  full,  but  would  be  glad  to  serve  on  it  as  a  volunteer,  as  pay  was 
no  object  to  him,  but  simply  a  position  and  a  chance  to  see  service. 
While  I  was  talking  to  him  I  received  Charley  Cadwalader's  letter. 
I  then  told  him  C.'s  declination  made  a  vacancy,  but  I  did  not  know 
whether  I  could  appoint  a  civilian,  not  commissioned  in  the  volun- 
teers; that  McClellan,  McCall  and  myself  were  trying  to  have  young 
Watmough3  appointed  in  this  manner,  which  if  we  succeeded  in  would 
be  a  precedent.  He  expressed  himself  greatly  pleased,  and  said  he 
would  await  the  result  in  Washington. 

Headquarters  Second  Brigade,  McCall's  Division, 

Tenallytown,  September  24,  1861. 

Nothing  of  importance  has  transpired  since  I  last  wrote  to  you. 
I  am  getting  pretty  familiar  with  my  duties,  which  thus  far  have  been 
principally  paper  work.  You  would  be  astonished  to  see  the  amount 
of  writing  and  papering  required  of  a  general  in  the  field.  A  good 
deal  of  it  is  regular  circumlocution,  or  "  How  not  to  do  it."  Never- 
theless, being  regulations,  one  has  to  comply  with  the  requirements, 
however  foolish  they  may  seem.  Our  mess  is  very  comfortable. 
Dr.  Stocker  is  caterer,  and  I  have  a  young  man  from  one  of  the  regi- 
ments acting  as  my  adjutant  general,  till  the  arrival  of  Captain 
Baird.  Captain  Ringwalt,  a  Chester  County  farmer,  has  been  as- 
signed to  me  as  quartermaster.  He  is  said  to  be  a  most  respectable 
and  wealthy  farmer  of  Chester  County. 

Tenallytown,  September  26,  1861. 
Yesterday,  Baldy  Smith4  made  one  of  his  reconnoissances,  and 
our  division  was  held  in  readiness  all  day  to  move  at  a  moment's 
notice  to  support  him,  in  case  of  emergency.     He  returned,  however, 

1  James  Hamilton  Kuhn,  of  Philadelphia,  afterward  A.  D.  C.  to  General 
Meade  and  killed  at  the  Seven  Days'  Battle,  June  30,  1862. 

2  Brother-in-law  of  Mrs.  Meade. 

3  William  Watmough,  cousin  of  Mrs.  Meade,  afterward  A.  D.  C.  to  General 
Meade. 

4  Brigadier-General  William  F.  Smith,  commanding  a  division,  and  an  old 
Detroit  friend  of  the  Meade  family. 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  221 

without  encountering  any  force  of  consequence,  though  we  could  see 
him  from  my  tent  firing  his  artillery  at  small  bodies  hovering  around 
him.  To-day  being  the  day  set  apart  by  the  President  for  fasting, 
humiliation  and  prayer,  all  duties  were  suspended  and  the  day  ob- 
served as  Sunday.  I  have  a  letter  from  Willie,1  written  in  good  spirits, 
and  saying  he  expects  to  take  the  field  in  a  few  weeks,  with  the  First 
Battalion  of  his  regiment. 

Tenallytown,  September  30,  1861 — 3  p.  m. 

We  have  been  under  arms  all  day,  and  once  started  for  up  river, 
believing  the  enemy  were  crossing  some  fifteen  miles  above  us.  The 
report  proved  erroneous,  but  we  keep  all  ready  to  move  at  a  moment's 
notice.  They  have  retired  from  our  front  on  the  other  side  of  the 
river,  and  are  showing  themselves  above  and  below.  We  cannot 
tell  what  they  are  about,  but  I  believe  we  are  ready  for  them,  let 
them  come  in  what  direction  they  choose. 

Tenallytown,  October  6,  1861. 

I  have  not  written  you  since  the  few  lines  the  day  we  expected 
to  have  a  fight.  The  stampede  lasted  for  thirty-six  hours.  I  believe 
it  is  now  generally  known  that  McClellan  had  planned  a  surprise, 
which,  if  he  had  succeeded  in,  would  have  brought  on  a  big  fight,  in 
which  our  division  was  to  have  a  part;  but  the  sudden  disappearance 
of  the  enemy  frustrated  the  plan.  There  is  no  doubt  they  were  ap- 
prised of  it,  though  McClellan  asserts  he  did  not  tell  even  the  generals 
who  were  to  share  in  it  till  the  very  moment  of  action,  and  that  he  is 
now  convinced  it  is  impossible  to  do  or  attempt  anything  without 
their  knowing  it.  At  present  all  is  quiet,  the  enemy  having  retired 
to  his  old  lines  about  Manassas.  His  threatening  Washington  was 
a  bravado,  hoping  to  draw  McClellan  out.  Failing  in  this,  he  has 
fallen  back,  thinking  we  would  rush  after  him,  and  thus  give  them  a 
chance  to  get  us  at  a  disadvantage.  They  are,  as  Woodbury  said, 
great  on  strategy,  but  1  guess  they  will  find  after  awhile  that  our 
movements  are  not  to  be  governed  by  theirs,  and  that  McClellan 
is  not  going  to  move  until  he  is  ready,  and  then  not  in  the  direction 
they  want  him. 

Macomb  has  been  made  a  lieutenant  colonel,  as  chief  Topo- 
graphical Engineer  of  McClellan's  staff — the  least  they  could  do  for 
him,  as  all  the  rest  of  the  chiefs  have  been  made  generals  and  colonels. 

1  William  Sergeant,  brother  of  Mrs.  Meade,  captain  12th  U.  S.  Inf.  Afterward 
wounded  at  Gravelly  Run,  Va.,  March  29,  1865.    Died  April  11,  1865. 


222  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

To  John  Sergeant  Meade :  * 

Camp  Pierpont,  Va.,  October  12,  1861. 

I  was  glad  to  hear  you  had  enjoyed  your  trip  to  West  Point.  I 
was  sure  you  would  be  delighted  with  the  scenery,  which  is  said  of 
its  kind  to  be  unequaled.  I  agree  with  you  that  the  student  at  West 
Point  has  every  advantage  in  his  favor  in  the  regularity  of  the  hours 
there  and  the  absence  of  distraction.  Still,  you  must  remember,  a 
great  deal  more  is  required  of  them  than  at  any  of  our  colleges,  and 
that  without  a  mathematical  turn  of  mind,  which  is  a  decided  gift  of 
nature,  no  advantages  such  as  above  mentioned  will  enable  a  student 
to  overcome  all  the  difficulties  in  his  path,  though,  undoubtedly, 
they  render  his  task  easier  than  it  otherwise  would  be.  Day  before 
yesterday  we  were  moved  across  the  Potomac,  and  are  now  in  posi- 
tion some  four  miles  in  advance  of  where  you  saw  John  Markoe,2 
being  just  beyond  Langley,  where  Baldy  Smith  had  his  skirmish. 

Hamilton  Kuhn  did  get  a  commission  from  the  Governor  of 
Pennsylvania,  but  it  was  not  the  right  kind.  He  has  been  again  to 
Harrisburg  and  procured  another,  and  is  now  in  Washington,  quali- 
fying himself,  so  that  I  expect  him  to  join  me  every  day.  He  ap- 
pears a  very  gentlemanly  fellow,  and  is  so  anxious  to  see  service,  that 
I  doubt  not  I  shall  find  him  very  useful. 


To  Mrs.  George  G.  Meade: 

Camp  Pierpont,  Va.,  October  12,  1861—9  p.  m. 
The  enemy  have  appeared  in  our  vicinity,  and  we  have  as  much 
reason  to  believe  they  are  going  to  attack  us  as  we  ever  can  have 
with  an  enemy  as  alert  as  they  are  and  whose  movements  are  wrapped 
in  such  mystery.  Perhaps  their  movements  to-day  are  like  many 
preceding  ones,  only  feints,  either  to  harass  us  or  draw  us  out.  If 
they  ever  are  going  to  attack  us,  now  is  their  time,  as  General  McClel- 
lan  has  advanced  some  miles  beyond  his  line  of  entrenchments  and 
is  on  comparatively  new  ground,  where  every  day  will  enable  him  to 
make  himself  stronger  and  their  probability  of  success  less.  My  own 
opinion  has  hitherto  been  that  they  would  act  on  the  defensive  and 
await  our  attack,  but  the  movement  of  McClellan  has  possibly 
caused  a  change  in  their  tactics,  and  they  may  have  made  up  their 
minds  to  accept  his  offer  of  battle  and  try  their  chances  at  the  offen- 

1  Son  of  General  Meade.  2  John  Markoe,  captain  71st  Regt.  Pa.  Vols. 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  223 

sive.  For  my  part,  I  hope  it  is  so.  We  have  a  strong  position,  in 
its  natural  character;  we  are  near  our  reserves  in  Washington,  and 
we  have  strong  lines  to  fall  back  upon  in  case  we  cannot  hold  our 
present  advanced  lines.  In  other  words,  the  advantages  are  as  great 
on  our  side  as  we  can  ever  expect  to  have  them.  The  whole  ques- 
tion turns  upon  the  behavior  of  our  men.  If  they  stand  up  to  their 
work  like  men,  and  really  fight  with  a  determination  to  do  or  die,  I 
think  there  is  no  doubt  of  our  triumphant  success.  Of  course,  if 
they  cannot  be  brought  to  this  point,  all  plans  and  calculations  must 
fail.  You  will  doubtless  be  anxious  to  know  what  is  my  private 
opinion  of  our  force,  and  I  would  not  hesitate  to  tell  you  if  I  had  a 
decided  opinion.  Much,  as  I  have  always  told  you,  will  depend  on 
the  turn  events  take.  If  we  are  successful  in  the  beginning  in  re- 
pelling the  attack,  I  think  they  can  be  kept  up  to  the  work;  but  if 
by  any  accident  the  fortune  is  against  us  in  the  commencement,  I 
fear  they  will  become  demoralized.  They  do  not  any  of  them, 
officers  or  men,  seem  to  have  the  least  idea  of  the  solemn  duty  they 
have  imposed  upon  themselves  in  becoming  soldiers.  Soldiers  they 
are  not  in  any  sense  of  the  word.  Brave  men  they  may  be,  and  I 
trust  in  God  will  prove  themselves;  but  at  this  very  moment,  when 
we  have  every  reason  to  believe  by  to-morrow's  dawn  our  lives  may 
be  imperiled,  if  not  taken  from  us,  I  doubt  if  any  of  the  numerous 
living  beings  around  me  realize  in  the  slightest  degree  what  they 
may  have  to  meet.  For  myself,  I  await  calmly  the  decree  of  an 
over-ruling  Providence.  I  am  here  from  a  sense  of  duty,  because  I 
could  not  with  honor  be  away,  and  whatever  befalls  me,  those  of  my 
blood  who  survive  me  can  say,  I  trust,  that  I  did  my  duty. 

Camp  Pierpont,  Va.,  October  14,  1861. 

We  see  their  pickets  and  lookouts  on  all  prominent  points  in 
front  of  us,  and  this  afternoon  towards  sunset  they  opened  a  battery 
on  our  left  (I  mean  by  ours,  McCall's  Division).  I  saw  the  flash  of 
the  guns,  but  could  not  see  where  the  shot  fell,  or  at  what  part  of 
our  line  they  were  firing.  I  think  we  are  on  the  eve  of  important 
events,  and  that  it  will  not  be  long  before  we  have  a  struggle.  For 
my  part,  I  do  not  desire  it  postponed,  and  was  quite  disappointed 
they  did  not  attack  us. 

The  country  is  becoming  impatient  at  the  apparent  inactivity 
of  our  troops,  and  I  have  no  doubt,  if  the  enemy  afford  McClellan 
any  chance  which  he  deems  favorable,  he  will  attack  them. 


224  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

I  went  over  to-day  to  see  our  friend  W.  F.  Smith,  commanding 
the  division  next  to  us.  Madame  was  there,  and  I  went  over  by  in- 
vitation to  luncheon  and  to  see  her.  She  asked  where  you  were, 
and  I  said  in  Philadelphia,  at  which  she  expressed  a  little  surprise, 
when  I  told  her  you  had  a  brigade  of  infantry  that  required  as  much 
talent  to  command  and  as  close  attention  to  duties  as  our  brigades. 
I  heard  Miss  Anne  Biddle  was  in  camp  the  other  day,  visiting  Colonel 
Charles  J.1  By-the-by,  I  don't  remember  having  told  you  that 
Charley's  regiment  (the  Bucktails,  as  they  are  called,  from  having 
this  appendage  in  their  caps)  was  in  my  brigade  for  a  week,  and  when 
taken  from  me,  expressed,  Colonel  and  all,  the  greatest  regret,  for 
in  that  short  time  we  had  become  most  excellent  friends.  I  met 
to-day  Lieutenant  Colonel  Penrose,2  who  said  he  was  the  son  of  the 
former  Solicitor  of  the  Treasury,  and  a  brother  of  Dr.  Penrose. 
This  makes  the  third  of  your  connections  in  my  brigade. 

Camp  Pierpont,  Va.,  October  18,  1861. 
I  had  just  seated  myself  to  write  you  a  nice  long  letter,  when 
orders  came  to  march  to-morrow,  requiring  me  to  stir  about  and  give 
the  requisite  directions.  The  enemy,  it  is  understood,  have  fallen 
back  to  their  old  lines  at  Bull  Run.  They  have  had  a  force  above 
us  at  Leesburg,  which  it  is  believed  they  are  withdrawing.  The  object 
of  our  expedition  is  to  advance  some  twelve  or  fifteen  miles  to  the 
front,  to  reconnoitre  the  country,  and  also  with  the  hope  of  cutting 
off  some  of  their  troops  coming  down  from  Leesburg.  We  go  with 
the  whole  division,  some  twelve  thousand  strong,  with  three  bat- 
teries of  artillery,  and  if  we  encounter  any  of  their  troops,  will  have 
a  very  pretty  chance  for  a  nice  little  fight  of  our  own.  It  is  very 
late,  and  I  have  to  be  in  the  saddle  very  early.     I  am  quite  well. 

Camp  Pierpont,  Va.,  October  21,  1861—9  p.  m. 
We  returned  this  evening  from  our  expedition,  which,  so  far  as 
my  brigade  was  concerned,  was  very  peaceful.  The  First  Brigade, 
under  Reynolds,3  advanced  some  fifteen  miles,  and  encountered  the 
enemy's  pickets,  one  of  whom  was  killed;  nobody  hurt  on  our  side. 
I  advanced  some  ten  miles  and  saw  nothing  of  them.     We  remained 

1  Charles  J.  Biddle,  colonel  42d  Regt.  Pa.  Vols. 
2Wm.  M.  Penrose,  lieutenant-colonel  35th  Regt.  Pa.  Vols. 
3  John  F.  Reynolds,  afterward  commanding  the  left  wing  of  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac,  killed  at  the  battle  of  Gettysburg,  July  1,  1863. 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  225 

out  three  days,  getting  an  accurate  knowledge  of  the  country,  and 
then  returned  to  this  camp.  No  sooner  are  we  back  than  orders  come 
to  be  ready  at  a  moment's  notice  to  go  again,  and  all  is  now  excite- 
ment and  bustle,  though  it  is  night-time.  I  do  not  know  the  meaning, 
except  that  something  is  being  done  on  some  other  part  of  the  line 
and  we  are  wanted  to  support  the  movement. 

Camp  Pierpont,  [Va.],  October  24,  1861 — 5  a.  m. 
I  have  only  time  to  write  you  a  few  lines,  to  say  that  late  last 
night  orders  came  to  start  early  this  morning.  The  direction  of  our 
march  is  not  known,  but  I  suppose  it  to  be  in  co-operation  with 
Banks  and  Stone,  on  the  river  above  us.1  Indeed,  the  general  im- 
pression among  outsiders  is  that  we  ought  not  to  have  been  withdrawn 
from  Dranesville,  as  at  that  place  we  were  within  ten  miles  of  the 
force  that  attacked  Stone.  For  myself,  I  ask  no  questions  and 
don't  speculate.  I  know  how  impossible  it  is  for  outsiders  to  under- 
stand everything.     Therefore  all  I  can  now  say  is,  that  we  march. 

Camp  Pierpont,  Va.,  October  24,  1861. 
After  waiting  all  day  in  momentary  expectation  of  orders  to  ad- 
vance, we  were  informed  this  evening  that  the  movement  was  post- 
poned. I  am  of  course  in  ignorance  of  what  was  in  contemplation, 
but  presume  our  movement  had  reference  to  what  has  taken  place 
on  the  river  above  us.  You  are  doubtless  apprised  of  the  disastrous 
affair  that  has  occurred  there  with  part  of  Stone's  and  Banks's  com- 
mands. As  far  as  I  can  gather,  an  unauthorized  scouting  party 
reported  a  small  body  of  the  enemy,  when  an  attempt  was  made  to 
capture  them,  which  resulted  in  our  people,  eighteen  hundred  strong, 
being  driven  back  into  the  river,  where  many  lives  were  sacrificed 
and  prisoners  taken.  The  whole  affair  was  a  bungle  from  the  be- 
ginning. First,  in  the  officer's  sending  out  a  scouting  party  without 
authority;  second,  in  not  reinforcing  him  when  it  was  found  the  enemy 
were  in  force.  The  worst  part  of  the  business  is  that  at  the  very 
time  our  people  were  contending  against  such  odds,  the  advance  of 
McCall's  Division  was  only  ten  miles  off,  and  had  we  been  ordered 
forward,  instead  of  back,  we  could  have  captured  the  whole  of  them. 
Of  course,  we  were  in  ignorance  of  what  was  going  on,  and  I  presume 

Engagement  at  Ball's  Bluff,  Va.,  October  21,  1861.     Federal  loss,  killed, 
wounded,  and  missing,  921  (O.  R.). 


226         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

McClellan  was  not  fully  advised  of  what  was  taking  place,  or  he 
would  have  undoubtedly  sent  us  on.  I  suppose  they  concealed 
from  him  the  true  state  of  the  case,  and  made  such  reports  that  in- 
duced him  to  believe  all  was  going  well.  Such  contre-temps  are  very 
demoralizing,  and  particularly  unfortunate  at  this  juncture,  when 
we  are  meeting  with  so  many  reverses  on  a  small  scale. 

I  should  like  to  know  what  John  Markoe  says  of  the  affair  at 
Edwards' *  and  Conrad's  Ferry.1  I  was  glad  to  see  his  name  was  not 
among  the  casualties.  Baker2  was  colonel  of  the  regiment  he  was 
attached  to.  Wistar,3  the  lieutenant  colonel,  is  said  to  be  mortally 
wounded.  It  is  reported  that  out  of  the  eighteen  hundred  who 
crossed  the  river,  only  three  hundred  got  back,  the  balance  being 
either  killed,  drowned,  or  prisoners.  The  weather  has  been  very 
disagreeable,  first  raining  hard  day  and  night,  and  now  very  cold, 
with  high  northwest  winds.  The  men  in  consequence  suffer  a  great 
deal,  particularly  on  the  march,  when  we  go  without  tents  or  shelter 
of  any  kind. 

4  Camp  Pierpont,  Va.,  November  7,  1861. 

I  ought  to  have  written  to  you  before,  but  I  have  been  very  busy, 
having  been  put  on  a  court-martial  as  president,  and  it  being  the  first 
time  in  my  military  service  of  thirty  years  that  I  ever  had  anything 
whatever  to  do  with  a  court,  I  have  to  spend  much  time  in  booking 
myself  up. 

McCall  showed  me  to-day  a  very  severe  letter  from  McClellan, 
commenting  on  the  state  of  discipline  of  his  division.  I  think  the 
report  of  the  officers  who  inspected  us  unfair  and  illiberal.  Whilst 
I  am  aware  our  discipline  is  much  below  what  it  ought  to  be,  yet  I 
deny  the  assertion  that  we  are  worse  than  the  rest  of  the  army. 
McCall  was  very  much  mortified,  and  I  am  afraid  McClellan  has  been 
prejudiced  against  him  by  the  talking  of  others. 

Camp  Pierpont,  Va.,  November  12,  1861. 
This  afternoon,  while  at  dinner,  I  was  greatly  surprised  and  de- 
lighted at  seeing  a  carriage  drive  up  with  Captain  and  Mrs.  Scott. 
He  said  he  was  in  Washington  before  a  Court  of  Inquiry;  that  he  had 
not  the  slightest  fear  of  the  result,  having  conscientiously  performed 

1  Engagement  at  Ball's  Bluff,  Va.,  October  21,  1861. 

2  Edward  D.  Baker,  colonel  71st  Regt.  Pa.  Vols. 

3  Isaac  J.  Wistar,  lieutenant-colonel  71st  Regt.  Pa.  Vols. 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  227 

his  duty.  He  explained  the  cause  of  complaint,  which  was  his  not  hav- 
ing reported  to  the  Gulf  Squadron;  which  he  could  not  do,  having 
captured  a  vessel  that  he  had  evidence  would  not  have  been  con- 
demned at  Key  West,  though  a  legal  capture.  I  hope  his  expecta- 
tions will  be  realized,  and  that  no  harm  will  come  to  him.  They 
had  driven  out  to  see  Baldy  Smith  and  myself.  After  spending  a 
little  while  in  my  tent,  I  rode  part  of  the  way  back  with  them.  To- 
day we  have  the  cheering  news  from  the  Naval  Expedition;1  du  Pont2 
has  covered  himself  with  glory.  The  whole  affair  was  most  skillfully 
executed,  and  reflects  great  credit  on  the  navy.  It  has  inspirited  all 
of  us,  and  the  talk  is  now,  When  are  we  going  to  do  something?  I 
should  not  be  surprised  if  a  movement  was  made  in  a  very  few  days. 
For  my  part  I  hope  so. 


To  John  Sergeant  Meade: 

Camp  Pierpont,  Va.,  November  14,  1861. 

I  am  very  badly  off  for  horses.  The  horse3 1  first  got  has  been  an 
excellent  horse  in  his  day,  but  General  Hunter  broke  him  down  at 
Bull  Run.4  The  other  one  has  rheumatism  in  his  legs,  and  has  be- 
come pretty  much  unserviceable.  This  has  always  been  my  luck 
with  horses;  I  am  never  fortunate  with  them.  I  should  like  much 
to  have  a  really  fine  horse,  but  it  costs  so  much  I  must  try  to  get 
along  with  my  old  hacks. 

I  am  very  well  satisfied  with  all  my  staff,  and  believe  I  have  as 
nice  a  set  of  gentlemen  as  any  brigadier  in  the  field.  Both  Kuhn  and 
Watmough  are  particularly  clever  fellows,  and  Captain  Baird  is  a 
very  nice  fellow,  too.  We  all  get  along  most  harmoniously  and  only 
want  a  little  more  to  do.  You  have  of  course  rejoiced  over  the  glori- 
ous achievement  of  our  navy  at  Port  Royal. 

1  Battle  of  Port  Royal,  S.  C,  November  7,  1861. 

2  Captain  Samuel  F.  Du  Pont,  U.  S.  N.,  in  command  of  the  South  Atlantic 
Blockading  Squadron. 

3  "  Baldy,"  remained  with  General  Meade  in  the  field  until  the  spring  of  1864. 
He  was  wounded  twice  at  the  first  battle  of  Bull  Run  under  General  Hunter,  and 
under  General  Meade  he  was  wounded  in  the  flank  at  the  second  battle  of  Bull 
Run,  shot  through  the  neck  at  Antietam,  wounded  at  Fredericksburg,  and  again 
at  Gettysburg,  the  ball  remaining  in  his  body.  In  the  spring  of  1864,  General 
Meade,  fearing  that  he  might  become  an  embarrassment  in  the  campaign  which 
was  about  to  commence,  sent  him  to  Philadelphia,  where  he  outlived  his 
master. 

4  First  battle  of  Bull  Run,  Va.,  July  21,  1861. 


228         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

To  Mrs.  George  G.  Meade : 

Camp  Pierpont,  Va.,  November  17,  1861. 

I  went  into  town  yesterday  to  attend  to  my  Lake  Survey  accounts 
at  the  Treasury,  which  I  believe  are  now  all  explained  satisfactorily, 
so  that  should  anything  happen  to  me,  you  will  remember  that  my 
public  accounts  are  all  settled,  and  that  my  vouchers,  etc.,  are  in  a 
tin  box  in  Major  Woodruff's  office,  Topographical  Bureau. 

People  who  think  the  war  is  about  to  close,  because  we  have 
achieved  one  signal  success,  are  very  short-sighted.  I  agree  with 
you  in  thinking  it  has  only  just  begun.  Think  of  Percy  Drayton1 
firing  into  a  fort  commanded  by  his  own  brother!2  Is  not  this  enough 
to  make  one  heartsick?  We  hear  the  news  of  the  capture  of  Messrs. 
Mason  and  Slidell.3  I  hope  their  being  taken  out  of  a  British  mail 
packet  will  not  bring  us  into  trouble  with  John  Bull.  If  it  is  true 
that  he  is  disposed  to  quarrel  with  us,  this  gives  him  a  very  pretty 
chance  to  begin. 

November  17 — 9  p.  m. 

The  foregoing  part  of  my  letter  was  written  this  A.  m.  General 
Brooks  dined  with  us,  we  having  a  nice  green  goose  for  dinner. 
General  McCall  paid  me  a  visit  during  the  afternoon,  but  had  no 
news  to  communicate.  Every  one  is  speculating,  but  no  one  knows 
what  is  going  to  be  done;  all  we  can  do  is  to  wait  patiently. 

I  am  very  much  pleased  with  Hamilton  Kuhn.  He  is  a  gentle- 
man and  intelligent,  and  it  is  quite  refreshing  to  have  him  for  an 
associate. 

Camp  Pierpont,  Va.,  November  21,  1861. 

I  intended  to  have  written  to  you  last  evening,  but  came  back 
so  tired  from  the  grand  review  that  I  went  right  to  bed.  I  have  no 
doubt  the  papers  will  give  you  a  glowing  description  of  this  event,  so 
long  talked  about.  For  my  part,  all  I  can  say  is  that  I  got  up  at 
half-past  3  a.  m.,  the  morning  very  cold,  with  a  heavy  frost  lying  on 
the  ground.  At  6  o'clock  we  moved  and  marched  nine  miles  to  the 
ground,  at  Bailey's  Cross-Roads,  where  we  arrived  about  10  o'clock, 

1  Percival  Drayton  commanded  the  Pocahontas  in  the  Port  Royal,  S.  C,  ex- 
pedition November  7,  1861. 

2  Thomas  F.  Drayton,  brigadier-general  C.  S.  A.  Led  the  Confederate  troops 
in  the  Port  Royal  expedition. 

3  Commissioners  from  the  Confederate  States  Government  sent  to  Great  Brit- 
ain and  France,  and  captured  by  the  United  States  Government  on  the  British 
steamer  Trent,  November  8,  1862. 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  229 

and  were  posted  in  a  field  where  the  mud  was  six  inches  deep,  and 
where  we  stood  for  four  hours,  after  which  we  marched  past  General 
McClellan,  and  then  home,  where  we  arrived,  tired,  hungry  and  dis- 
gusted, at  about  7  p.  m.  The  day  was  cloudy,  cold  and  raw,  and  alto- 
gether the  affair  as  a  "  spectacle "  was  a  failure.  I  understand  the 
object  of  the  movement  was  to  show  the  soldiers  what  a  large  and 
well  disciplined  army  had  been  collected  together,  and  thus  give 
them  confidence  in  themselves.  I  fear  standing  in  the  mud  for  four 
hours  and  marching  nine  miles  there  and  back  took  away  greatly 
from  the  intended  effect.  My  own  brigade  did  very  well  going  to 
the  review  and  on  the  ground,  but  returning  I  found  it  utterly  im- 
possible to  keep  the  men  in  the  ranks.  I  used  all  my  influence  with 
the  officers  first,  and  afterwards  with  the  men,  but  ineffectually,  and 
at  last  abandoned  it  in  disgust,  one  regiment  being  by  the  time  it 
reached  camp  pretty  much  all  broken  up  and  scattered.  I  felt  an- 
noyed when  I  got  back,  and  wearied  at  the  fruitless  efforts  I  had  made. 
There  was  a  notion  that  the  Grand  Review  was  to  be  converted  into 
a  fight  by  making  a  dash  at  Centreville,  ten  miles  distant  from  the 
ground,  but,  instead  of  this,  the  enemy  made  a  dash  at  us,  driving 
in  our  pickets  on  several  parts  of  the  line  and  killing  several  of  them. 
They  also  kept  up  a  practicing  with  their  heavy  guns  all  the  after- 
noon, as  if  in  defiance  of  our  parade.  General  Smith  required  his 
division  to  cheer  McClellan.  He  passed  our  division  front,  but,  not 
being  posted  in  the  programme,  we  were  silent. 

The  foregoing  part  of  this  letter  was  written  in  the  court  room, 
where  a  poor  devil  was  being  tried  for  sleeping  on  his  post. 

As  to  horses,  I  did  the  best  I  could.  The  truth  is,  the  exposure 
is  so  great,  it  is  almost  impossible  to  keep  a  horse  in  good  health. 
Several  of  the  officers  of  my  staff  have  suffered  in  the  same  way.  I 
have  no  doubt  you  can  get  me  a  good  horse  for  two  hundred  and  ^hy 
dollars.  I  can  do  that  here;  but  where  are  the  two  hundred  and 
fifty  dollars  to  come  from?  Remember,  I  have  paid  now  two  hun- 
dred and  seventy-five  dollars  already. 


To  John  Sergeant  Meade: 

Camp  Pierpont,  Va.,  November  22,  1861. 

I  received  yesterday  your  letter  of  the  17th,  with  its  enclosure, 
the  "Loves  of  Harlequin  and  Columbine,"  which  I  read  with  much 
pleasure.    The  papers,  I  presume,  have  given  you  glowing  accounts 


230         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

of  the  Grand  Review.  I  should  have  been  delighted  for  you  to  have 
seen  it,  as  I  expect,  to  an  outsider,  who  could  go  where  he  pleased 
and  take  in  all  the  views,  the  sight  must  have  been  very  grand,  par- 
ticularly when  the  troops  began  to  march  past  the  reviewing  officer. 
You  will  see  from  my  account  to  your  mother  that  we  who  took  part 
in  it,  like  the  frogs  in  the  fable,  had  but  little  appreciation  of  the  fun 
we  were  affording  others. 

I  got  a  letter  to-day  from  old  Potter.  He  is  quartermaster  in 
Chicago,  up  to  his  eyes  in  business,  spending,  he  says,  sometimes 
over  a  hundred  thousand  dollars  a  day.  He  begs  to  be  remembered 
to  your  mother  and  yourself,  and  says  that  Detroit  is  no  longer  the 
same  place,  and  that  he  never  expects  to  have  such  nice  times  again 
as  he  had  on  the  survey  under  me.  Altogether,  his  letter  exhibits 
quite  a  gratifying  amount  of  feeling. 


To  Mrs.  George  G.  Meade: 

Camp  Pierpont,  Va.,  November  24,  1861. 

There  is  but  little  new  here.  My  duties  at  the  court  occupy  me 
nearly  all  day,  and  in  the  afternoon,  towards  evening,  I  take  a  ride 
through  the  guards  to  see  that  they  are  on  the  alert  and  vigilant. 
The  enemy  do  not  show  themselves  nearer  than  eight  miles,  where 
they  have  their  pickets.  Now  and  then  they  make  a  dash  at  some 
part  of  the  line  with  their  cavalry,  and  drive  ours  in,  killing  and 
wounding  a  few,  when  they  retire  again  to  their  old  lines. 

In  to-day's  papers  we  have  Jeff  Davis's1  report  to  the  Confederate 
Congress.  A  careful  perusal  of  it  leads  me  to  think  it  is  more  despond- 
ing and  not  so  braggadocio  a  document  as  those  we  have  hitherto  had 
from  him.  I  have  no  doubt  the  blockade  and  the  heavy  expenditures 
required  to  maintain  their  large  armies  are  telling  on  them,  and  that 
sensible  people  among  them  are  beginning  to  say,  cui  bono  t  and  where 
is  this  to  end?  If  such  should  be  the  case,  it  proves  the  sagacity  of 
our  policy  in  keeping  them  hemmed  in  by  land  and  sea,  and  forcing 
them  to  raise  large  forces  by  threatening  them  at  many  different 
points.  You  know  I  have  always  told  you  this  would  be  a  war  of 
dollars  and  cents — that  is,  of  resources — and  that  if  the  North  man- 
aged properly,  the  South  ought  to  be  first  exhausted  and  first  to  feel 
the  ruinous  effects  of  war.  In  other  words,  to  use  my  familiar  ex- 
pression, it  was  and  is  a  Kilkenny-cat  business,  in  which  the  North, 

1  Jefferson  Davis,  President  of  the  Confederacy. 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  231 

being  the  biggest  cat  and  having  the  largest  tail,  ought  to  have  the 
endurance  to  maintain  the  contest  after  the  Southern  gentleman 
was  all  gone.  In  the  meantime,  we  at  the  North  should  continue  the 
good  work  of  setting  aside  such  men  as  Fremont1  and  upholding 
such  sentiments  as  those  of  Sherman,  who  declares  the  private  prop- 
erty of  Secessionists  must  be  respected.  Let  the  ultras  on  both  sides 
be  repudiated,  and  the  masses  of  conservative  and  moderate  men  may 
compromise  and  settle  the  difficulty. 

To-day  has  been  raw  and  disagreeable;  this  afternoon  we  had  a 
slight  spit  of  snow.  Camping  out  in  such  weather  is  very  hard 
upon  the  men,  and  the  health  of  the  army  is  being  seriously  im- 
paired. 

I  fear  no  amount  of  personal  energy  or  efforts  to  do  what  is  right 
will  ever  make  these  volunteers  into  soldiers.  The  radical  error  is 
in  their  organization  and  the  election  of  officers,  in  most  cases  more 
ignorant  than  the  men.  It  is  most  unsatisfactory  and  trying  to  find 
all  your  efforts  unsuccessful,  and  the  consciousness  of  knowing  that 
matters  grow  daily  worse  instead  of  better  is  very  hard  to  bear. 
The  men  are  good  material,  and  with  good  officers  might  readily  be 
moulded  into  soldiers;  but  the  officers,  as  a  rule,  with  but  very  few 
exceptions,  are  ignorant,  inefficient  and  worthless.  They  have  not 
control  or  command  over  the  men,  and  if  they  had,  they  do  not 
know  what  to  do  with  them.  We  have  been  weeding  out  some  of 
the  worst,  but  owing  to  the  vicious  system  of  electing  successors 
which  prevails,  those  who  take  their  places  are  no  better.  I  ought 
not  perhaps  to  write  this  to  you,  and  you  must  understand  it  is  all 
in  confidence,  but  you  have  asked  me  to  tell  you  everything  freely 
and  without  disguise,  and  I  have  complied  with  your  request. 

I  had  a  visit  to-day  from  Mr.  Henry,  of  the  Topographical 
Bureau,  who  says  he  saw  the  review  on  Wednesday  and  thought  our 
division  looked  and  marched  the  best  of  all. 

Camp  Pierpont,  Va.,  November  26,  1861. 
The  weather  continues  quite  cold.  We  had  a  slight  fall  of  snow, 
and  every  night  a  heavy  frost.  No  indications  that  I  can  see  of  a 
movement,  and  every  one  is  beginning  to  be  tired  of  inactivity,  and 
to  wonder  when  something  will  be  done.  The  court  martial  still 
continues  to  occupy  my  time  from  9  to  3  o'clock  each  day,  but  I 
hope  to  get  through  with  it  now  in  a  day  or  two. 

1  Major-General  John  Charles  Fremont,  U.  S.  A. 


232         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

Charley  Biddle  has  left  his  regiment  and  gone  to  Philadelphia, 
preparatory  to  taking  his  seat  in  Congress.  He  is  really  a  great  loss 
to  this  division.  The  command  of  his  regiment  devolves  upon 
Lieutenant  Colonel  Thomas  L.  Kane. 

Did  you  see  Colonel  Willcox  was  among  those  selected  to  be  put 
to  death,  in  case  our  Government  hung  any  of  the  privateersmen 
condemned?  I  have  no  doubt  they  will  carry  out  their  threat  and 
hang  man  for  man,  if  we  persist  in  the  folly  of  denying  them  rights 
which  we  have  always  claimed  for  ourselves. 

Camp  Pierpont,  Va.,  November  28,  1861. 

If  you  remember  what  I  told  you  before  I  came  here,  you  will 
recollect  that  I  always  said  McClellan  had  to  be  tried.  That  while 
he  had  shown  in  other  positions  talents  and  a  mental  organization 
leading  to  the  belief  that  he  was  one  who  would  make  himself  equal 
to  the  position,  yet  that  fact  had  yet  to  be  established.  I  fear  he 
allows  himself  to  be  too  much  biased  by  personal  influences  and  old 
associations.  He  has  already  in  my  judgment  committed  two  grave 
errors.  First,  in  whitewashing  Stone,  who  was  and  is  responsible 
for  the  Ball's  Bluff  disaster,  greater  in  my  judgment  than  Bull  Run, 
inasmuch  as  it  was  clearly  the  result  of  bad  generalship.  Secondly, 
in  permitting  himself  to  be  biased  by  tittle-tattle  about  McCall, 
and  visiting  his  censure  of  that  officer  on  the  whole  division  under  his 
command.  Both  these  instances  show  a  want  of  moral  courage, 
without  which  no  man  can  be  a  great  commander. 

We  had  a  little  excitement  yesterday,  in  a  scout  from  our  division 
by  our  cavalry.  They  went  some  fourteen  miles  in  front,  capturing 
one  of  the  enemy's  pickets,  and  on  their  return  were  fired  into  by  a 
party,  whom  they  repulsed,  killing  several  and  bringing  in  eleven 
prisoners.  Colonel  Bayard  (a  young  man  you  may  remember  at 
the  first  review,  from  the  protuberance  on  his  cheek,  produced  by  an 
arrow  wound),  the  commander,  behaved  with  conspicuous  gallantry. 
One  of  the  prisoners  confessed  he  took  deliberate  aim  at  him.  He 
had  two  balls  through  his  clothes  and  his  horse  killed  under  him. 

Camp  Pierpont,  Va.,  December  2,  186 1. 

The  most  important  piece  of  intelligence  I  have  to  communicate 

is  that  I  have  bought  another  horse.     He  is  a  fine  black  horse  that 

was  brought  out  to  camp  by  a  trader,  for  sale.     I  bought  him  on  the 

advice  and  judgment  of  several  friends  who  pretend  a  knowledge  in 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  233 

horse  flesh,  of  which  I  am  entirely  ignorant.  I  exchanged  Sargie's1 
horse  and  gave  a  hundred  and  twenty-five  dollars  boot.  As  Sargie's 
horse  cost  me  a  hundred  and  twenty-five  dollars,  it  makes  my  black 
turn  me  out  two  hundred  and  fifty  dollars,  a  very  high  price.  But 
Sargie's  horse  was  entirely  broken  down  and  worthless  from  exposure, 
and  was  pretty  much  a  dead  loss  to  me.  I  hope  my  black  will  turn 
out  well.  Thus  far  he  is  very  satisfactory,  being  full  of  spirit  and 
quite  handsome;  but  there  is  no  telling  when  you  get  a  horse  from 
a  regular  trader  what  a  few  days  of  possession  may  bring  forth. 
Everything  now  looks  as  if  *  *  *  news  was  correct,  that  we  were 
not  to  advance  from  our  present  position,  but  look  to  Southern  ex- 
peditions for  action  on  the  enemy.  We  are  not  positively  informed 
that  we  are  in  winter  quarters,  but  the  men  are  allowed  to  make  them- 
selves as  comfortable  as  they  can.  I  cannot  say  I  am  pleased  with 
this — to  remain  inactive  for  four  months. 

The  poor  doctor  who  was  wounded  in  the  cavalry  skirmish  the 
other  day  has  since  died.  He  was  only  twenty-six  years  old,  and 
leaves  a  young  wife,  who  reached  here  three  hours  after  his  death. 
Such  afflictions  should  reconcile  us  to  our  lesser  troubles. 

Camp  Pierpont,  Va.,  December  5,  1861. 

Yesterday  morning  General  McCall  invited  me  to  ride  into  town 
with  him,  he  knowing  I  wished  to  go  in  to  draw  my  pay  and  attend 
to  other  business.  The  day  before  we  had  gone  towards  Dranesville 
on  a  foraging  expedition,  Reynolds's  brigade  and  mine,  Reynolds  in 
front.  We  collected  some  fifty  wagons  of  forage,  but  saw  and  heard 
nothing  of  the  enemy.  On  getting  into  town  I  paid  the  Turnbulls 
and  Tom  Lee  a  visit.  I  found  at  the  former  place  Master  Charley, 
who  had  just  arrived  with  despatches  for  McClellan  from  General 
Butler.  The  expedition  they  are  organizing  is  to  rendezvous  at  Ship 
Island,  near  New  Orleans,  and  I  have  no  doubt  looks  to  that  impor- 
tant place. 

This  morning  I  attended  to  my  business,  and  after  dining,  rode 
out  to  camp.  Here  I  find  orders  from  McCall  for  another  expedi- 
tion towards  Dranesville  to-morrow,  I  believe  for  foraging  purposes, 
though  he  does  not  state.  I  am,  however,  to  have  the  command  and  to 
be  in  front  this  time,  and  should  not  object  to  having  a  little  brush 
with  the  enemy,  if  there  are  any  about  the  neighborhood  where  we 
are  going. 

1  Son  of  General  Meade. 


234         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

I  am  very  much  pleased  with  my  new  horse,  all  except  the  price, 
which  is  pretty  digging. 

Camp  Pierpont,  Va.,  Sunday,  December  8,  1861. 
My  last  letter  was  written  on  Thursday  evening.  The  next  day 
I  went,  in  command  of  my  brigade,  on  a  foraging  expedition.  We 
proceeded  some  ten  miles  from  here,  and  within  two  of  Dranesville, 
to  the  farm  of  a  man  named  Gunnell,  who  was  reported  not  only  as 
an  active  Secessionist,  but  one  who  was  making  arrangements  to 
place  his  crops  in  the  possession  of  the  Confederate  Army.  We  ar- 
rived on  the  ground  about  12  m.,  and  in  two  hours  loaded  some  sixty 
wagons,  stripping  his  place  of  everything  we  thought  would  be  use- 
ful to  the  enemy  or  that  we  could  use  ourselves.  I  never  had  a  more 
disagreeable  duty  in  my  life  to  perform.  The  man  was  absent,  but 
his  sister,  with  his  farm  and  house  servants,  were  at  home.  The  great 
difficulty  was  to  prevent  the  wanton  and  useless  destruction  of  prop- 
erty which  could  not  be  made  available  for  military  purposes.  The 
men  and  officers  got  into  their  heads  that  the  object  of  the  expedi- 
tion was  the  punishment  of  a  rebel,  and  hence  the  more  injury  they 
inflicted,  the  more  successful  was  the  expedition,  and  it  was  with 
considerable  trouble  they  could  be  prevented  from  burning  every- 
thing. It  made  me  sad  to  do  such  injury,  and  I  really  was  ashamed 
of  our  cause,  which  thus  required  war  to  be  made  on  individuals. 
The  enemy  were  within  ten  miles  of  us,  but  did  not  make  their  ap- 
pearance, and  we  returned  to  camp  with  our  booty  by  nightfall. 

Camp  Pierpont,  Va.,  December  9,  1861. 
Most  persons  here  pooh-pooh  the  news  from  England,  but  I 
think  it  very  serious,  as  it  confirms  my  apprehension  that  England 
would  feel  herself  compelled  to  intervene  in  our  domestic  troubles, 
and  would  seize  the  first  plausible  pretext  for  doing  so.  There  is 
no  earthly  doubt  but  that  we  were  justified  by  the  laws  of  nations 
in  arresting  Mason  and  Slidell.  It  is,  however,  a  question  whether 
it  was  done  in  the  right  mode,  and  whether  Wilkes  ought  not  to  have 
captured  the  vessel  and  carried  it  into  port,  where  an  admiralty 
judge  could  have  settled  the  legal  points  involved,  and  have  ordered 
the  release  of  the  prisoners,  in  case  their  arrest  was  contrary  to  na- 
tional law.  This  I  understand  is  the  point  England  now  makes,  viz. : 
that  no  naval  officer  is  empowered  to  decide  on  the  spot  questions 
of  international  law — which  can  only  be  settled  by  admiralty  courts. 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  235 

Camp  Pierpont,  Va.,  December  11,  1861. 

I  went  into  town  last  evening  to  the  wedding  of  Captain  Griffin 
with  Miss  Carroll.  I  had  another  object  in  view,  which  was  to  avail 
myself  of  a  capital  opportunity  of  seeing  in  one  place  and  at  one  time 
numerous  friends.  Kuhn  and  myself  left  camp  about  5  o'clock, 
getting  in  about  half-past  6.  Kuhn  found  some  nice  rooms  where 
his  connections,  the  young  Adamses,  were  staying,  and  where  the 
landlady  was  gracious  enough  to  admit  us  for  the  night.  After  tea 
and  a  stroll  to  Willards',  we  returned  and  beautified  ourselves,  and 
at  9  precisely  repaired  to  the  Carrolls'.  Of  course  there  was  an  im- 
mense jam;  of  course  the  bride  and  groom  looked  splendid,  as  did 
the  fourteen  bridemaids  and  groomsmen,  the  latter  all  handsome 
young  officers  in  full  uniform.  Mr.,  Mrs.  and  the  Miss  C's  were  very 
civil  to  your  humble  servant.  I  saw  McClellan  and  had  the  honor 
of  making  way  for  him  to  approach  the  bride.  I  saw  Mrs.  Lincoln, 
Lord  Lyons,  Governor  Chase,  Mr.  Seward,  and  lots  of  other  celeb- 
rities. All  my  old  Washington  friends  greeted  me  with  great  cor- 
diality, and  any  amount  of  rooms  and  plates  at  table  were  offered  to 
me  when  I  should  come  into  town,  and  all  the  ladies  referred  to  your 
visit  and  their  regret  that  you  were  gone  before  they  could  get  to 
see  you.  There  was  the  usual  amount  of  flirtations  carried  on  by 
the  old  stagers,  assisted  by  numerous  younger  fry.  I  had  a  very 
agreeable  evening;  they  had  a  magnificent  supper,  and  at  midnight 
Kuhn  and  I  returned  to  our  quarters. 

This  morning,  having  seen  Master  Charley  Turnbull  at  the  wed- 
ding (he  not  having  yet  received  his  return  despatches),  I  went  at 
half-past  8  o'clock  to  his  house  and  breakfasted  with  them.  Just 
as  we  had  finished  breakfast,  and  I  was  thinking  of  going  to  the 
Bureau  to  write  you  a  few  lines,  a  telegram  was  put  into  my  hands, 
announcing  the  reported  approach  of  the  enemy.  I  hurried  to  the 
stable,  got  my  horse,  and  in  thirty  minutes  by  my  watch  was  here 
in  camp,  to  find,  as  I  expected,  that  it  was  a  stampede. 

There  is  a  story,  brought  in  by  one  of  their  deserters,  a  negro, 
that  on  last  Friday,  the  day  I  was  out  on  a  foraging  expedition,  we 
approached  so  near  an  advanced  command  they  had,  consisting  of  a 
brigade  of  infantry  and  a  battery,  that  they  thought  they  were 
going  to  be  attacked,  and  retreated  in  such  a  hurry  that  they  aban- 
doned their  artillery,  and  did  not  return  for  it  all  the  next  day.  Un- 
fortunately, we  were  in  ignorance  of  their  presence,  or  of  their  stam- 
pede, or  we  might  have  had  a  glorious  and  bloodless  capture.    The 


236         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

Southern  papers  have  recently  been  vehemently  urging  an  advance 
of  their  army  in  order  to  stop  our  expeditions  by  sea,  and  we  know 
Jeff.  Davis  was  at  Centre ville  (where  they  are  said  to  have  sixty 
thousand  men)  last  Friday.  As  he  has  adhered  to  the  defensive 
policy,  in  opposition  to  his  generals,  it  is  not  impossible  he  may  have 
yielded,  and  determined  to  advance  and  give  us  battle.  This  may 
account  for  their  movement  last  night  and  this  morning.  I  think 
if  they  come  out  of  their  ratholes  about  Bull  Run  and  give  us  a  fair 
chance  half-way,  that  McClellan  will  eagerly  seize  it,  and  the  ques- 
tion may  be  settled  by  one  grand  battle.  Were  it  not  that  I  am 
determined  to  take  things  as  they  come  and  have  no  wishes,  I  would 
say,  so  let  it  be.  The  sooner  this  thing  is  settled  the  better,  and  it 
can  only  be  settled  by  one  side  or  the  other  gaining  a  most  decisive 
and  complete  victory.  I  think,  if  we  have  a  fair,  open  ^ght,  our 
chances  are  good  for  a  victory.  But  all  battles  are  more  or  less  the 
result  of  accidents,  and  no  one  can  tell  in  advance  what  will  be  the 
result.  We  have  been  in  readiness  to  move  all  day,  but  as  nothing 
further  has  occurred,  I  suppose  an  immediate  action  for  the  present 
is  postponed. 

Camp  Pierpont,  Va.,  December  12,  1861. 
We  have  nothing  new  in  the  army.  Congress  and  its  doings  I 
suppose  you  see  in  the  papers.  It  appears  Cameron1  has  come  out 
on  the  Abolition  side,  but  honest  old  Abe2  made  him  suppress  the 
principal  part  of  his  report.  I  see  Congress  refused  to  pass  a  vote 
of  censure  on  General  Halleck 3  for  his  order  about  slaves,  which  in- 
dicates the  ultras  are  not  yet  to  have  it  all  their  own  way. 

Camp  Pierpont,  Va.,  December  21,  1861. 
It  has  been  several  days  since  I  last  wrote  to  you,  owing  to  occu- 
pation, principally  drilling  my  command  and  yesterday  going  on  a 
foraging  expedition.4  Of  this  last  you  are  advised  by  this  time 
through  the  public  press,  as  what  with  the  telegraph  and  the  night 
train,  it  is  actually  a  fact  that  at  11  A.  M.  to-day  I  read  in  the  Phila- 

1  Simon  Cameron,  secretary  of  war  of  the  United  States. 

2  Abraham  Lincoln,  President  of  the  United  States. 

3  Major-General  Henry  W.  Halleck,  U.  S.  A.,  in  command  of  the  Department 
of  the  Missouri. 

4  Engagement,  Dranes ville,  Va.,  December  20,  1861.     Federal  loss,  killed, 
wounded,  and  missing,  68  (O.  R.). 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  237 

delphia  papers  of  this  date  an  authentic  account  of  the  affair,  fur- 
nished by  McCall,  before  I  had  an  opportunity  of  getting  information 
either  from  Ord1  or  McCall.  I  do  not  know  whether  you  will  be  dis- 
appointed in  not  seeing  my  name  in  connection  with  the  affair,  but 
this  is  the  fortune  of  war.  Reynolds  and  myself  were  allowed  to 
secure  our  plunder  undisturbed,  but  after  permitting  two  expeditions, 
the  enemy  made  preparations  to  capture  the  third,  which  was  Ord's. 
He  left  early  in  the  morning  with  his  brigade,  and  Reynolds  followed 
to  support  him,  and  it  was  intended  that  I  should  remain  in  camp  for 
the  day.  About  10  o'clock,  however,  McCall  received  information 
from  Ord,  who  was  advancing,  that  he  had  reason  to  believe  the 
enemy  were  going  to  dispute  his  advance.  McCall  immediately 
went  out  to  join  him,  leaving  word  with  me  to  get  my  command  under 
arms  and  be  ready  to  move  at  a  moment's  notice.  About  1  p.  m., 
hearing  heavy  firing,  without  waiting  for  orders,  I  started  with  the 
brigade  and  reached  the  scene,  distant  eleven  miles,  by  4  o'clock, 
only  to  learn  that  it  was  all  over,  and  that  I  might  march  back  to 
camp,  which  we  did,  arriving  here  about  half-past  8,  pretty  well 
tired  out.  It  appears  they  had  four  regiments  and  a  battery  of 
artillery.  Ord  had  a  battery  and  five  regiments.  They  had  the 
choice  of  ground  and  opened  the  attack.  Their  artillery  was  miser- 
ably served  and  did  us  no  damage.  Ours,  on  the  contrary,  under 
Ord's  directions,  was  very  well  served  and  did  great  execution — so 
much  so  that,  after  throwing  them  into  confusion,  our  men  charged, 
and  they  fled  in  all  directions,  leaving  their  dead  and  wounded  and 
lots  of  baggage  on  the  ground,  giving  us  a  complete  and  brilliant  suc- 
cess. I  have  just  seen  General  Ord,  and  I  asked  him  how  the  men 
behaved.  He  replied,  better  than  he  expected,  but  not  so  well  as 
they  ought;  that  there  was  much  shirking  and  running  away  on  the 
part  of  both  officers  and  men.  Still,  he  persuaded  two  regiments  to 
maintain  their  ground  and  finally  to  charge.  These  were  the  Kane 
Rifles  (Charley  Biddle's  regiment)  and  the  Ninth,  a  very  good  regi- 
ment commanded  by  a  Colonel  Jackson.  One  regiment  he  could 
do  nothing  with — (but  this,  as  well  as  all  that  precedes,  is  entre  nous). 
The  fact  that  the  enemy  were  routed,  leaving  killed,  wounded,  bag- 
gage, etc.,  on  the  ground,  will  always  be  held  up  to  show  how  gallantly 
the  volunteers  can  and  did  behave,  and  the  world  will  never  know  that 
it  was  the  judicious  posting  and  serving  of  the  battery  by  Ord  (him- 
self an  artillery  officer)  which  demoralized  and  threw  into  confusion 

Brigadier-General  Edward  0.  C.  Ord,  commanding  3d  Brg.  Pa.  Reserves. 


238         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

the  enemy,  and  prepared  them  to  run  the  moment  our  people  showed 
a  bold  front,  which  it  required  all  Ord's  efforts  and  some  time  to  get 
them  to  do.  Ord  says  if  they  had  charged  when  he  first  ordered 
them,  he  would  have  captured  the  whole  battery  and  lots  of  prisoners. 
You  will  see  therefore  that  the  result  proves  the  justness  of  my  pre- 
diction. Owing  to  the  success  of  our  artillery,  the  men  were  gotten 
up  to  the  charging  point.  Had  the  artillery  of  the  enemy  been  served 
as  ours  was,  and  committed  the  same  devastation,  he  could  not  have 
kept  his  command  together  five  minutes.  In  other  words,  it  is  suc- 
cess in  the  beginning  of  an  action  which  keeps  volunteers  together, 
and  disaster  or  being  checked  is  sure  to  throw  them  into  confusion 
or  cause  them  to  run. 

Among  the  wounded  was  an  officer,  and  from  his  person  was  taken 
a  letter  which  was  evidently  written  by  a  person  of  intelligence  and 
position.  It  speaks  of  their  fortifications  at  Centreville,  says  they 
are  prepared  for  McClellan's  attack,  that  whilst  they  know  an  attack 
from  him  would  be  a  military  faux  pas  and  cannot  but  result  dis- 
astrously, yet  their  hopes  are  based  upon  the  knowledge  of  the  press- 
ure that  is  being  brought  to  bear  on  him  by  the  people  of  the  North, 
who  are  ignorant  of  war  and  deluded  with  an  overweening  sense  of 
their  own  power  and  a  blind  contempt  for  their  enemy.  This  letter 
has  been  sent  to  McClellan.  We  have  heard  nothing  from  them 
since  our  return. 

Sunday,  December  22. 

We  have  nothing  new  since  the  Dranesville  affair,  of  which  the 
papers  will  give  you  a  full  account.  It  is  said  McClellan  is  very  much 
pleased,  and  McCall  now  expects  to  be  reinstated  in  favor.  I  sup- 
pose, if  I  applied,  I  might  get  a  forty-eight-hours'  leave  and  spend  a 
day  with  you;  but  what  would  be  our  feelings  if  during  that  time 
anything  were  to  occur  and  my  brigade  be  in  action  without  me? 
The  uncertainty  of  affairs,  and  the  impossibility  of  foreseeing  what  is 
going  to  take  place  even  twenty-four  hours  ahead,  prevent  me  from 
making  any  application. 

I  wrote  to  you  some  days  ago  to  distribute  *  *  *  among  the 
children,  which  I  hope  they  will  receive  in  time  to  make  their  Christ- 
mas purchases.  It  is  my  wish  that  they  should  have  everything 
done  for  them  to  promote  healthy  enjoyment,  and  that  the  season  of 
childhood,  the  brightest  of  our  existence,  should  be  to  them  as  happy 
as  we  can  make  it,  knowing  that  sorrows,  cares  and  anxieties  will  do 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  239 

their  work  in  time.     Give  them  my  blessing  and  my  love.     Perhaps 
it  may  be  God's  will  I  shall  never  see  them  again. 

There  is  a  tremendous  pressure  being  brought  to  bear  on  McClel- 
lan,  and  there  is  no  telling  how  long  he  can  or  will  stand  it.  No  one 
can  predict  the  future  for  twenty-four  hours,  and  all  we  can  do  is  to 
endeavor  to  be  ready  for  all  contingencies.  Good-by !  God  bless  you 
all  and  give  you  a  happy  and  as  far  as  possible  a  merry  Christmas ! 

Camp  Pierpont,  Va.,  December  25,  1861. 

I  write  a  few  lines  on  this  day  of  rejoicing  and  festivity,  to  let 
you  know  I  am  well,  and  though  absent  from  you  in  the  body,  that 
I  am  with  you  and  my  dear  children  in  spirit  and  thought.  As  this 
day  is  the  anniversary  commemorating  the  great  promise  held  out 
to  all  mankind,  let  us  hope  it  may  promise  speedy  peace  and  happi- 
ness to  us  in  this  world  as  well  as  the  one  to  come.  God  grant  it 
may  be  so ! 

I  see  you  are  greatly  concerned  about  the  foreign  news.  I  doubt 
that  there  will  be  a  war  with  England,  because  I  think  I  see  symptoms 
of  backing  out  on  the  part  of  our  Government,  notwithstanding  all 
their  bluster,  and  this  shows  the  impropriety  of  our  making  such 
boasts  and  bragging,  passing  votes  of  thanks  to  Captain  Wilkes1  for 
an  act  we  may  be  forced  to  disavow.  A  war  with  England  would 
be  nothing  less  than  self-destruction  on  our  part,  amounting  to  mad- 
ness. Our  only  course  is  to  yield  to  England's  demands  under  pro- 
test, as  to  an  acknowledged  superior  force,  settle  the  rebellion,  and 
then,  when  our  hands  are  free,  call  on  England  for  an  apology  or 
fight  her.  This  course  will  not  dishonor  us,  and  will  enable  us  to 
continue  operations  against  the  South  unembarrassed  by  a  foreign  war. 

Camp  Pierpont,  Va.,  December  27,  1861. 

You  have  doubtless  seen  in  the  papers  the  enemy's  account  of 
the  Dranesville  fight.  From  their  own  showing  they  had  a  larger 
force  than  we,  and  chose  their  own  position  and  time  of  attack,  and 
yet  were  not  only  beaten,  but  most  ignominiously  driven  off  the  field. 
It  is  without  doubt  one  of  the  most  brilliant  and  successful  affairs  of 
the  war,  and  the  only  success  that  has  been  accomplished  as  yet  by 
the  Grand  Army  of  the  Potomac. 

You  are  mistaken  in  calling  Ord  a  civilian.     He  is  a  West  Pointer, 

1  Captain  Charles  Wilkes,  U.  S.  N.,  in  command  of  the  frigate  San  Jacinto, 
captured  Mason  and  Slidell  on  board  the  British  steamer  Trent. 


240  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

having  graduated  some  four  or  five  years  after  me,  and  has  always 
been  in  the  artillery,  of  which  branch  of  the  service  he  has  always 
been  considered  a  distinguished  officer.  Unfortunately  for  him, 
McCall's  appearance  on  the  field,  just  at  the  close  of  the  affair,  has 
given  an  opportunity  to  the  latter  to  carry  off  the  lion's  share  of  the 
glory;  but  Ord  was  the  man.  I  do  not  now  remember  what  I  wrote 
to  you,  but  I  should  be  sorry  to  do  injustice  to  our  men,  and  the  fact 
is  not  to  be  disguised,  that  they  behaved  better  than  we  expected. 

The  weather  continues  very  boisterous  and  cold,  rendering  life 
in  camp  proportionately  uncomfortable.  I  do  not  mind  the  cold, 
because  exercise  by  day  and  plenty  of  blankets  by  night  will  remedy 
it;  but  the  terrible  wind,  which  penetrates  and  searches  into  every- 
thing, shaking  your  tent  and  making  you  believe  each  moment  it  is 
coming  down,  filling  it  with  smoke  from  your  chimney,  so  that  half 
the  time  you  cannot  keep  any  fire — this  is  what  renders  us  so  un- 
comfortable.    Still  we  get  along  and  preserve  our  health  wonderfully. 

How  strange  it  is  and  how  little  we  can  anticipate  events!  Do 
you  remember  when  you  accompanied  me  to  Washington,  about  the 
1st  of  September,  that  I  was  nervous  for  fear  Washington  might  be 
attacked  before  you  reached  it — then,  after  being  assigned  to  McCall, 
how  nervous  I  was  lest  a  battle  should  come  off  before  I  got  my 
brigade?  And  now  four  months  have  elapsed  without  matters 
changing  their  aspect  materially. 

I  infer  from  the  tone  of  the  public  press  that  the  war  with  Eng- 
land will  be  avoided,  if  concession  on  our  part  can  keep  it  off,  and 
that  Mason  and  Slidell  will  be  given  up,  and  Wilkes's  act  disavowed, 
unless  the  ultras  are  too  strong  for  Seward  l  and  the  President,  or 
unless  they  see  that  England  is  determined  to  fight  us  and  there  is 
no  use  in  trying  to  avoid  the  conflict. 

Camp  Pierpont,  Va.,  December  30,  1861. 
I  intended  yesterday  (Sunday)  to  have  written  you  a  long  letter, 
but  just  as  I  was  getting  ready  to  do  so,  orders  came  for  a  review  by 
Governor  Curtin.  The  review  and  attendant  duties  occupied  pretty 
much  the  balance  of  the  day.  After  the  review,  which  passed  off 
very  well,  Ord's,  or  the  Third  Brigade,  was  addressed  by  Governor 
Curtin,  who  eulogized  their  conduct  at  Dranesville,  thanked  them 
in  the  name  of  the  people  of  Pennsylvania,  and  said  he  had  directed 
the  word  Dranesville  to  be  inscribed  on  the  banner  of  each  regiment 

1  William  H.  Seward,  secretary  of  state  of  the  United  States. 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  241 

in  the  brigade.  Secretary  Cameron,  who  was  present,  asked  very 
kindly  after  you,  and  hoped  you  were  quite  well.  Among  Governor 
Curtin's  cortege  was  Craig  Biddle,1  who  seemed  glad  to  see  me,  and 
said  he  had  seen  you  only  a  few  days  ago  in  the  street.  General 
McClellan  has  issued  a  complimentary  order,  in  which  he  returns 
his  special  thanks  to  General  Ord  and  his  brigade  for  the  fight,  and 
to  McCall  and  the  division  for  the  prompt  measures  taken  to  repel 
the  advance  of  reinforcements. 

Well,  the  vexed  Trent  affair  is  settled,  and  just  as  I  expected  it 
would  be.  Seward's  letter  I  do  not  like.  It  is  specious  and  petti- 
fogging. Had  Mr.  Seward  written  this  letter  immediately  on  receipt 
of  the  intelligence  of  the  capture,  and  examination  of  the  subject, 
then  it  would  have  been  all  right  and  honorable;  but  I  do  not  under- 
stand the  manliness  of  not  finding  out  you  are  wrong  until  a  demand 
is  made  for  reparation,  particularly  as,  anterior  to  that  demand  and 
its  consequences,  everything  was  done  by  Congress  and  the  Navy 
Department,  the  press  and  all  jurists,  to  insist  on  the  justice  and 
legality  of  the  act.  It  is  a  clear  case  of  backing  out,  with  our  tracks 
very  badly  covered  up.  I  would  have  preferred  insisting  on  the  act 
being  legal,  but  yielded  on  the  broad  ground  of  superior  force  and  our 
inability  at  the  present  moment  to  resist  the  outrage.  I  think  the 
course  of  England  has  been  most  disgraceful  and  unworthy  of  a  great 
nation,  and  I  feel  confident  that,  if  ever  this  domestic  war  of  ours  is 
settled,  it  will  require  but  the  slightest  pretext  to  bring  about  a  war 
with  England. 

Camp  Pierpont,  Va.,  December  31,  1861. 
Do  you  know,  to-day  is  our  wedding-day  and  my  birthday. 
Twenty-one  years  ago  we  pledged  our  faith  to  each  other,  and  I 
doubt  if  any  other  couple  live  who,  with  all  the  ups  and  downs  of 
life,  have  had  more  happiness  with  each  other  than  you  and  I.  I 
trust  a  merciful  Providence  will  spare  us  both  to  celebrate  yet  many 
returns  of  the  day,  and  that  we  shall  see  our  children  advancing  in 
life  prosperously  and  happily. 

Camp  Pierpont,  Va.,  January  2,  1862. 
I  hear  nothing  of  the  movements  against  McClellan,  because  I 
am  out  of  the  way  of  politics  entirely  and  do  not  often  even  see  the 

1  Craig  Biddle,  of  Philadelphia,  afterward  a  judge  of  the  court  of  common 
pleas. 


242  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

papers.  I  think,  though,  the  President  is  his  firm  friend,  and  that 
he  will  not  be  disturbed  so  long  as  moderate  and  conservative  views 
have  the  upper  hand.  Still,  something  must  be  done.  This  con- 
dition of  quiescence,  with  such  enormous  expenses,  is  ruining  the 
country,  and,  one  way  or  the  other,  the  attempt  will  have  to  be  made 
to  come  to  a  conclusion. 

Camp  Pierpont,  Va.,  January  5,  1862. 

I  fully  expected  before  to-day  we  would  have  received  the  orders 
that  we  had  hints  about,  but  as  yet  nothing  has  been  received. 
Possibly  McClellan's  sickness  may  have  postponed  them,  for  it 
is  now  pretty  well  known  that  he  has  been,  if  he  is  not  now, 
quite  sick,  with  all  the  symptoms  of  typhoid  fever.  His  employ- 
ing a  Homoeopathic  doctor  has  astonished  all  his  friends,  and  very 
much  shaken  the  opinion  of  many  in  his  claimed  extraordinary 
judgment. 

The  weather  continues  quite  cold ;  we  have  had  a  little  snow,  but 
the  ground  is  frozen  hard  and  the  roads  in  fine  order.  I  have  seen 
so  much  of  war  and  its  chances  that  I  have  learned  to  be  satisfied 
with  things  as  they  are  and  to  have  no  wishes.  Were  it  not  for  this 
philosophy,  a  movement  would  be  desirable,  for  I  am  satisfied  this 
army  is  gaining  nothing  by  inaction,  and  that  volunteers,  beyond  a 
certain  point,  are  not  improvable.  And  as  this  war  will  never  be 
terminated  without  fighting,  I  feel  like  one  who  has  to  undergo  a 
severe  operation,  that  the  sooner  it  is  over  the  better.  An  officer 
from  town  this  evening  says  the  report  there  is  that  McCalFs  Divi- 
sion is  to  join  Burnside's  expedition,1  but  I  think  this  is  a  mere  street 
rumor.  They  would  not  put  an  officer  of  McCalFs  years  and  service 
under  so  young  a  man  as  Burnside.  I  think,  however,  that  if  the 
Burnside  destination  is  correctly  guessed,  viz.,  up  the  Potomac,  that 
it  is  highly  probable  that  simultaneous  with  his  attack  of  the  river 
batteries  a  movement  of  the  whole  of  this  army  will  be  made  on  the 
Centreville  lines,  to  prevent  any  detachment  of  their  forces  to  rein- 
force the  batteries  and  their  guard.  Should  Burnside  be  successful 
and  find  a  point  where  we  could  advance  in  their  rear,  then  a  large 
force  will  be  sent  in  that  direction,  while  the  balance  attack  them  in 
front.  This  is  all  surmise  and  is  entre  nous,  but  I  have  a  notion  it  is 
McClellan's  plan  just  now. 

1  Brigadier-General  Ambrose  E.  Burnside,  commanding  expedition  to  Roanoke 
Island,  N.  C. 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  243 

Camp  Pierpont,  Va.,  January  16,  1862. 
Every  one  seems  relieved  at  the  change  in  the  War  Department,1 
though  the  secret  cause  is  as  yet  unknown,  some  putting  it  on  his 
political  faith,  others  on  his  want  of  integrity,  etc.,  etc. 

Camp  Pierpont,  Va.,  January  24,  1862. 
The  mysterious  movements  of  the  Burnside  expedition  puzzle 
me  very  much.  It  has  now  been  about  ten  days,  and  yet  we  have  no 
reliable  information  of  its  whereabouts.  The  victory  in  Kentucky2 
was  certainly  very  important  in  its  results,  and  if  the  Confederate 
Army  of  the  Potomac  do  not  fight  better  than  Zollicoffer's  army,  we 
ought  to  be  victorious.  For  ten  thousand  men  to  run  as  they  did, 
after  losing  only  one  hundred  and  fifty  killed,  is  more  disgraceful 
than  the  behavior  of  our  troops  at  Bull  Run.  At  Ball's  Bluff,  though 
we  were  overpowered  by  superior  numbers,  yet  our  men  behaved  with 
great  gallantry. 

Camp  Pierpont,  Va.,  January  26,  1862. 
To-day  being  Sunday,  I  had  an  invitation  from  General  McCall 
to  dine  with  him,  which  I  accepted,  and  had  a  very  pleasant  time 
discussing  matters  and  things  in  general.  McCall  thinks  France 
and  England  will  recognize  the  Southern  Confederacy  and  interfere 
in  their  behalf.  I  am  not  of  this  opinion,  unless  we  should  fail  in 
the  next  six  months  to  make  any  further  progress  in  suppressing  the 
revolution  than  we  have  as  yet  done.  I  cannot  believe  that  eight 
millions  of  people,  however  great  their  spirit  and  individual  gallantry 
may  be,  can  hold  at  bay  twenty  millions,  unless  the  latter  are  das- 
tards and  ignoramuses.  If  our  men  will  fight,  as  men  ought  to  do 
who  pretend  to  be  soldiers,  and  our  resources  are  properly  managed 
and  directed,  we  must  whip  them  so  badly  and  distress  them  so  much 
that  they  will  be  compelled  to  accept  terms  of  peace  dictated  by  us, 
provided  we  ask  nothing  of  them  but  what  we  have  a  right  to  do, 
viz.,  to  return  to  their  allegiance  under  the  old  Constitution,  and 
agree  that  the  will  of  the  majority  shall  govern.  Here,  however,  is 
our  great  danger,  and  it  lies  in  the  effort  that  the  ultras  are  making 
to  give  a  character  to  the  war  which  will  forbid  any  hope  of  the 

1  Edwin  M.  Stanton  succeeded  Simon  Cameron  as  secretary  of  war. 

2  Battle  of  Mill  Springs,  Kentucky,  January  19,  1862.  The  Federal  troops 
under  Brigadier-General  George  H.  Thomas  defeated  the  Confederate  troops 
under  General  G.  B.  Crittenden,  led  by  General  F.  K.  Zollicoffer.  Federal  loss, 
killed,  wounded,  and  missing,  194  (0.  R.). 


244  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

Southerners  ever  yielding  as  long  as  there  is  any  power  of  resistance 
left  in  them.  I  still  trust,  however,  in  the  good  sense  of  the  mass  of 
the  people  to  preserve  us  from  a  condition  from  which  I  fear  it  would 
take  years  to  emerge. 

Camp  Pierpont,  Va.,  February  6,  1862. 

Day  before  yesterday,  the  weather  being  promising,  and  tired  of 
the  mud  and  ennui  of  camp,  I  mounted  my  horse  and  in  company 
with  Kuhn  rode  into  town.  After  getting  off  the  mud,  we  paid 
several  visits  which  I  had  long  been  contemplating.  In  the  evening, 
Kuhn  went  to  see  some  Boston  friends,  and  I  passed  the  evening  at 
Harry  Prince's  room,  smoking  and  talking  over  old  times  and  present 
troubles. 

The  next  morning  I  started  at  1  p.  M.  to  Mrs.  McClellan's.  Here 
I  found  all  Washington — citizen,  foreign  and  strangers — among 
whom  of  course  I  saw  many  friends  and  acquaintances.  Everybody 
asked  after  you,  and  wondered  you  did  not  come  down  and  stay  in 
Washington  while  the  army  was  here,  as  if  you  could  do  as  you  please. 
Now  for  Mrs.  McClellan.  Her  manners  are  delightful;  full  of  life 
and  vivacity,  great  affability,  and  very  ready  in  conversation.  She 
did  not  hear  my  name  when  presented,  but  while  I  was  apologizing 
for  not  having  earlier  called  to  see  her,  she  said,  "General  Meade, 
is  it  not?"  I  said  "Yes."  She  said,  "I  knew  it  must  be  from  the 
likeness,  for  I  have  your  picture."  I  told  her  I  felt  very  much  com- 
plimented, etc.,  etc.  During  the  three  hours  I  spent  there  a  constant 
succession  of  visitors  came  in  and  out  to  call,  and  to  all  of  whom  she 
had  plenty  to  say  in  the  easiest  and  most  affable  manner.  I  came 
away  quite  charmed  with  her  esprit  and  vivacity. 

I  hear  that  the  flag  of  truce  which  came  in  the  other  day  brought 
the  intelligence  that  the  Confederate  Government  intended  to  hold 
the  officers  who  were  hostages  for  the  privateers  as  hostages  for  the 
bridge  burners  that  Halleck  has  sentenced  to  be  hung  in  Missouri. 
If  this  is  so,  poor  Willcox  will  be  detained,  if  not  sacrificed,  as  I  do 
not  well  see  how  our  Government  can  recede  from  punishing  men 
who  are  not  soldiers,  but  incendiaries,  having  no  claim  to  the  rights 
of  prisoners  of  war,  beyond  the  fact  that  the  war  incited  them  to  do 
what  they  did. 

I  called  at  Mr.  Stanton's  in  the  evening,  with  a  friend  who  knew 
him;  but  we  were  told  at  the  door  that  his  usual  reception  was  post- 
poned for  Mrs.  Lincoln's  ball.    I  then  accompanied  this  friend  to  a 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  245 

liquor  store  kept  by  Mr.  Fred.  S.  Cozzens,  the  author  of  the  Sparrow- 
grass  Papers  and  other  well-known  literary  productions,  who  finds 
liquor  selling  more  profitable  than  literature.  Here  I  was  introduced 
to  Mr.  Cozzens,  a  member  of  Congress  and  others,  discussed  a  bot- 
tle of  champagne  and  claret,  and  talked  over  the  affairs  of  the 
day.  The  member,  who  was  an  Administration  Democrat,  said  the 
ultras  had  been  defeated  some  days  ago,  in  a  vote  of  censure  that  they 
had  tried  to  pass  on  Halleck,  and  that  there  was  in  the  House  a  clear 
majority  for  the  President  as  against  the  ultras.  Much  anxiety  in 
regard  to  foreign  intervention  and  the  lack  of  means  was  expressed. 
The  Georgia  address  was  considered  a  sign  of  desperation,  and  pre- 
paring the  Southern  mind  for  defeat.  Altogether,  the  feeling  is  one 
of  hope.     I  have  told  you  the  whole  of  my  town  spree. 

Camp  Pierpont,  Va.,  February  9,  1862. 

Is  not  the  news  from  Tennessee  glorious?  l  It  is  very  important 
in  a  strategical  point  of  view,  as  it  enables  us  to  get  in  the  rear  of 
both  Columbus  and  Bowling  Green,  and  cut  off  the  communication 
and  supplies  from  these  places,  compelling  their  evacuation,  which 
effected,  we  can  attack  them  in  the  open  field.  Dranesville,  Mill 
Spring,  and  Fort  Henry  prove  most  conclusively  that  they  are  not 
invincible,  and  will  run  just  as  soon,  if  not  sooner,  than  we  will. 
They  have  had  a  most  beneficial  effect  on  our  morale,  and  I  think  all 
hands  are  now  here  looking  forward  to  the  period  when  we  can  do 
something. 

Camp  Pierpont,  Va.,  February  11,  1862. 

To-night  we  have  the  good  news  that  Roanoke  Island  has  been 
taken  by  the  Burnside  fleet,  and  while  I  write  the  camp  is  cheering 
all  around  me.  There  are  no  particulars,  so  that  our  cheers  are  un- 
mingled  with  mourning.  General  Wise,2  you  know,  was  at  Roanoke 
Island;  so  perhaps  your  good  mother  may  have  to  rejoice  over  his 
capture,  or  mourn  his  death;  let  us  hope  as  Christians  the  former 
may  prove  to  be  the  case.  Nothing  has  transpired  in  reference  to 
Stone's  arrest.     I  must  believe  he  is  the  victim  of  political  malice, 

1  The  surrender  of  Fort  Henry  on  the  Tennessee  River,  February  6,  1862. 
The  Federal  troops  under  Brigadier-General  U.  S.  Grant,  and  the  gun-boats  under 
Commodore  A.  H.  Foote,  defeated  the  Confederate  troops  under  Brigadier- 
General  Tilghman.  The  Confederates  surrendered  after  the  attack  by  the  gun- 
boats and  just  as  the  Federal  troops  arrived. 

2  General  Henry  A.  Wise,  C.  S.  A.,  brother-in-law  of  Mrs.  Meade,  and  Gover- 
nor of  Virginia,  1856-1860. 


246         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

and  that  he  will  be  vindicated  from  the  charge  of  treachery  and  col- 
lusion with  the  enemy.  You  know  I  always  told  you  his  conduct 
at  Ball's  Bluff,  in  a  military  point  of  view,  was  open  to  criticism,  and 
I  always  wondered  McClellan  did  not  order  an  investigation.  The 
"  Tribune "  is  becoming  more  violent  and  open  in  its  attacks  on 
McClellan  and  all  regular  officers.  This  is  in  the  interest  of  Fremont, 
Jim  Lane  and  others.  All  this  I  am  glad  to  see;  the  more  violent 
they  become,  the  more  open  and  bold,  the  sooner  the  question  of 
putting  them  down  or  yielding  to  them  will  have  to  be  settled,  and 
until  that  question  is  settled,  there  is  no  peace  practicable  or  possible. 
To-night's  paper  has  a  very  important  and  good  piece  of  news  if 
true,  viz:  that  Louis  Napoleon  in  the  address  to  his  Chambers  says, 
that  so  long  as  we  respect  the  rights  of  neutrals  France  will  not 
interfere. 

Camp  Pierpont,  Va.,  February  16,  1862. 
Sergeant1  writes  that  your  mother  appears  softened  at  Oby  Wise's2 
death.  I  must  confess  if  lives  are  to  be  sacrificed  less  sympathy  should 
be  shown  for  those  who  have  plunged  us  into  this  difficulty,  with 
their  eyes  open,  and  Oby  Wise  by  his  writings  and  conduct  was  as 
influential  in  bringing  on  the  war  as  any  one  in  his  sphere  could  be. 
It  appears  he  lost  his  life  in  attempting  to  escape  in  a  boat.  Had  he 
surrendered  when  the  day  was  lost,  he  would  not  have  sacrificed  his 
life.  I  think  the  rabid  feeling  you  describe  as  existing  against  McClel- 
lan is  confined  to  a  certain  party,  and  they  are  in  the  minority; 
though  being  very  loud  and  noisy  in  their  abuse,  would  seem  to  be 
formidable.  I  don't  think  they  can  succeed  in  their  attempts  to 
displace  him.  I  am  now  very  anxious  to  hear  from  Fort  Donelson.3 
A  reverse  there  at  the  present  moment  would  be  very  unfortunate; 
and  I  trust  Halleck  has  arranged  matters  so  as  to  render  success  in 
all  human  probability  certain.  The  attack  has,  however,  been  in 
progress  for  four  days,  which  is  time  enough  for  it  to  have  fallen, 
provided  it  can  be  carried  by  assault.  Perhaps  to-morrow  we  shall 
hear  something,  but  the  absence  of  all  news  to-day  is  not  favorable. 
We  had  quite  a  fall  of  snow  yesterday,  and  neither  the  weather  nor 
the  roads  indicate  much  prospect  of  our  moving.     Foolish  people 

1  Son  of  General  Meade.  2  Son  of  Henry  A.  Wise. 

3  Fort  Donelson,  twelve  miles  from  Fort  Henry,  captured  February  16, 
1862.  The  Federal  forces,  under  Brigadier-General  U.  S.  Grant  and  Commodore 
A.  H.  Foote,  defeated  the  Confederate  troops  under  General  J.  B.  Floyd.  Fed- 
eral loss,  killed,  wounded,  and  missing,  2,832  (O.  R.). 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  247 

consider  the  war  over  because  we  have  had  a  few  victories,  but  I 
consider  it  just  begun.  I  believe,  though,  if  we  continue  to  be  as  fort- 
unate as  we  have  recently  been,  that  it  will  not  be  long  before  the 
other  side  will  have  enough  of  it.  There  are  many  signs  indicating 
that  the  people  in  the  South  are  beginning  to  be  tired,  and  if  we  can 
only  inflict  two  or  three  really  severe  blows  on  them,  breaking  up 
their  armies,  I  don't  believe  they  will  be  able  to  gather  them  together 
again  in  any  formidable  numbers.  Let  us  hope  and  pray  for  such  a 
result  and  not  mind  the  idle  clamor  of  bad  or  foolish  people. 

Camp  Pierpont,  Va.,  February  23,  1862. 

I  did  not  go  into  town  yesterday;  there  was  an  order  requiring 
at  least  two  generals  to  remain  with  each  division.  So  that  Reynolds 
and  myself  remained.  I  have  not  heard  how  the  ceremonies  came 
off,  but  the  weather  was  unfavorable  and  the  death  at  the  White 
House  had  cast  a  gloom  over  the  city.1  For  my  part  I  consider  the 
propriety  of  rejoicing  somewhat  questionable.  In  the  first  place, 
because  we  are  not  yet  out  of  the  woods,  and,  secondly,  the  character 
of  the  war  is  such,  that  though  I  undoubtedly  desire  success,  yet  I 
do  not  feel  we  can  or  should  triumph  and  boast  as  we  would  over  a 
foreign  foe.  If  we  ever  expect  to  be  reunited,  we  should  remember 
this  fact  and  deport  ourselves  more  like  the  afflicted  parent  who  is 
compelled  to  chastise  his  erring  child,  and  who  performs  the  duty 
with  a  sad  heart.  Some  such  feeling  must  have  prevailed  in  Con- 
gress yesterday,  for  I  see  Mr.  Crittenden's  motion  prevailed  at  the 
last  moment,  dispensing  with  the  presentation  of  the  flags  captured. 

I  do  not  know  what  to  make  of  our  new  Secretary.  I  do  not 
like  his  letter  to  the  "Tribune"  and  many  of  the  speeches  attributed 
to  him.  He  appears  to  me  by  his  cry  of  "  Fight,  fight — be  whipped 
if  you  must,  but  fight  on,"  as  very  much  of  the  bull-in-a-china-shop 
order,  and  not  creditable  to  his  judgment.  To  fight  is  the  duty  and 
object  of  armies,  undoubtedly,  but  a  good  general  fights  at  the  right 
time  and  place,  and  if  he  does  not,  he  is  pretty  sure  to  be  whipped 
and  stay  whipped.  It  is  very  easy  to  talk  of  fighting  on  after  you 
are  whipped;  but  I  should  like  to  know,  if  this  is  all,  how  wars  are 
ever  terminated?  I  fear  the  victories  in  the  Southwest  are  going  to 
be  injurious  to  McClellan,  by  enabling  his  enemies  to  say,  Why  can- 
not you  do  in  Virginia  what  has  been  done  in  Tennessee?  They  do 
not  reflect  that  the  operations  in  Tennessee  are  part  of  the  operations 
1  Death  of  President  Lincoln's  son. 


248         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

in  Virginia,  and  that  all  will  come  in  good  time;  but  in  their  insane 
impatience  to  come  to  an  end,  they  think,  because  we  have  been  vic- 
torious once  or  twice,  we  are  never  to  be  defeated. 

We  sent  out  an  expedition  yesterday  to  reconnoitre  and  see  if 
anything  could  be  discovered  of  the  enemy.  They  went  some  eight 
or  ten  miles  and  returned.  The  officer  in  command  tells  me  to-day 
his  men  are  entirely  used  up,  and  an  ambulance,  which  is  designed  to 
carry  three  men  with  one  horse,  could  hardly  get  along  empty  with 
three  horses  attached.  You  can  imagine  from  this  the  character  of 
the  roads,  and  the  practicability  of  a  forward  movement,  and  this  has 
been  the  case  ever  since  the  7th  of  last  month,  when  the  thaw  com- 
menced. I  hear  there  is  great  opposition  in  the  Senate  to  the  con- 
firmation of  our  friend  "Baldy."  I  don't  think  they  will  succeed 
in  rejecting  him,  but  they  have  fought  so  hard  that  his  friends  on  two 
occasions  have  thought  it  advisable  to  postpone  taking  a  vote.  I 
cannot  ascertain  whether  I  have  passed  or  not,  and  am  so  indiffer- 
ent that  I  have  not  taken  the  trouble  to  inquire  of  any  one  who  might 
be  able  to  inform  me.1  My  name  was  published  in  a  list  of  those 
said  to  have  been  confirmed,  but  it  is  now  said  that  list  was  wrong.  I 
don't  know  of  any  probable  opposition,  unless  my  friend  Zach  Chand- 
ler2 should  think  proper  to  enlighten  the  Senate  on  his  Detroit  ex- 
perience of  my  unreliability.3  I  think  Howard,  though,  would  be  an 
antidote  to  his  bane. 

Camp  Pierpont,  Va.,  February  25,  1862. 
I  take  it  for  granted  from  the  tone  of  the  public  press  and  from 
the  position  McClellan  is  in,  that  he  will  move  now  as  soon  as  he 
possibly  can.  His  enemies,  with  skillful  ingenuity,  are  trying  to  sow 
discord  between  him  and  Halleck,  Grant  and  Buell,  proclaiming 
that  he  claims  all  the  credit  of  their  victories.  I  am  sorry  to  say  I  hear 
people  talk  this  way  who  ought  to  know  better,  and  from  all  I  can 
learn  McClellan's  star  is  rapidly  setting,  and  nothing  but  a  victory 
will  save  him  from  ruin.  It  is  well  known  his  victories  in  Western 
Virginia  last  summer  precipitated  and  caused  Bull  Run.  Now  the 
victories  in  Tennessee  are  forcing  a  movement  here,  with,  I  trust  and 
believe,  a  better  result  than  was  attained  last  summer.     I  have  but 

1  Nominated  for  brigadier-general  U.  S.  Vols. 

2Zachariah  Chandler,  senator  from  Michigan,  and  afterward  a  member  of 
the  congressional  committee  on  the  conduct  of  war. 

3  General  Meade's  refusal  to  attend  a  mass  meeting  of  the  citizens  of  Detroit 
to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  United  States.    See  page  214. 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  249 

little  doubt  of  our  success,  and  I  think  if  we  can  overthrow  the  army 
they  have  in  our  front,  that  they  will  give  it  up,  as  I  do  not  believe 
they  can  reorganize  another  large  army.  It  is  reported  Cobb  came 
to  Fortress  Monroe,  the  other  day,  ostensibly  as  a  commissioner, 
with  the  returned  prisoners;  but  as  this  is  the  first  time  they  have 
thought  it  necessary  to  send  a  commissioner  with  the  prisoners,  and 
as  Wool  immediately  despatched  his  aide,  Colonel  Tom  Cram,  to 
Washington,  it  is  surmised  that  Cobb  was  bearer  of  some  terms  of 
compromise.  I  do  not  think,  however,  they  are  yet  willing  to  accept 
the  only  terms  we  can  grant — unconditional  surrender  and  return  to 
the  status  quo  ante  helium.  They  have  too  large  an  army  yet  uncon- 
quered  to  justify  their  giving  up  without  another  cast  of  the  die, 
which  may  be  in  their  favor.  I  think,  though,  success  on  our  part 
here  will  bring  them  to  their  senses,  and  I  think  we  have  every  reason 
to  believe,  from  our  numbers,  discipline  and  the  morale  produced  by 
the  recent  victories,  that  we  will  be  victorious.  God  grant  that  it 
may  be  so,  and  that  I  may  survive  to  enjoy  with  you  and  my  dear 
children  the  blessings  of  peace ! 

Camp  Pierpont,  Va.,  February  27,  1862. 

We  are  all  agog  with  orders  received  to  be  in  readiness  to  move 
at  short  notice,  and  rumor  has  it  that  Banks  above,  and  Hooker  be- 
low, have  both  either  crossed  or  are  about  crossing.  I  have  no  doubt 
we  are  on  the  eve  of  the  long-expected  operations,  but  the  roads 
are  not  yet  in  a  condition  to  justify  our  moving,  and  public  impa- 
tience will  have  to  be  restrained  for  a  little  while.  We  receive  very 
contradictory  accounts  from  Manassas.  Some  say  the  force  is  very 
much  reduced,  whole  regiments  from  the  extreme  South  having  gone 
home,  refusing  to  re-enlist.  Others  say  that  no  regiments  have  gone, 
but  a  great  many  soldiers  have  gone  on  furlough,  after  having  re- 
enlisted.  I  presume  the  truth  lies  between  the  two.  I  expect  we 
shall  meet  with  vigorous  opposition,  but  I  trust  our  operations  will 
be  so  conducted,  both  in  the  routes  of  approach  and  our  numbers, 
that  we  shall  be  enabled  to  overcome  and  defeat  them. 

Yesterday  I  received  my  parchment  as  brigadier  general,  which 
shows  I  have  been  confirmed  by  the  Senate. 

Camp  Pierpont,  Va.,  March  1,  1862. 
Yesterday  was  a  very  disagreeable  day,  extremely  cold,  with  a 
very  high  wind,  and  blustering  weather.    I  was  obliged  to  be  exposed, 


250  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

standing  in  the  wind  from  9  in  the  morning  till  5  in  the  afternoon, 
mustering  the  several  regiments  of  my  brigade. 

We  are  all  in  the  dark  as  to  where  or  in  what  direction  we  move. 
I  surmise  (this  is  entre  nous)  that  a  force  will  be  crossed  below  Alex- 
andria, while  Banks  threatens  Winchester  and  we  advance  on  Cen- 
treville.  If  either  of  these  columns  is  successful  and  penetrate  the 
lines  of  the  enemy,  the  whole  force,  or  at  least  a  large  portion  of  it, 
will  be  thrown  into  the  opening.  If  we  can  once  get  in  their  rear, 
and  compel  them  to  leave  their  entrenchments,  I  think  we  will  have 
a  comparatively  easy  victory,  and  we  have  so  large  a  force  that  I 
do  not  see  any  difficulty  in  effecting  this  operation. 

Camp  Pierpont,  Va.,  March  4,  1862. 
I  believe  you  get  all  the  news  in  the  papers  before  we  do.  The 
interdiction  on  the  telegraph  does  not  amount  to  much,  as  there  has 
been  literally  nothing  done  except  the  passage  of  the  Potomac  by 
General  Banks'  column.  Yesterday  it  stormed  all  day,  raining  and 
sleeting,  as  wintry  weather  as  we  have  had  this  winter.  I  do  not  know 
what  the  plans  and  projects  are,  but  I  do  know  I  would  not  move  an 
army  such  weather  and  over  such  roads  as  we  have  at  present. 

Camp  Pierpont,  Va.,  March  9,  1862. 
I  am  very  much  afraid  there  is  a  great  deal  of  truth  in  what 
told  you,  and  that  the  President  is  at  length  yielding  to  the 


immense  pressure  that  has  been  brought  to  bear  to  influence  him  to 
remove  McClellan.  McClellan,  I  understand,  continues  firm  and 
undaunted.  He  says  they  may  supersede  him  whenever  they  please, 
but  so  long  as  he  is  responsible,  he  intends  to  do  what  he  thinks 
right,  and  not  what  others  dictate. 

This  morning's  paper  announces  the  evacuation  of  Leesburg  and 
its  occupation  by  a  part  of  Banks'  force.  I  never  expected  they 
would  attempt  to  hold  either  Winchester  or  Leesburg  after  we  were 
ready  to  move  in  force. 

I  hear  we  are  to  be  divided  into  four  corps  d'  armee,  to  be  com- 
manded respectively  by  Sumner,  McDowell,  Heintzelman  and  Keyes. 
Into  which  of  these  commands  McCall's  Division  will  be  incorporated 
is  not  yet  decided.  I  don't  think  there  is  much  choice  between  them. 
The  selection  of  these  men,  by  virtue  of  the  seniority  of  their  com- 
missions, was,  I  understand,  opposed  by  McClellan,  who,  finding  he 
could  not  designate  his  commanders,  objected  to  corps  d'  armee,  and 
said  he  only  wanted  divisions  and  their  commanders.     He  has  been 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  251 

overruled,  and  these  officers  selected  in  opposition  to  his  openly- 
expressed  views.  All  this  is  confidential,  though  it  is  a  matter  of 
absolute  fact.  Public  opinion  in  this  country  is  so  wayward  and  so 
whimsical  that  I  should  not  be  surprised  to  see  the  same  people  who 
the  other  day  called  McClellan  a  demi-god,  to-morrow  applauding 
his  removal. 

Camp  at  Hunter's  Mills,  Va.,  March  11,  1862. 

I  send  you  a  few  hasty  lines  to  tell  you  where  we  are,  and  to  re- 
lieve the  anxiety  which  you  will  doubtless  have  from  the  reports  in 
the  papers.  Yesterday  at  11  A.  M.  we  received  orders  to  march. 
At  1  P.  M.  we  got  off,  and  marched  fifteen  miles,  arriving  at  this  point 
about  8  p.  M.  The  whole  army  has  advanced,  and  we  are  on  the 
extreme  right,  distant  about  twelve  miles  from  Centreville.  We  pre- 
sumed when  starting  yesterday  that  we  would  have  a  brush  in  a  day 
or  two  with  the  enemy.  But  this  morning  we  hear  that  McDowell's 
Division,  that  advanced  on  Centreville,  finding  it  was  evacuated,  and 
hearing  that  they  had  evacuated  Manassas,  continued  on  and  is  now 
in  possession  of  their  lately  vaunted  impregnable  stronghold.  Thus 
the  prospects  of  another  Bull  Run  battle  are  dissipated — unless  they 
have,  as  the  French  say,  only  reculer  pour  mieux  sauter. 

We  hear  to-day  of  the  disastrous  naval  conflict  at  Newport  News.1 
This  is  a  very  bad  business,  and  shows  the  superior  enterprise  of  our 
enemies.  There  is  no  reason  we  should  not  have  had  the  Cumber- 
land iron-clad,  as  the  Merrimac  has  been  prepared  by  them.  The 
loss  of  two  such  vessels  as  the  Cumberland  and  the  Congress,  two  of 
our  finest  frigates,  is  a  very  serious  blow,  not  only  to  our  material 
interests,  but  to  our  pride  and  naval  forces. 

I  have  not  time  to  write  you  much  beyond  the  fact  that  I  am  well. 
I  have  been  in  the  saddle  all  day,  posting  troops  and  pickets,  and 
making  all  the  preparations  to  meet  the  enemy,  though,  from  the 
reports  in  existence  and  believed,  there  is  not  much  probability  of 
his  showing  himself  about  here. 


To  Henrietta  Meade:2 

Camp  at  Hunter's  Mills,  Va.,  March  13,  1862. 
I  think  a  great  deal  about  you,  and  all  the  other  dear  children. 
I  often  picture  to  myself  as  I  last  saw  you — yourself,  Sarah  and  Willie 

1  Destruction  of  the  gun-boats  Cumberland  and  Congress  by  the  Confederate 
iron-clad  Merrimac. 

2  Daughter  of  General  Meade. 


252         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

lying  in  bed,  crying,  because  I  had  to  go  way,  and  while  I  was  scold- 
ing you  for  crying,  I  felt  like  crying  myself.  It  is  very  hard  to  be 
kept  away  from  you,  because  there  is  no  man  on  earth  that  loves  his 
children  more  dearly  than  I  do,  or  whose  happiness  is  more  depend- 
ent on  being  with  his  family.  Duty,  however,  requires  me  to  be 
here,  to  do  the  little  I  can  to  defend  our  old  flag,  and  whatever  duty 
requires  us  to  do,  we  should  all,  old  and  young,  do  cheerfully,  however 
disagreeable  it  may  be. 

We  came  here,  expecting  to  have  a  big  fight  with  the  Seceshers, 
but  they  have  all  cleared  out,  and  I  don't  know  what  we  shall  do — 
whether  we  will  go  after  them  from  here,  or  go  back  to  Washington 
and  take  some  other  road. 

I  shall  be  very  glad  to  hear  from  you  again  whenever  you  have 
time  to  write  me  another  such  nice  letter. 


To  Mrs.  George  G.  Meade: 

Camp  at  Hunter's  Mills,  Va.,  March  14,  1862. 
To-day  we  have  orders  to  be  ready  to  leave  at  a  moment's  notice 
and  prepare  to  go  by  water.  This  confirms  my  anticipation.  The 
railroad  to  Alexandria  will  be  in  running  order  to-day,  and  I  pre- 
sume we  will  take  the  cars  for  that  place,  and  from  thence  go  by  boat 
to  some  point  down  the  river,  not  improbably  Old  Point  Comfort. 
It  appears  to  me  that  Norfolk  is  the  most  important  point  now,  and 
that  its  attempted  reduction  cannot  be  much  longer  delayed.  Of 
course,  all  this  is  surmise  on  my  part,  and  is,  moreover,  confidential. 
All  we  know  is  that  we  are  going  somewhere  pretty  soon,  and  that  we 
are  on  the  eve  of  decided  and  critical  events. 

Camp  near  Alexandria,  March  17,  1862. 
My  last  letter  was  written  to  you  at  Hunter's  Mills,  I  think,  on 
Friday,  the  14th.  On  the  evening  of  that  day  we  received  orders  to 
come  here,  and  started  after  dark  in  a  pouring  rain,  marched  six 
miles  and  bivouacked.  The  next  day  it  poured  all  day,  and  the  roads 
were  in  terrible  condition,  so  that  we  were  obliged  to  bivouac  again 
and  pass  the  night  in  a  drenching  rain.  Yesterday  it  held  up,  and 
we  marched  to  our  present  position,  within  two  miles  of  Alexandria, 
where  we  are  now  bivouacked  on  the  bleak  hills,  awaiting  further 
orders.  I  do  not  think  I  have  ever  seen  a  much  harder  march  than 
the  one  from  Hunter's  Mills  to  this  place. 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  253 

Camp  near  Alexandria,  March  18,  1862. 

I  note  all  you  write  about  McClellan.  I  fear  it  is  all  true,  and 
that  the  most  desperate  efforts  have  been  made  and  are  still  being 
made  to  take  away  his  command  and  destroy  him.  Franklin  told 
me  that  McClellan  said  to  him,  as  they  followed  Lander's  corpse, 
that  he  almost  wished  he  was  in  the  coffin  instead  of  Lander.  It  is 
reported  that  they  were  about  to  introduce  into  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives a  vote  of  want  of  confidence  in  him,  but  were  restrained 
by  fearing  it  would  not  pass.  It  is  said  the  President  remains  his 
friend. 

McClellan  is  not  the  man  to  make  himself  popular  with  the  masses. 
His  manners  are  reserved  and  retiring.  He  was  not  popular  either 
in  Chicago  or  Cincinnati,  when  at  the  head  of  large  railroad  interests. 
He  has  never  studied  or  practiced  the  art  of  pleasing,  and  indeed  has 
not  paid  that  attention  to  it  which  every  man  whose  position  is  de- 
pendent on  popular  favor  must  pay,  if  he  expects  to  retain  his  posi- 
tion. Now,  you  know  long  before  the  tide  turned,  I  told  you  of  ill- 
advised  acts  on  his  part,  showing  a  disposition  to  gratify  personal 
feelings,  at  the  expense  of  his  own  interests.  I  have  no  doubt  now 
that  the  enmity  of  Heintzelman,  Sumner,  McDowell  and  Keyes  can 
all  be  traced  to  this  very  cause — his  failure  to  conciliate  them,  and 
the  injustice  they  consider  his  favoritism  to  others  has  been  to  them. 
So  long  as  he  had  full  swing,  they  were  silent,  but  so  soon  as  others 
had  shaken  the  pedestal  he  stood  on,  they  join  in  to  lend  their  hands. 

Don't  you  remember  as  early  as  last  September,  telling  us 

how  indignant  Charles  King  was  at  the  treatment  of  General  Scott 
by  McClellan,  and  that  the  General  had  said  he  would  have  arrested 
him  for  disrespect  if  he  had  dared  to?  In  the  selection  of  his  staff 
he  has  not  shown  the  judgment  he  might  have  done.  There  are  too 
many  men  on  it  that  are  not  worthy  to  be  around  a  man  with  McClel- 
lan's  reputation.  Again,  you  know  my  opinion  of  his  treatment  of 
the  Ball's  Bluff  affair,  through  personal  regard  for  Stone.  All  these 
little  things  have  combined,  with  his  political  foes,  to  shake  his  posi- 
tion. I  think,  however,  it  is  pretty  well  settled  that  Old  Abe  has 
determined  he  will  not  cut  his  head  off  till  he  has  had  a  chance,  and 
as  I  wrote  you  before,  all  will  depend  now  on  the  hazard  of  a  die. 
Any  disaster,  never  mind  from  what  cause,  will  ruin  him,  and  any 
success  will  reinstate  him  in  public  favor. 

It  is  very  hard  to  know  what  is  going  to  be  done,  or  what  the 
enemy  will  do.    My  opinion  is  that  they  are  concentrating  all  their 


254         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

available  forces  around  Richmond,  and  that  they  will  make  there  a 
determined  and  desperate  resistance.  Of  course,  this  defense  will 
be  made  at  first  in  advance,  as  far  as  they  deem  it  prudent  to  go,  or 
as  they  can  readily  retire  from,  as  for  instance,  the  Rappahannock  on 
the  north,  Fredericksburg  and  the  Potomac  on  the  east,  Yorktown 
and  Norfolk  on  the  southeast.  Where  McClellan  will  attack  them 
is  not  known,  but  before  many  days  are  over  it  will  be  settled,  and 
we  will  have  a  fight  either  at  Fredericksburg,  Yorktown  or  Norfolk. 
For  my  part,  the  sooner  we  meet  them  the  better.  The  thing  has  to 
be  done,  and  there  is  nothing  gained  by  delay.  The  morale  is  on  our 
side;  our  recent  victories,  their  retreat  from  Manassas,  all  combine 
to  inspirit  us  and  demoralize  them;  and  if  our  men  only  behave  as 
we  hope  and  believe  they  will,  I  think  before  long  we  shall  have 
Richmond. 

I  rode  over  this  morning  and  saw  Willie.1  I  found  on  my  arrival 
that  there  was  in  camp  a  party  of  ladies  and  gentlemen,  consisting 
of  Mr.  Charles  King,  of  New  York,  and  his  daughter,  Mrs.  Captain 
Ricketts,  and  her  sister,  who  is  married  to  a  son  of  Charles  King,  a 
captain  in  the  Twelfth  (Willie's)  Regiment.  These  ladies  had  come 
out  to  see  Captain  King,  accompanied  by  Colonel  Van  Rensselaer, 
who  you  remember  married  a  niece  of  Charles  King.  They  had  pre- 
pared a  lunch,  and  all  the  officers  were  partaking  of  it,  and  having, 
as  is  usual,  a  merry  time.  Soon  after  I  rode  up,  Miss  King  recognized 
Kuhn,  who  was  with  me,  and  sent  Captain  Wister,2  of  the  regiment 
after  him,  and  in  a  few  minutes  Colonel  Van  Rensselaer  came  up  to 
me,  and,  after  the  usual  salutations,  politely  asked  me  to  permit  him 
to  present  me  to  the  party.  Of  course  I  had  to  say  yes,  and  went  up 
with  him  and  joined  the  party.  Mrs.  Ricketts,  you  know,  was  a  Miss 
Lawrence.  I  had  known  her  mother  and  family  all  my  life.  She  is 
now  a  great  heroine.    After  doing  the  civil  to  the  party  I  retired. 

Friday,  March  28,  1862. 
I  think  I  wrote  you  that  on  Tuesday  we  had  a  grand  review  of  the 
whole  of  the  First  Army  Corps.  Yesterday  we  had  another,  for  the 
benefit  of  Lord  Lyons  and  some  English  officers,  to  which,  although 
the  generals  of  McCall's  Division  were  invited  to  be  present,  the 
division  did  not  appear.  General  McDowell's  reason  for  its  exclu- 
sion was  that  the  ground  was  limited,  and  that  he  found  it  took  too 

1  William  Sergeant,  brother  of  Mrs.  Meade. 

2  Francis  Wister,  captain  12th  U.  S.  Infantry. 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  255 

much  time  to  review  three  divisions,  and  therefore  he  only  ordered 
two  on  the  ground.  Our  fellows,  though,  are  of  the  opinion  that  he 
did  not  consider  them  sufficiently  presentable  for  his  English  friends; 
and  some  little  feeling  has  been  excited  by  his  course,  particularly 
as  he  has  had  the  bad  taste  to  come  out  to-day  with  an  order  extolling 
the  troops  for  their  yesterday's  appearance,  and  announcing  that  the 
English  officers  pronounced  them  equal  to  any  troops  in  the  world.  I 
was  quite  satisfied  with  the  inspection  of  the  appearance  and  move- 
ments of  the  men,  that  our  Pennsylvania  ragamuffins  are  fully  equal 
to  them,  though  in  some  few  instances,  like  Phil  Kearney's  brigade 
(who  had  spent  a  mint  of  money  on  them),  their  uniforms  were  in 
rather  better  order.  Our  fellows  console  themselves  with  the  reflec- 
tion that  the  only  troops  in  the  First  Army  Corps  that  have  beaten 
the  enemy  in  a  fair  field,  with  equal  numbers,  are  the  Pennsylvania 
ragamuffins,  whereas  of  the  divisions  deemed  worthy  to  be  presented 
to  the  Englishmen  the  greater  portion  were  regiments  who  either  did 
nothing  or  else  behaved  shamefully  at  Bull  Run. 

At  the  review  yesterday  McClellan  appeared  on  the  ground,  and 
though  he  did  not  review  the  troops,  yet  he  rode  around  after  Mc- 
Dowell and  his  cortege.  It  would  have  done  your  heart  good  to  have 
heard  the  shouts  the  men  gave  and  the  enthusiasm  they  exhibited 
when  they  saw  him.  I  really  believe  he  has  the  hearts  of  the  soldiers 
with  him. 

Camp  near  Alexandria,  Monday  Evening,  March  31,  1862. 

To-day  has  been  clear  and  quite  spring-like.  Reynolds  and  my- 
self rode  over  to  inspect  some  of  the  larger  forts  that  have  been 
erected  in  this  neighborhood.  The  rumor  now  is  that  we  are  to  get 
off  on  day  after  to-morrow,  the  whole  of  the  First  Corps  (forty-five 
thousand  men)  together,  and  that  we  are  to  be  landed  at  the  same 
time,  at  some  point  where  we  may  expect  our  landing  to  be  resisted, 
or  to  encounter  the  enemy  very  soon  after  landing.  For  my  part,  I 
hope  it  will  prove  true,  for  this  suspense  and  uncertainty  is  very  dis- 
agreeable, and  as  we  have  to  fight,  the  sooner  we  get  at  it  and  settle 
it  the  better.  Nothing  but  the  grossest  mismanagement  will  prevent 
our  success,  for  we  have  a  really  fine  army  and  the  troops  in  the  best 
of  spirits. 

Camp  near  Alexandria,  April  2,  1862. 

Every  one,  soldiers  and  all,  are  impatient  to  be  off  and  at  work. 
We  are  anxious  to  see  what  we  can  do  before  the  hot  weather  begins, 


256  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

and  are  rather  fearful  that  our  Southern  antagonists  will  be  getting 
out  of  the  way,  to  draw  us  farther  south  and  delay  us  till  the  climate 
shall  come  to  their  aid.  This,  however,  is  not  my  view;  I  think  we 
shall  have  plenty  of  fighting  before  we  can  secure  Richmond. 

Camp  near  Alexandria,  April  4,  1862. 
Everything  here  has  been  changed.  Just  as  we  were  on  the  eve 
of  embarking,  orders  came  to  proceed  by  land  to  Manassas  and  be- 
yond. The  meaning  of  this  change  of  movement  no  one  knows. 
Some  say  it  is  due  to  the  fears  of  the  President  for  Washington; 
others  that  it  is  a  traverse  McDowell  is  working  to  get  away  from 
McClellan  and  go  it  on  his  own  hook.  I  believe  both  causes  have 
conspired  to  bring  it  about;  but  whatever  the  cause,  it  is  gross  injustice 
to  McClellan  to  interrupt  and  interfere  with  his  plans  without  con- 
sulting him.  He  has  gone  down  to  Old  Point  in  the  firm  belief  and 
dependence  that  McDowell  and  his  corps  of  forty  thousand  men 
would  go  where  he  wanted  them  to  go,  instead  of  which  he  suddenly 
hears,  or  will  hear,  that  they  have  gone,  under  the  orders  of  some  one 
else,  in  an  entirely  different  direction.  How  any  man  can  be  ex- 
pected to  carry  on  a  campaign  when  such  interferences  and  derange- 
ment of  plans  are  perpetrated,  surpasses  my  comprehension.  Re- 
member, all  this  is  confidential;  not  a  word  to  any  one  about  it. 
Franklin  was  off  at  daylight  and  King  this  afternoon;  we  (McCall's 
Division)  have  not  yet  gotten  our  orders,  but  expect  them  momen- 
tarily. So  far  as  going  by  land  is  concerned,  I  am  quite  satisfied  with 
the  change;  but  I  do  not  like  the  apparent  want  of  decision  involved 
in  the  sudden  changing  of  plans,  and  I  fear,  unless  we  have  a  head 
and  one  mind  to  plan,  that  the  old  adage  of  too  many  cooks,  etc., 
will  be  verified. 

Camp  near  Alexandria,  Sunday,  April  6,  1862. 
In  my  last  letter  I  told  you  of  the  change  in  our  destination,  and 
surmised  the  causes.  Yesterday  the  orders  appeared  creating  the 
Departments  of  the  Shenandoah  and  Rappahannock,  assigning  Banks 
to  the  command  of  one  and  McDowell  to  the  other.  Thus  McClellan, 
at  a  blow,  is  deprived  of  two  army  corps  on  which  he  relied  to  carry 
out  his  plans.  It  is  said  an  urgent  telegram  was  received  from  him 
for  McDowell  to  go  down,  just  as  the  order  was  issued  taking  McDow- 
ell's corps  from  him.  Many  believe  and  hope  he  will  resign;  I  trust 
he  will  not  commit  such  a  fatal  error.    He  has  over  one  hundred 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  257 

thousand  men  with  him.  This  force,  led  by  him  and  enthusiastic  in 
his  behalf,  can  accomplish  much,  and  any  success  on  his  part  will 
silence  his  enemies  and  reinstate  him  in  favor. 

Camp  near  Alexandria,  Tuesday,  April  8,  1862. 

At  length  our  orders  have  come;  this  division  is  to  go  to-morrow 
to  Manassas  by  railroad.  From  thence  our  movements  are  uncertain, 
but  I  presume  dependent  on  the  success  met  in  the  attack  McClellan 
is  making  by  the  York  and  James  Rivers.  The  report  to-day  is  that 
they  are  hard  at  work  fighting  near  Yorktown ;  that  McClellan  is  in 
the  advance  in  the  thickest  of  it.  God  grant  he  may  be  victorious 
and  preserved,  that  he  may  outlive  and  put  down  his  enemies ! 

We  have  had  all  day  a  terrible  storm  of  snow  and  rain,  one  of  the 
worst  we  have  had  this  spring.  Our  men,  however,  have  been  get- 
ting tents  from  the  abandoned  camps  in  our  vicinity,  so  that  they 
are  comparatively  comfortable. 

Camp  near  Alexandria,  April  9,  1862. 

I  write  a  few  lines  to  let  you  know  I  have  not  yet  gone,  though  I 
expect  to  be  off  to-morrow.  Reynolds's  brigade  left  to-day,  and 
though  11  o'clock  was  the  hour  fixed,  yet  they  did  not  get  off  till 
after  4  p.  m.,  being  in  the  meantime  exposed  to  one  of  the  worst 
storms  of  snow  and  hail  we  have  had  this  winter  and  spring.  I  do 
not  know  the  cause  of  the  delay,  but  I  sincerely  trust  matters  will  be 
better  arranged  to-morrow,  and  we  not  so  detained. 

You  have  of  course  heard  the  glorious  news  from  the  West  and 
Southwest.1  It  does  seem  as  if  Providence  had  decreed  the  South 
should  be  humiliated.  Such  a  continued  succession  of  victories  with- 
out disaster  is  almost  unparalleled,  and  seems  to  take  from  war  its 
hitherto  accepted  character  of  being  a  game  of  chance.  From  York- 
town  we  hear  nothing  definite,  except  that  our  army  has  arrived  before 
the  enemy's  works,  which  are  found  to  be  strong  and  formidable. 
McClellan  has  the  means  and  the  power  to  reduce  them,  and  it  is 
only  a  question  of  time.  I  have  implicit  confidence  in  his  success. 
Rumor  says  the  enemy  has  a  considerable  force  between  the  waters 
of  the  Rappahannock  and  the  Rapidan,  which  force  will  oppose  the 
progress  of  McDowell's  column;  so  that  we  are  led  to  believe  that  a 

1  Battle  of  Shiloh,  Tennessee,  April  6  and  7,  1862.  Federal  troops  under 
Major-General  U.  S.  Grant  defeated  the  Confederate  troops  under  General  Beaure- 
gard.   Federal  loss,  killed,  wounded,  and  missing,  13,047  (0.  R). 


258  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

share  of  the  glory  yet  awaits  us.  I  do  not  believe,  however,  that 
they  will  make  much  opposition  on  this  line  after  McClellan  gets 
possession  of  Yorktown,  for  he  will  then  threaten  Richmond,  the  fall 
of  which  would  completely  cut  off  any  force  to  the  north  on  the 
Rappahannock,  as  Fremont  in  the  Southwest  and  Banks  in  the  Val- 
ley of  the  Shenandoah  would  cut  off  all  means  of  escape.  It  does 
seem  to  me  the  people  of  the  South  are  insane  to  continue  the  contest 
for  the  benefit  of  politicians  and  leaders,  when  it  must  be  so  evident 
to  them  that  final  success  on  their  part  is  hopeless.  All  their  calcula- 
tions have  failed,  and  there  remains  now  but  one  desperate  hope  to 
them,  and  that  is,  that  the  enormous  expenditures  of  the  war  will  tire 
out  the  North;  but  this  will  prove  equally  false  so  long  as  we  con- 
tinue to  gain  brilliant  victories,  as  the  North  will  willingly  spend 
money  to  acquire  glory. 

I  suppose  you  remember  General  Mackall,  just  captured  by  Pope. 
He  paid  you  a  visit  one  evening  with  Dr.  Simons  when  I  was  in 
Florida.  He  was  a  great  friend  of  mine,  a  clever  gentleman,  who 
would  have  remained  with  us  had  the  Government  treated  Southern 
officers  with  ordinary  confidence  and  decency.  Franklin  is  at  War- 
renton,  the  residence  of  Beckham's  people;  when  I  get  to  Manassas, 
I  will  inquire  about  them. 

Camp  near  Alexandria,  April  10,  1862. 
Instead  of  going  to-day  by  railroad,  as  was  expected,  we  have 
orders  now  to  march  early  to-morrow  morning  by  the  turnpike  road 
to  Manassas.  This,  therefore,  is  the  last  letter  I  shall  write  you  from 
this  camp.  The  bad  storm  we  have  had  has  ceased,  and  the  weather 
looks  favorable,  so  that  the  change  from  being  cooped  up  in  cars  to 
marching  is  agreeable.  I  think  the  plan  is  for  our  column,  some 
thirty  thousand  strong,  to  threaten  Richmond  from  the  north,  and 
if  McClellan  should  be  delayed  or  checked  in  his  approach  by  way 
of  Yorktown,  we  will  stand  a  good  chance  of  having  something  to  do. 
My  experience,  however,  dictates  that  all  calculations  in  war  of  this 
kind  are  vain.  Often  those  who  fancy  they  are  the  most  remote 
from  battle  are  the  first  in,  and  those  who  expect  to  do  all  the  fight- 
ing are  frequently  the  spectators  of  the  deeds  of  others. 

Camp  at  Manassas,  Sunday,  April  13. 
My  last  letter  was  written  to  you  from  Alexandria,  on  the  evening 
of  the  10th  instant.    The  next  morning  we  started  on  our  march  to 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  259 

this  place,  which  we  reached  yesterday  afternoon,  passing  through 
Centreville.  On  our  arrival  here  we  found  Franklin's  Division  had 
been  ordered  back  to  McClellan.  As  this  was  a  checkmate  to  McDow- 
ell, he  has  started  off  to  Washington,  and  we  now  do  not  know  what 
is  going  to  be  done  with  us.  The  withdrawal  of  Franklin  reduces  his 
army  corps  to  two  divisions  of  only  twenty  thousand  men — hardly 
enough  to  attempt  to  threaten  Richmond  from  this  direction.  I 
suppose  he  will  try  to  get  another  division  with  which  to  cross  the 
Rappahannock  and  advance  on  Richmond.  If  he  does  not  succeed 
in  this,  I  presume  we  will  be  kept  here  till  the  affair  at  Yorktown  is 
decided,  and  if  it  should  be  in  our  favor,  I  think  they  will  fall  back 
from  Richmond  and  probably  abandon  Virginia  altogether.  We  can- 
not tell  till  McDowell  gets  back  what  our  movements  will  be.  This 
morning  I  rode  over  the  whole  of  the  Bull  Run  battle-field.  A  more 
beautiful  ground  for  a  battle  never  existed;  country  open,  with  rolling 
ground  of  gentle  slopes,  offering  equal  advantages  to  the  attacking 
and  attacked.  I  am  now  more  satisfied  than  ever  that  we  lost  the 
day  from  gross  mismanagement — a  combination  of  bad  generalship 
and  bad  behavior  on  the  part  of  raw  troops.  This,  however,  is  entre 
nous.  Their  works  at  Centreville  and  at  this  place  are  quite  strong, 
and  it  would  have  given  us  a  good  deal  of  trouble  to  have  driven 
them  out,  and  it  was  a  very  good  thing  they  evacuated  them.  I 
hope  we  shall  be  successful  in  driving  them  from  Yorktown;  though 
the  last  accounts  would  seem  to  indicate  that  they  are  pretty  well  pre- 
pared for  us  there,  and  that  we  have  yet  our  hands  full  to  drive  them 
out.  As  I  understand,  the  difficulty  is  that,  owing  to  the  fear  of  the 
Merrimac,  the  gunboats  cannot  leave  Fortress  Monroe  to  ascend  the 
York  River  and  take  their  batteries  in  the  rear.  It  is  said,  however, 
the  Navy  have  a  plan,  by  which  they  are  confident  they  will  sink 
the  Merrimac,  if  she  gives  them  a  fair  chance,  in  which  I  trust  they 
may  succeed. 

Camp  at  Manassas  Junction,  April  16,  1862. 
As  to  ourselves,  we  are  in  statu  quo.  McDowell  has  only  two 
divisions,  King's  (his  old  one)  and  McCall's,  and  we  are  employed  in 
the  important  duty  of  guarding  the  railroad  from  the  Rappahannock 
to  Washington.  For  what  object  this  railroad  is  guarded  beyond  the 
necessity  of  supplying  its  own  guard  with  provisions  and  forage,  no 
one  sees.  It  is  evident  we  cannot  advance  on  Richmond  from  the 
Rappahannock,  because  at  that  point  the  direct  route  leaves  the  rail- 


260         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

road,  and  the  roads  across  are  impassable  for  artillery  and  wagons. 
It  has  been  surmised  that  we  are  kept  here  because  they  are  fearful 
the  Merrimac  may  run  the  gauntlet  at  Fortress  Monroe,  in  which 
case  they  could  pen  McClellan  in  on  the  peninsula,  between  the  York 
and  James  Rivers,  and  then  they  could  detach  a  force  to  threaten 
Washington.  There  may  be  something  in  this,  but  even  granting  its 
practicability,  we  would  be  as  near  Washington  at  Fredericksburg 
as  at  this  place,  and  at  the  same  time  would  more  effectually  threaten 
Richmond  from  that  point.  McDowell,  I  understand,  is  thoroughly 
disgusted  with  the  turn  affairs  have  taken,  completely  taking  the 
wind  out  of  his  sails,  and  that  he  has  sent  an  earnest  appeal  to  his 
friends  in  Washington  to  have  him  retransferred  to  McClellan's 
army.  Now  that  McClellan  has  got  Franklin,  I  doubt  if  he  cares 
to  have  McDowell  any  more  with  him. 

It  is  a  very  pretty  country  around  here,  and  the  position  occupied 
by  the  enemy  was  very  strong.  I  don't  believe  they  will  soon  again 
get  another  line  as  defensible  as  this  one  was,  and  their  abandoning 
it  was  an  evident  sign  of  their  weakness  and  inability  to  defend  their 
other  approaches  to  Richmond.  As  to  the  battle  at  Pittsburg  Land- 
ing,1 it  would  appear  the  plan  of  the  rebels  was  admirably  conceived, 
and  would  have  been  successful  but  for  the  presence  of  our  gunboats. 
Finding  they  could  not  get  to  the  river  in  consequence  of  these  vessels, 
and  that  the  success  of  their  plan  was  impracticable,  they  very  prop- 
erly retired  to  their  fortifications  at  Corinth.  Hence,  although  they 
were  checked  and  defeated  in  the  object  they  had  in  view,  yet  it  was 
not  a  triumphant  victory  on  our  side;  for  had  the  gunboats  (against 
which  they  had  no  means  of  operating)  not  been  present,  they  would 
have  destroyed  Grant  the  first  day  and  Buell  the  second. 

Camp  at  Catlett's  Station,  April  19,  1862. 
My  last  letter  was  written  from  Manassas  Junction.  Yesterday 
we  broke  up  that  camp  and  marched  to  this  point,  which  is  twelve 
miles  farther  on  the  railroad  from  Alexandria  to  Gordonsville.  I  do 
not  know  the  object  of  our  being  moved  here,  except  that  we  are 
nearer  the  Rappahannock  and  Fredericksburg.  The  railroad  we  are 
on  crosses  the  Rappahannock  about  fifteen  miles  from  here.  At  this 
point  the  enemy  have  destroyed  the  bridge,  and  it  is  said  have  a  force 
of  some  ten  thousand  behind  earthworks,  on  the  other  side,  deter- 
mined to  prevent  our  rebuilding  the  bridge.    Yesterday  a  brigade 

1  Same  as  battle  at  Shiloh. 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  261 

under  Abercrombie  advanced  to  that  point  and  exchanged  artillery 
shots  with  the  enemy,  without  injury  to  either  side.  Abercrombie  is 
still  there,  and  the  railroad  to  that  point  is  being  repaired.  When 
this  is  done,  I  suppose  we  will  be  pushed  forward  and  the  enemy  dis- 
lodged from  the  other  side,  unless  in  the  meantime  it  is  determined  to 
go  from  here  to  Fredericksburg,  which  is  only  twenty-eight  miles  from 
here.  McDowell  went  yesterday  to  Washington,  intending  to  go 
down  to  Acquia  Creek,  and  sent  from  hence  under  Augur  a  brigade 
of  infantry  and  two  regiments  of  cavalry  to  Fredericksburg.  At 
Falmouth,  a  place  on  the  Rappahannock,  some  five  miles  from  Fred- 
ericksburg, and  where  there  was  a  bridge,  our  advance  of  cavalry  was 
fired  upon  from  an  ambuscade  and  some  twenty-two  saddles  emptied, 
Bayard  (the  colonel  in  command)  having  his  horse  shot  under  him, 
but  he  was  not  touched.  Our  men  charged  and  drove  the  enemy  (a 
Mississippi  regiment)  before  them  and  over  the  bridge,  which  they 
set  fire  to  in  their  retreat;  but  our  people  were  in  time  to  extinguish 
the  fire  and  save  a  great  portion  of  the  structure.  I  have  always 
believed  they  would  resist  our  advance  on  Richmond,  and  have  no 
doubt  by  the  time  we  get  across  the  Rappahannock,  whether  we  cross 
at  Fredericksburg  or  at  the  railroad  crossing  near  here,  that  they  will 
have  assembled  a  force  sufficiently  large  to  give  us  all  the  glory  we 
want  in  overcoming  it. 

Sunday,  April  20,  1862. 

You  will  already  see  by  what  I  have  written  yesterday,  that  the 
prospect  of  our  having  work  before  us  is  quite  good,  in  fact  that  two 
portions  of  our  force — Abercrombie's  brigade  and  Bayard's  cavalry — 
have  had  a  brush  with  the  enemy,  and  from  all  I  can  learn,  they  are 
determined  to  dispute  our  passage  of  the  Rappahannock  and  advance 
therefrom  on  Richmond. 

I  have  my  headquarters  in  a  house  in  which  a  poor  man  with 
eight  children  is  living.  Some  of  these  little  ones  are  pretty  and  in- 
telligent, and  bring  to  mind  my  own  dear  little  ones,  from  whom  I 
am  separated.  I  have  ridden  all  about  the  country  in  this  neigh- 
borhood, posting  pickets  and  outguards.  The  country  is  very  beau- 
tiful, but  it  makes  one's  heart  sad  to  see  the  desolation  and  destruc- 
tion produced  by  the  war.  Handsome  farms  abandoned  by  their 
owners,  left  to  a  few  negroes,  the  houses  gutted,  furniture  broken  and 
scattered  all  over,  fences  burned  up,  and  destruction  everywhere. 
Sometimes  I  fancy  the  great  object  in  sending  McDowell  this  way, 


262         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

is  that  the  country  may  be  laid  waste,  and  the  negroes  all  freed. 
Such  certainly  is  the  practical  result  of  the  movement,  whether  de- 
signed or  not,  and  as  there  is  no  other  apparent  object,  it  is  reasonable 
to  infer  this  is  the  one  designed.  McDowell  has  not  yet  returned 
from  his  trip  to  Acquia  Creek  and  Fredericksburg,  and  we  shall  have 
to  await  his  return  before  our  movements  will  be  decided  on. 


Camp  at  Catlett's  Station,  Friday,  April  25,  1862. 

Since  I  wrote,  the  whole  of  King's  division  has  gone  down  to  Fal- 
mouth, opposite  Fredericksburg,  and  to-day  orders  were  given  for 
Reynolds  to  move  down  there  with  his  brigade.  I  suppose  I  shall 
follow  in  a  day  or  two,  and  that  McDowell  has  at  last  got  them  in 
Washington  to  consent  to  let  him  concentrate  his  column  at  Freder- 
icksburg, and  either  threaten  Richmond  from  that  point,  or  what 
would  be  better,  interpose  between  Richmond  and  Yorktown,  cut- 
ting off  the  communications  of  the  army  at  the  latter  place.  What  I 
have  been  fearing,  was  that  Banks  would  allow  himself  to  be  decoyed 
so  far  up  the  valley  of  the  Shenandoah,  that  when  they  threw  a 
superior  force  on  him,  we  would  be  rushed  across  to  his  assistance. 
I  see  by  the  papers  received  to-day,  that  he  has  got  as  far  as  Harri- 
sonburg, about  twelve  miles  from  Staunton;  the  latter  being  the 
point  that  Fremont  is  aiming  at.  If  Banks  and  Fremont  unite,  they 
will  be  strong  enough. 

The  papers  say  the  Merrimac  is  ready  to  come  out  again;  which  I 
think  is  the  best  thing  that  can  happen,  as  until  the  question  of  her 
supremacy  is  settled,  we  will  be  hampered  at  Yorktown.  Let  her  be 
captured  or  sunk;  when  our  gunboats  will  be  free  to  operate  on  the 
James  and  York  Rivers,  taking  the  enemy's  works  in  flank  and  rear, 
which  now  we  cannot  do  for  fear  of  the  Merrimac. 

Camp  opposite  Fredericksburg,  April  30,  1862. 
We  arrived  here  yesterday  afternoon,  after  a  two-days'  march 
from  our  last  camp  at  Catlett's  Station.  We  were  very  glad  to  re- 
ceive our  orders,  because  I  began  to  fear  we  should  be  kept  in  the 
rear,  repairing  and  guarding  railroads.  We  had  a  pleasant  march, 
over  a  pretty  fair  country,  but  pretty  generally  abandoned  by  its 
inhabitants,  particularly  the  male  portion.  The  last  day  (yester- 
day) we  marched  twenty-two  miles,  and  our  men  came  in  good  con- 
dition.    Reynolds  had  preceded  me,  and  Ord,  I  presume,  will  follow 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  263 

in  a  day  or  two.  We  are  now  encamped  on  the  bank  of  the  Rappa- 
hannock, directly  opposite  the  town  of  Fredericksburg.  We  are  some 
twenty  thousand  strong,  but  as  yet  no  one  has  crossed  the  river, 
except  some  flags  of  truce,  holding  intercourse  with  the  municipal 
authorities.  We  have  a  pontoon  train,  and  could  throw  a  bridge 
over  in  a  few  hours,  but  it  is  rumored  McDowell's  orders  are  not  to 
cross,  for  what  reason  is  not  known.  To-be-sure,  the  railroad  from 
Acquia  Creek  is  not  yet  rebuilt  to  this  place,  and  we  have  to  haul 
our  supplies  some  eight  miles  in  wagons,  and  it  may  be  that  it  is  not 
deemed  worth  while  to  move  forward  until  the  road  is  repaired  and 
we  can  communicate  freely  with  our  rear.  We  have  received  the 
news  of  the  fall  of  New  Orleans,  which  caused  much  rejoicing,  and 
of  the  death  of  General  Smith,  which  was  received  with  deep  regret 
by  all  those  who  knew  him. 

McDowell  has  his  headquarters  back  at  Acquia  Creek  Station. 
He  was  in  camp  to-day  with  Lord  George  Paulet,  commander  of  the 
English  forces  at  Montreal,  and  did  me  the  honor  to  call  at  my 
quarters  and  introduce  his  lordship,  which  was  not  necessary,  how- 
ever, as  I  had  met  him  in  1842  in  Quebec,  when  I  was  there  with 
Graham  and  Schroeder. 

The  people  that  are  living  around  here  are  all  pretty  strongly 
tinctured  with  "Secesh."  The  men  are  away,  and  the  women  are  as 
rude  as  their  fears  will  permit  them  to  be. 

Dr.  Meredith  Clymer  has  joined  our  division,  with  the  expecta- 
tion of  being  medical  director,  and  being  at  Division  Headquarters, 
but  as  he  is  junior  to  Stocker,  the  arrangement  cannot  very  well  be 
made,  and  I  expect  Stocker  will  go  to  McCall  and  Clymer  come  to  me. 

Camp  opposite  Fredericksburg,  May  5,  1862. 
I  am  very  glad  you  saw  Mrs.  McClellan  and  were  pleased  with 
her.  Although  I  don't  think  General  McClellan  thought  much  of 
me  after  I  was  appointed,  yet  I  am  quite  sure  my  appointment  was 
due  to  him,  and  almost  entirely  to  him.  At  that  time  his  will  was 
omnipotent  and  he  had  only  to  ask  and  it  was  given.  He  told  me 
himself  that  he  had  simply  presented  my  name  to  the  President,  to 
which  I  replied  that  I  considered  that  the  same  as  appointing  me; 
which  I  do,  and  for  which  I  am  not  only  grateful  but  proud,  being 
prouder  of  such  an  appointment  than  if  all  the  politicians  in  the 
country  had  backed  me. 

Since  writing  you,  great  events  have  taken  place.    Fort  Macon 


264         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

fallen,  New  Orleans  taken,  and  now  we  hear  Yorktown  and  the 
Peninsula  are  evacuated. 

I  believe  our  movement  to  this  place  has  been  magnified,  and 
they  saw  the  danger  to  their  rear  and  got  away  before  it  was  too  late. 
I  think  I  wrote  you,  when  in  Alexandria,  that  this  was  the  place  for 
us  to  come  to,  and  never  could  understand  what  we  were  sent  to 
Manassas  for,  except  because  the  enemy  had  been  there  before  us. 
Great  efforts  are  being  made  to  repair  the  railroad,  so  as  to  bring  up 
supplies,  and  I  think  we  will  be  pushed  on  as  fast  as  the  road  is 
completed. 

McClellan  will  push  on  from  West  Point,  at  the  head  of  York 
River,  from  whence  there  is  also  a  railroad.  He  has  a  shorter  dis- 
tance, only  forty  miles,  and  we  have  sixty,  but  he  will  have  one  hun- 
dred thousand  men  to  move  and  we  only  forty  thousand,  so  that  we 
will  progress  about  evenly.  We  don't  know  whether  they  intend  to 
abandon  Virginia  entirely,  or  whether  they  have  only  withdrawn 
from  the  Peninsula,  between  the  York  and  James  Rivers,  and  have 
taken  up  a  position  nearer  Richmond. 

Day  before  yesterday  General  McDowell  invited  me  to  meet  at 
his  quarters  the  Secretaries  of  State,  Treasury  and  War,  all  of  whom 
had  come  on  a  trip  from  Washington,  and  whom  he  very  judiciously 
put  into  a  wagon  and  drove  them  over  the  fifteen  miles  of  road  from 
Acquia  Creek  to  this  place,  during  which  ride  they  were  almost 
jolted  to  death  and  their  lives  endangered,  owing  to  the  dreadful  con- 
dition of  the  road.  He  said  to  them :  "  Gentlemen,  you  can  see  for 
yourselves  the  character  of  the  roads  we  have  to  draw  our  artillery 
and  supplies  over,  and  I  assure  you  they  are  infinitely  better  now 
than  they  have  been  at  any  previous  period  of  our  operations  since 
the  frost  began  to  leave  the  ground."  I  was  introduced  to  all  of 
them  and  they  were  quite  civil.  I  did  not  recall  to  Mr.  Chase's1 
recollection  that  I  was  a  ci-devant  pupil  of  his,  not  knowing  how  such 
reminiscences  might  be  taken.  After  lunch  we  all  crossed  the  river 
on  a  boat-bridge  we  have  built,  and  took  a  turn  through  Fredericks- 
burg. The  place  seemed  deserted  by  all  who  could  get  away,  there 
being  but  few  white  people,  and  they  mostly  old  women  and  chil- 
dren. There  are  some  very  pretty  residences  in  the  town,  though  we 
only  saw  the  outside  of  them.  The  papers  will  have  informed  you 
that  Ord  has  been  made  a  major  general.  They  also  state  he  is  to 
have  this  division,  but  I  think  that  is  a  mistake.  The  idea  that 
1  Secretary  of  the  treasury. 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  265 

McCall  will  voluntarily  retire  is  absurd,  and  I  don't  see  how  with 
any  show  of  justice  they  can  put  him  aside. 

Camp  near  Fredericksburg,  May  10,  1862. 

The  recent  act  of  Congress  in  reference  to  command  of  troops  is, 
I  understand,  construed  by  the  Secretary  of  War  into  an  entire 
destruction  of  rank  in  the  army.  It  is  now  decided  that  the  Secre- 
tary can  put  any  officer  wherever  he  pleases,  over  the  heads  of  his 
seniors,  and  no  one  has  the  right,  or  will  be  permitted,  to  protest  or 
contest  this  right.  Ord  has  been  made  a  major  general  for  his  Dranes- 
ville  fight,  and  if  McCall  is  superseded,  I  think  it  probable  Ord  will 
be  given  this  division.  I  think  the  promotion  of  Ord  just  and  de- 
served; for  if  I  had  had  the  good  luck  to  have  been  in  command  at 
Dranesville,  I  should  have  claimed  the  benefit  of  it.  War  is  a  game 
of  chance,  and  besides  the  chances  of  service,  the  accidents  and  luck 
of  the  field,  in  our  army,  an  officer  has  to  run  the  chances  of  having 
his  political  friends  in  power,  or  able  to  work  for  him.  First  we 
had  Cameron,  Scott  (General),  with  Thomas  (adjutant  general)  and 
McDowell,  who  ruled  the  roost,  distributed  appointments  and  favors. 
Bull  Run  put  Scott's  and  McDowell's  noses  out  of  joint,  and  brought 
in  McClellan.  Then  Stanton  took  Cameron's  place,  fell  out  with 
McClellan,  whose  nose  was  therefore  put  out  of  joint,  and  now 
McDowell  again  turns  up,  and  so  it  goes  on  from  one  to  another.  A 
poor  devil  like  myself,  with  little  merit  and  no  friends,  has  to  stand 
aside  and  see  others  go  ahead.  Upon  the  whole,  however,  I  have 
done  pretty  well,  and  ought  not  to  complain. 

Of  course  you  have  exulted  over  McClellan's  successful  dislodg- 
ment  of  the  enemy  at  Yorktown  and  his  brilliant  pursuit  of  and  de- 
feat of  them  at  Williamsburg.  To-day  we  hear  his  gunboats  have 
gone  up  the  James  River,  and  we  now  look  forward  to  his  beating 
them  back  from  the  Chickahominy  and  forcing  them  to  fight,  either 
at  Richmond,  or  to  abandon  that  place  and  Virginia.  His  progress 
has  been  so  rapid  that  it  seems  useless  for  us  to  do  any  more  work 
on  the  railroad  on  this  line,  and  I  look  daily  for  orders  for  our  column 
to  take  shipping  at  Acquia  Creek  and  go  down  to  West  Point  to  rein- 
force McClellan.  There  is  where  we  ought  always  to  have  been,  and 
there  is  where  we  ought  now  to  go.  As  it  is,  we  are  hard  at  work 
rebuilding  the  railroad  to  this  point,  and  will  have  to  do  it  all  the 
way  hence  to  Richmond,  fifty-five  miles.  They  have  a  force  in  our 
front  some  twelve  miles  off,  and  say  they  are  going  to  fight  us;  but 


266         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

McClellan's  operations  will  stop  all  that,  and  they  will  be  out  of  our 
way  before  we  can  get  at  them. 

Camp  opposite  Fredericksburg,  May  14,  1862. 

Last  Sunday  the  enemy,  who  have  some  force  in  our  front  on  the 
other  side  of  the  river,  advanced  to  our  picket  line,  I  suppose  to  see 
what  we  were  doing.  They  were  well  received  by  a  portion  of  Gen- 
eral Patrick's  brigade,  stationed  on  the  other  side,  and  driven  back, 
with  the  loss  of  one  officer  and  twelve  men.  One  of  the  generals  in 
front  of  us  is  named  Field,  whom  perhaps  you  may  remember  as 
being  stationed  at  West  Point.  He  was  a  large  man  and  distin- 
guished for  sporting  an  immense  shirt  collar,  a  la  Byron.  He  was 
married  to  quite  a  pretty  little  woman,  whose  sister,  Miss  Mason, 
was  staying  with  them.  This  Miss  Mason  afterwards  married  Lieu- 
tenant Collins,  of  the  Topogs.  (your  relative).  Their  mother,  Mrs. 
Mason,  is  now  at  Fredericksburg,  but  her  daughters  are  with  their 
husbands,  Field,  a  general  in  our  front,  and  Collins,  an  Engineer, 
who  has  gone  to  Brazil.  General  Ricketts  has  joined,  having  been 
assigned  to  one  of  the  brigades  of  the  new  division  we  are  to  have. 
He  has  a  staff  of  Philadelphians — one  of  Julia  Fisher's  sons,  John 
Williams,  young  Richards  (son  of  Benj.  W.)  and  I  believe  others. 
Colonel  LylesV  regiment  is  in  his  brigade,  and  I  believe  he  has  other 
Pennsylvania  troops. 

I  hear  the  reaction  in  favor  of  McClellan  since  he  has  had  some 
men  killed  is  very  great,  and  that  even  Greeley2  has  begun  to  praise 
him.  Poor  Mac,  if  he  is  in  this  strait,  he  is  in  a  pretty  bad  way! 
Greeley's  enmity  he  might  stand,  but  his  friendship  will  kill  him.  I 
am  afraid  Richmond  will  be  taken  before  we  get  there. 

I  have  not  seen  the  death  of  Huger3  positively  announced  in  the 
papers;  all  I  have  seen  was  that  he  was  badly  wounded.  But  he 
does  not  seem  to  have  been  made  prisoner. 

Camp  opposite  Fredericksburg,  May  19,  1862. 
I  hardly  know  when  I  last  wrote  to  you,  though  I  know  it  has 
been  several  days  longer  than  I  intended;  but  I  have  recently  been 
on  a  Court  of  Inquiry,  and  to-day  my  brigade  was  reviewed  and 

1  Peter  Lyles,  colonel  90th  Regt.,  Pa.  Vols. 

2  Horace  Greeley,  editor  New  York  Tribune. 

3  Thomas  B.  Huger,  brother-in-law  of  General  Meade,  in  the  Confederate 
army. 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  267 

inspected  by  Inspector  General  Van  Rensselaer;  so  that  I  have 
been  so  busy  as  to  have  been  prevented  from  writing  to  you. 

McDowell  has  been  to  Washington,  but  what  has  occurred  is  un- 
known. McCall  is  not  to  be  disturbed,  at  least  at  present.  Ord  has 
been  assigned  to  the  new  division  of  which  Hartranft,  Ricketts  and 
Bayard  are  the  brigadiers. 

The  cars  are  running  to  the  river,  and  the  bridge  for  the  railroad 
is  nearly  completed.  We  now  await  the  arrival  of  General  Shields's 
division,  when  I  suppose  we  will  start  for  Richmond.  We  hear  noth- 
ing of  McClellan,  beyond  the  fact  that  he  has  rested  from  pushing 
the  enemy  to  the  wall.  Things  are  coming  to  a  focus,  both  at  Rich- 
mond and  at  Corinth.  If  we  should  be  successful  at  both  places,  I 
think  the  South  had  better  give  it  up,  though  there  is  no  telling  what 
they  will  do  or  what  we  will  have  to  do.  Subjugation  is  very  easy 
to  talk  about,  but  not  quite  so  easy  to  execute.  All  we  can  do  is  to 
be  patient  and  await  coming  events. 

Camp  opposite  Fredericksburg,  May  23,  1862. 
To-day  we  had  a  visit  from  the  President  and  the  Secretary  of 
War,  in  anticipation  of  an  immediate  forward  movement.  This  after- 
noon these  gentlemen  reviewed  our  division,  and  as  the  cortege  passed 
my  brigade,  I  joined  it,  and  found  among  them  my  friend  Mr.  Mercier, 
the  French  Minister.  I  observed  to  him,  in  a  joking  way,  that  all 
Europe,  as  well  as  this  country,  were  talking  of  his  visit  to  Richmond. 
"Yes,"  he  replied,  "and  both  parties  attaching  an  importance  which 
it  utterly  wants,  for  it  had  no  political  object  whatever. "  Previous 
to  the  review  I  had  been  at  General  McDowell's  headquarters,  and 
there  saw  the  President.  I  took  the  liberty  of  saying  to  him  that  I 
believed  the  army  was  much  gratified  to  see  his  recent  proclamation 
in  regard  to  Hunter's  order.  He  expressed  himself  gratified  for  the 
good  opinion  of  the  army,  and  said:  "I  am.  trying  to  do  my  duty, 
but  no  one  can  imagine  what  influences  are  brought  to  bear  on  me." 
I  believe  the  party  returned  to  Washington  this  evening,  having  come 
down  last  night.  General  Shields,  with  his  division,  reached  here 
yesterday,  so  that  McDowell's  corps  of  four  divisions  (about  forty 
thousand)  are  all  assembled,  and  we  expect  now  to  be  off  in  a  day  or 
two  to  Richmond.  Whether  we  will  be  too  late  and  McClellan  ahead 
of  us,  is  not  to  be  told.  I  rather  think  he  will  await  our  approach, 
as  from  all  I  can  learn  the  enemy  at  present  outnumber  him,  and  our 
force  will  be  a  very  welcome  addition  to  his  army.    It  is  impossible 


268         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OP  GENERAL  MEADE 

to  tell  whether  we  shall  meet  with  any  resistance  before  we  get  to 
the  immediate  vicinity  of  Richmond  or  not.  They  certainly  have  a 
force  about  fifteen  miles  from  here,  said  to  be  twenty  thousand  strong; 
but  whether  they  are  designed  only  to  watch  us  and  to  retreat  before 
us,  or  whether  they  will  be  reinforced  and  give  us  battle  at  this  place, 
are  questions  that  time  only  can  solve.  I  should  think  the  former, 
inasmuch  as  it  would  be  very  dangerous  for  them  to  leave  a  force  so 
far  in  front  of  Richmond,  with  McClellan  so  near,  cutting  off  their 
retreat,  and  we  pressing  them  in  front.  I  therefore  hardly  expect 
much  opposition  till  we  get  close  to  Richmond  and  in  communication 
with  McClellan,  where  I  expect  they  will  give  us  a  big  fight  just  out- 
side the  city  and  do  their  best  to  drive  us  away.  If  McClellan  can 
see  his  way  clear,  and  thinks  he  can  get  into  Richmond  without  our 
co-operation,  he  will  be  greatly  tempted  to  try  it.  At  the  last  ac- 
counts he  was  only  eight  miles  off,  and  could  have  a  fight  any  hour 
he  advanced.  His  troops  were  nearly  all  up,  and  he  had  almost  com- 
pleted the  repairs  to  the  railroad  from  West  Point,  by  which  he 
expected  to  draw  his  supplies. 

Camp  opposite  Fredericksburg,  May  27,  1862. 
Yesterday  General  Reynolds's  brigade  was  moved  over  the  river 
to  occupy  the  town  of  Fredericksburg,  and  we  changed  our  camp  to 
near  the  bridges,  so  that,  in  case  of  necessity,  we  could  be  rapidly 
thrown  over.  Although  we  only  marched  three  or  four  miles,  yet  a 
thorough  change  of  camp  is  always  a  great  job,  for  notwithstanding 
we  are  prepared  to  move  at  any  time,  still  we  stick  our  stakes  so 
firmly  in  the  ground,  when  we  do  halt,  that  it  is  a  labor  to  pull  them 
up.  McDowell  left  last  night  for  Washington,  where  they  appear  to 
be  paralyzed  with  fear  at  the  audacity  of  the  enemy  falling  on  Banks 
with  a  superior  force.  It  is  whispered  that  McDowell  was  peremp- 
torily ordered  to  return  to  Manassas  and  Alexandria,  and  to  estab- 
lish his  headquarters  at  Washington  City.  He  immediately  took  a 
train  for  Washington  to  enter  his  protest  against  such  an  injudicious 
move,  and  urge  his  being  reinforced  and  authorized  to  move  on.  It 
was  only  the  other  day  the  Government  disbanded  two  regiments  of 
Indiana  volunteers,  who  being  twelve-months,  men,  their  time  had 
expired.  These  men  were  willing  and  desirous  of  re-enlisting  for  the 
war,  but  the  Department  refused  to  re-enlist,  saying  the  Government 
had  more  men  in  service  than  it  really  needed.  To-day  they  are 
crying  out  for  any  one  to  come  to  Washington  to  save  them.    The 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  269 

truth  is,  we  must  expect  disaster,  so  long  as  the  armies  are  not  under 
one  master  mind.  In  nothing  is  the  old  adage  so  fully  verified  as  in 
matters  military,  "  that  too  many  cooks  spoil  the  broth.  The  enemy 
by  their  razzia  (as  I  think  it  is  called)  sometimes  raid  or  foray  against 
Banks,  have  most  beautifully  succeeded  in  knocking  all  McDowell's 
plans  into  a  cocked  hat,  and  now  they  are  at  leisure,  so  far  as  any 
co-operation  from  this  army  (for  it  was  an  army)  is  concerned,  to  do 
what  they  please  against  McClellan.  I  hope  the  latter  will  be  able 
to  drive  them  from  Richmond,  when  perhaps  the  Government  may 
for  awhile  be  easy  on  the  score  of  Washington.  From  all  appearances, 
we  will  have  to  remain  here,  if  not  fall  back  to  Manassas  and  Alex- 
andria. 

Camp  opposite  Fredericksburg,  May  30,  1862. 
It  would  appear  from  your  letter  that  the  Great  Stampede,  or, 
as  it  is  called,  the  "Third  Uprising  of  the  North,"  had  not  reached 
2037  Pine  Street 1  on  the  25th  instant,  though  it  must  have  been  in 
the  city  at  the  time.  We,  who  are  in  the  midst  of  the  troubles  and 
dangers,  are  greatly  amused  to  see  the  terrible  excitement  produced 
in  Philadelphia,  New  York  and  Boston  by  the  inglorious  retreat  of 
Banks  before  a  force  but  little  larger  than  his  own.  McDowell  has 
gone  to  Manassas,  and  has  taken  every  one  with  him  except  our  divi- 
sion, who  have  now  the  honor  of  holding  Fredericksburg  and  the 
railroad  from  thence  to  Acquia  Creek.  Had  not  the  enemy,  in  antic- 
ipation and  fear  of  our  advance,  destroyed  all  the  bridges  on  the 
rail  and  other  roads  between  this  point  and  a  place  some  ten  miles 
this  side  of  Richmond,  thus  preventing  their  advance  rapidly,  as  well 
as  ours,  I  should  look,  now  that  we  are  reduced  to  one  division  (about 
ten  thousand  men),  to  their  concentrating  and  coming  down  suddenly 
on  us.  This  is  their  true  game,  from  which  they  will  perhaps  be  di- 
verted by  McDowell's  movements,  and  their  own  work — placing  ob- 
structions to  their  rapid  movements.  At  the  latest  accounts  they 
had  all  retired  from  our  front  and  gone  back  either  to  Richmond  or 
Gordonsville.  Still,  they  are  much  more  enterprising  than  we  are, 
and  we  are  on  the  lookout  all  the  time. 

Camp  opposite  Fredericksburg,  May  31,  1862. 
Yesterday  General  McDowell  (who  has  gone  after  the  enemy  who 
drove  Banks  back)  telegraphed  to  General  McCall  to  draw  all  his 

1  Home  of  General  Meade's  family. 


270  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

troops  over  to  this  side,  except  such  guards  as  were  necessary  to  keep 
Fredericksburg  quiet  and  to  watch  the  roads  leading  into  it,  and  be 
prepared  to  act  on  the  defensive.  To-day  we  had  intelligence  from 
contrabands  that  a  force  was  collecting  at  Spottsylvania  Court  House, 
about  twelve  miles  on  the  other  side  of  the  river;  so  McCall,  to  carry 
out  his  instructions  and  be  prepared,  ordered  Reynolds's  brigade  back 
on  this  side  of  the  river.  This  movement,  somehow  or  other,  was 
distorted  and  magnified,  most  probably  by  the  telegraph  operators, 
who  keep  up  a  chattering  among  themselves;  for  this  evening  McCall 
got  a  despatch  from  the  President,  inquiring  by  whose  authority  he 
was  retreating  from  Fredericksburg;  also  one  from  Mr.  Stanton,  tell- 
ing him  the  news  of  Shields's  victory  at  Front  Royal,  and  begging 
him  not  to  let  any  discredit  fall  on  his  division.  A  person  who  was 
at  Acquia  Creek  to-day  said  it  was  reported  through  the  operators 
that  the  enemy  had  crossed  above  us,  and  that  we  were  retreating 
in  disorder.  Of  course  this  canard  went  up  to  Washington  and  was 
carried  to  the  President.  The  truth  is,  we  have  been  left  here  with 
too  small  a  force  (ten  thousand  men  and  thirty  pieces  of  artillery); 
but  McClellan  at  Richmond  and  McDowell  in  the  Valley  of  the 
Shenandoah  will  keep  all  the  troops  they  have  busy,  and  they  will 
hardly  be  able  to  bring  a  sufficiently  large  force  to  threaten  us.  We 
are,  however,  prepared  for  them;  but  at  present  all  is  quiet. 

Camp  opposite  Fredericksburg,  June  1,  1862. 
Your  letter  of  the  29th  came  to-day,  and  I  should  judge  from  its 
tenor  that  the  stampede  in  Philadelphia  this  day  (Sunday)  week  must 
have  been  pretty  great.  It  does  seem  to  me  strange  that  sensible 
people  can  be  so  carried  away  by  their  fears  as  to  lose  all  their  rea- 
soning powers.  How  could  the  enemy,  even  supposing  their  forces 
amounted  to  the  exaggerated  numbers  stated — namely,  thirty  thou- 
sand— injure  Washington,  when  Banks  had  ten  thousand,  there  were 
twenty  thousand  in  and  around  Washington,  and  we  had  here  within 
a  few  hours'  call  forty  thousand,  to  say  nothing  of  the  numbers  that 
could  be  sent  in  a  few  hours  from  the  Northern  cities?  As  it  is,  the 
boldness  and  temerity  of  the  enemy  will  probably  result  in  their  dis- 
comfiture, for  McDowell  is  in  their  rear  with  thirty  thousand  men, 
and  Banks,  largely  reinforced,  is  in  their  front,  and  it  will  be  hard 
work  to  get  themselves  out  of  our  clutches,  if  our  people  are  as  quick 
in  their  movements  as  they  should  be.  Last  night  Mr.  Assistant 
Secretary  Scott  made  his  appearance,  to  inquire  into  the  canard 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  271 

(telegraphed  to  Washington  by  the  operators),  that  the  enemy  were 
advancing  and  we  retreating.  He  stayed  several  hours  with  McCall, 
and  among  other  things  told  him,  "it  was  thought  in  Washington 
(that  is,  Mr.  Stanton  thought)  that  if  McClellan  would  fight  he  would 
win.  That  his  delay  was  exhausting  and  weakening  his  army,  while 
the  enemy  were  all  the  time  being  reinforced." 

Do  you  see  how  handsomely  Kearney  speaks  of  Poe  at  Williams- 
burgh? 

Camp  opposite  Fredericksburg,  June  3,  1862.   * ! 

Everything  is  very  quiet  in  this  vicinity;  all  reports  of  the  ap- 
proach of  the  enemy  seem  to  have  subsided.  The  news  of  the  at- 
tempt to  break  through  McClellan's  line  is  looked  upon  as  favor- 
able, inasmuch  as  the  attacking  party,  having  the  selection  of  time 
and  place,  could  and  should  have  concentrated  superior  numbers; 
their  failure  to  succeed  proves  either  their  weakness  or  our  superior 
prowess.1  I  have  no  doubt  McClellan  has  been  most  urgently  de- 
manding reinforcements,  and  that  he  looked  with  the  greatest  anx- 
iety for  McDowell's  support.  Indeed,  his  movement  on  Hanover 
Court  House  plainly  indicated  his  expectation  and  desire  to  hasten 
the  opening  of  communication  with  McDowell.  I  must  do  the  lat- 
ter the  justice  to  say  that  he  has  all  along  seen  the  false  position  he 
was  in,  and  has  been  most  anxious  to  join  McClellan,  and  was  as 
much  annoyed  as  any  one  when  he  was  ordered  to  return  to  Banks's 
aid.  The  evacuation  of  Corinth  is  unintelligible  to  me,  unless  the 
approach  of  the  gunboats  towards  Memphis  and  the  destruction 
of  the  bridge  on  the  Mobile  and  Corinth  Road  by  Colonel  Ellicott, 
proved  to  Beauregard  that  his  communications  were  in  danger  and 
starvation  threatened  him. 

I  see  an  order  just  published,  placing  all  the  troops  east  of  the 
Fredericksburg  and  Richmond  Railroad,  and  those  at  Old  Point, 
again  under  McClellan's  command.  This  is  a  retrograde  step  in  the 
right  direction,  and  will  enable  him  to  control  our  movements  and 
those  of  General  Dix  (who  goes  to  Fortress  Monroe),  and  make  them 
harmonize  with  his  own.  If  McDowell  can  only  defeat  and  capture 
Jackson,  and  return  here  in  time  to  advance  on  Richmond,  Dix  go 
up  the  James  or  Appomattox  River  and  seize  Petersburg,  we  will 
have  them  in  a  pretty  tight  place,  and  one  victory  in  our  favor  would 
settle  the  campaign.  As  it  is,  scattered  and  divided,  no  one  can  tell 
what  will  happen  or  what  combinations  occur. 

1  Battle  of  Fair  Oaks  or  Seven  Pines,  Va.,  May  31  to  June  1,  1862. 


272         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

Camp  opposite  Fredericksburg,  June  6,  1862. 

You  will  see  that  Jackson  has  escaped  up  the  Valley  of  the  Shen- 
andoah, in  spite  of  the  various  arrangements  made  to  cut  off  his  re- 
treat. From  all  I  can  learn,  the  force  sent  from  here  under  McDowell 
was  not  as  rapid  in  its  movements  as  it  might  have  been.  It  ought 
to  have  pushed  on  from  Front  Royal  to  Strasburg,  and  not  waited, 
as  it  would  seem  it  did,  till  it  had  news  that  Jackson  was  falling  back 
from  Strasburg.  We  have  had  a  continuous  rain  storm,  part  of  the 
time  very  violent;  the  consequence  has  been  the  same  here  as  with 
you  in  Pennsylvania — a  great  freshet  in  the  Rappahannock,  which 
carried  away  all  the  bridges  we  had  built  over  the  river,  including 
the  railroad  bridge.  To  rebuild  this  will  take  some  two  weeks,  dur- 
ing which  time  we  shall  be  tied  down  here.  When  they  were  first 
carried  away  (day  before  yesterday)  all  communication  was  cut  off 
with  the  town,  in  which  were  some  six  hundred  of  our  people;  but  as 
we  had  intelligence  that  day  that  the  force  in  our  front  had  fallen 
back  to  Richmond,  we  did  not  feel  much  concerned  about  our  men. 
Now  we  have  a  little  steam  tug  that  ferries  across,  and  we  will  throw 
over  a  pontoon  bridge  as  soon  as  the  river  subsides.  I  have  been  for 
several  days  on  a  court  martial  which  occupies  me  from  ten  in  the 
morning  to  five  in  the  afternoon. 

I  am  truly  sorry  to  hear  that  John  Markoe  has  been  again 
wounded.  Do  you  remember  General  Palmer?  He  is  reported  killed, 
but  I  hope  it  is  a  mistake.  General  Howard  you  must  also  remember, 
at  West  Point. 

Camp  below  Fredericksburg,  June  11,  1862. 
Day  before  yesterday,  General  McCall  received  orders  for  his 
division  to  join  General  McClellan,  to  go  by  water  down  the  Rappa- 
hannock and  up  the  York  River  to  the  White  House.  Soon  after 
the  arrival  of  the  transports  at  a  point  on  the  river  some  six  miles 
below  Fredericksburg  was  announced  to  him,  and  he  immediately 
sent  Reynolds  and  myself,  with  our  commands,  down  here  to  em- 
bark. Reynolds  has  gone  with  all  his  command,  and  nearly  all  of 
mine  has  gone.  I  should  myself  have  been  off,  but  just  as  I  was 
preparing  to  leave,  General  McCall  made  his  appearance  with  his 
staff,  and  took  up  all  the  room  that  was  left,  and  compelled  me  to 
remain  here  with  my  staff,  separated  from  my  command,  to  await 
either  additional  transportation  or  the  return  of  those  that  had  gone. 
I  cannot  tell  now  when  I  shall  get  away.    All  the  vessels  that  were 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  273 

sent  at  first  are  gone;  if  others  are  being  sent,  I  shall  be  off  on  the 
first  that  comes.  But  if  it  is  not  intended  to  send  any  more,  and  I 
have  to  await  the  return  of  those  gone,  it  will  be  several  days,  per- 
haps a  week,  before  I  can  rejoin  my  command.  In  the  meantime, 
McClellan's  pressure  for  troops  may  require  him  to  send  my  brigade 
to  the  front,  under  the  command  of  the  next  in  rank.  It  is  impos- 
sible for  me  to  tell  you  how  much  I  have  been  worried  by  this.  Per- 
haps a  vessel  may  come  up  some  time  to-day,  and  matters  turn  out 
better  than  I  expect. 

I  think  now  it  will  not  be  long  before  our  division  will  be  in  the 
presence  of  the  enemy;  being  fresh  troops,  we  will  of  course  be  sent 
to  the  front  to  relieve  those  who  have  been  so  long  exposed.  I  un- 
derstand very  large  reinforcements  have  been  ordered  to  McClellan 
at  last,  in  response  to  his  urgent  and  repeated  calls  for  them.  It  is 
rumored  that  the  whole  of  McDowell's  corps,  except  Shields  (who 
remains  with  Banks),  has  been  ordered,  and  some  of  the  captains  of 
the  steamers  recently  here  said  that  our  twenty  thousand  men  had 
reached  him  before  they  left,  showing  the  Administration  have  at 
last  come  to  their  senses,  brought  thereto,  doubtless,  by  a  fear  that 
a  large  part  of  Beauregard's  army  is  coming  from  Corinth  to  Rich- 
mond. 

I  suppose  you  have  noted  in  the  papers  that  Colonel  Kane  has 
been  made  a  prisoner,  also  Captain  Taylor,  of  the  same  regiment, 
who  is  a  very  clever  gentleman.  I  expected  Kane,  who  has  been 
thirsting  for  fame,  would  get  himself  in  some  such  scrape,  and  there- 
fore am  not  greatly  surprised  at  its  occurrence. 

P.  S.— June  11,  5  P.  M. 
I  am  glad  to  say  several  fine  transports  have  arrived,  and  I  expect 
to  be  off  early  to-morrow  morning.     As  this  has  relieved  me  greatly, 
I  have  opened  my  letter  to  announce  it. 

Camp  at  Railroad  Crossing  of  the  Chickahominy,  June  14,  1862. 
After  writing  my  last  letter,  I  was  very  busy  employed  in  loading 
up  the  vessels  with  my  train  of  wagons  and  ambulances.  We  got 
off  in  good  time,  and  after  a  pleasant  trip  down  the  Rappahannock, 
we  entered  the  York  River  and  ascended  it  and  the  Pamunky  to  the 
celebrated  White  House,  the  estate  of  General  Lee's  son  (Turnbull's 
old  friend).  We  reached  the  White  House  this  morning  and  found 
great  excitement  existing,  from  the  fact  that  the  enemy  had  the  au- 


274  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

dacity  to  show  themselves  along  the  line  of  the  railroad,  and  finding 
two  of  our  vessels  in  the  Pamunky  River,  beyond  the  reach  of  any 
defense,  they  seized  them,  murdered  the  crews  and  burned  them. 
This  foray  was  accomplished,  as  far  as  I  can  ascertain,  by  some 
sixty  or  seventy  mounted  men,  who  made  this  bold  and  audacious 
move,  having  pretty  certain  information  that  being  so  far  to  the 
rear,  we  were  perfectly  secure  and  hence  unguarded.  The  rascals 
were  completely  successful  in  every  particular,  except  their  attempt 
to  capture  my  brigade  train,  which  was  on  the  road,  guarded  by  a 
company  of  the  Fourth  Regiment.  The  company  formed  a  line  and 
prepared  to  receive  the  gentlemen,  which  caused  them  to  hesitate 
and  finally  retire.  What  they  did,  however,  made  a  great  rumpus, 
and  was  terribly  magnified  by  the  time  it  reached  our  steamer,  an- 
chored some  ten  miles  below  the  White  House.  As  soon  as  I  could 
find  where  my  command  was,  I  started  off  with  my  staff  and  escort, 
and  the  escort  of  General  McCall,  which  he  had  left  for  me  to  bring 
on.  I  reached  here  about  3  P.  M.,  and  found  the  brigade  encamped 
just  before  crossing  the  Chickahominy.  Last  night  it  was  under 
orders  to  move  forward,  but  the  raid  of  the  guerillas  changed  the 
programme,  and  Reynolds  was  ordered  back  with  part  of  his  brigade 
to  guard  the  depot  at  the  White  House,  and  the  railroad  leading  this 
way. 

I  have  fortunately  joined  my  command  before  they  have  been 
called  into  action,  which  I  was  a  little  nervous  about.  McClellan's 
headquarters  are  about  four  miles  from  here. 

Kuhn  saw  Alexander  Wilcox,  who  is  here  on  the  Sanitary  Com- 
mission, and  is  on  board  a  fine  steamer,  where,  as  we  passed  this 
morning,  I  saw  numerous  young  ladies,  in  English  hats,  etc.,  very 
stylish,  apparently  having  a  nice  time  with  several  men.  I  was  told 
this  was  the  sanitary  ship,  and  these  were  volunteer  nurses.  I 
thought  at  first  it  was  a  picnic. 

It  is  all  quiet  in  front  at  this  hour,  6  P.  M.,  but  no  one  can  tell 
when  the  ball  may  be  opened  by  either  side.  I  think  in  a  day  or 
two  we  shall  go  to  the  front,  and  then  will  commence  the  reality  of 
war. 

Camp  near  the  Chickahominy,  June  17,  1862. 
To-day  we  hear  very  heavy  firing  in  the  direction  of  Fort  Darling 
on  the  James  River,  and  we  presume  the  gunboats  are  engaging  the 
batteries  on  the  river;  though  I  understood  from  Commodore  Dahl- 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  275 

gren,  whom  I  met  at  Fredericksburg,  that  the  gunboats  could  not 
pass  the  obstructions  in  the  river  at  Fort  Darling,  the  enemy  having 
pretty  much  destroyed  the  navigation,  which  it  would  take  a  long 
time  to  correct  by  removing  the  vessels  and  rocks,  etc.,  which  have 
been  sunk  and  thrown  in.  I  learned  very  little  at  headquarters  yes- 
terday. I  think  McClellan  is  awaiting  the  arrival  of  all  his  rein- 
forcements, before  pushing  his  lines  any  farther  forward,  or  making 
any  grand  attack.  In  the  meantime  the  enemy  is  busily  at  work 
fortifying  all  the  approaches  to  the  city,  and  without  doubt  will  make 
a  most  vigorous  and  desperate  resistance  to  our  advance.  McClel- 
lan, I  understand,  is  in  good  spirits  and  confident  of  success,  which 
I  most  sincerely  trust  he  may  attain.  Our  division  remains  where 
it  was  first  posted,  just  behind  the  Chickahominy  at  the  railroad 
crossing,  where  it  is  understood  we  will  remain  for  a  few  days,  as  it 
is  a  good  position  for  defending  the  railroad,  and  from  whence  we 
can  readily  be  sent  to  reinforce  any  part  of  the  line  that  may  be 
suddenly  attacked.  From  what  I  can  gather,  the  taking  of  Rich- 
mond will  be  the  work  of  time,  by  our  slowly  but  gradually  and  surely 
advancing,  until  we  get  near  enough  to  make  a  final  assault.  In  this 
operation  we  shall,  of  course,  have  frequent  skirmishes,  and  now  and 
then  big  battles,  like  the  recent  one  at  Fair  Oaks,  or  Seven  Pines,  as 
it  is  sometimes  called,  where  they  thought  they  had  a  fine  chance 
to  cut  off  our  left  wing,  isolated  from  the  rest  of  the  army  by  the 
sudden  rising  of  the  Chickahominy.  Unfortunately  for  their  calcu- 
lations, our  bridges  stood  the  freshet,  and  our  communication  was 
not  cut  off,  enabling  us  to  meet  their  attack  and  repulse  it. 

Camp  near  "New  Bridge,"  June  18,  1862. 
Late  last  night  orders  came  for  our  division  to  march  at  early 
daylight  this  morning,  which  we  did,  arriving  here  about  11  A.  M., 
and  relieving  Slocum's  (formerly  Franklin's)  division,  being  thus 
posted  on  the  extreme  right  flank  of  our  army  and  in  the  front. 
The  enemy  are  in  plain  view  of  our  picket  line,  we  holding  here  the 
left  bank  of  the  Chickahominy,  and  they  the  opposite  one.  There 
is  quite  a  wide  bottom  and  swamp  between  the  two  banks,  but  our 
respective  pickets  are  within  musket  range  of  each  other.  But  shots 
are  not  exchanged  unless  there  is  a  collection  on  either  side,  looking 
like  an  advance  or  a  working  party.  The  "New  Bridge,"  as  it  is 
called,  you  have  doubtless  seen  mentioned  and  referred  to  in  the 
newspapers.    It  is  the  bridge  by  which  one  of  the  main  roads  into 


276         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

Richmond  crosses  the  Chickahominy.  We  hold  the  approaches  on 
this  side,  the  enemy  on  the  other.  They  are  throwing  up  earth- 
works to  prevent  our  crossing,  and  all  the  afternoon  our  batteries 
have  been  shelling  their  working  parties,  and  they  have  been  shelling 
our  batteries,  with  I  fancy  no  damage  on  either  side.  The  "New 
Bridge  "  is  only  five  miles  from  Richmond,  and  from  the  high  grounds 
near  our  camp  we  can  plainly  discern  the  spires  of  the  Sacred  City. 
To-morrow  Reynolds  and  Seymour  go  to  Mechanicsville,  which  is  a 
little  higher  up  the  river  and  about  four  and  a  half  miles  from  the 
city.  Immediately  adjoining  our  camp  we  have  Fitz-John  Porter's 
corps,  in  which  General  Morell  now  commands  a  division.  Stone- 
man's  division  of  cavalry  is  also  in  our  vicinity,  as  well  as  Sykes's 
brigade  of  regulars.  Willie1  has  been  with  me  all  the  afternoon.  He 
looks  very  well — better  than  he  did  at  Alexandria. 

Did  you  see  in  the  papers  of  the  12th  the  instructions  of  Joe 
Johnston  to  Stonewall  Jackson?  I  hope  you  have,  for  they  most 
singularly  confirm  my  expressed  views  of  the  object  of  Jackson's  raid. 
Johnston  tells  him  that  anything  he  can  do,  either  to  prevent  rein- 
forcements reaching  McClellan  or  to  withdraw  any  portion  of  his 
force,  will  be  of  inestimable  service;  suggests  his  attacking  either 
McDowell  or  Banks — whichever  he  thinks  most  practicable — and  says 
it  is  reported  McDowell  is  about  advancing  on  Richmond,  which  he, 
Johnston,  thinks  extremely  probable.  You  see  how  completely  Jack- 
son succeeded  in  carrying  out  these,  by  paralyzing  McDowell's  force 
of  forty  thousand  men,  through  the  stupidity  of  the  authorities  at 
Washington  becoming  alarmed  and  sending  McDowell  on  a  wild- 
goose  chase  after  a  wily  foe,  who  never  intended  to  be  caught  in  a 
trap,  and  was  prepared  to  back  out  so  soon  as  his  plans  proved  suc- 
cessful. I  must  do  McDowell  the  justice  to  say  that  he  saw  this 
himself,  but  no  protest  on  his  part  could  shake  the  strategy  of  the 
War  Department. 

We  are  so  near  the  enemy  that  we  hear  their  bands  distinctly  at 
tattoo  and  parade.  On  our  side  no  drums,  bugles  or  bands  are  al- 
lowed, except  to  announce  the  approach  of  the  enemy.  I  can  hardly 
tell  you  how  I  felt  this  afternoon,  when  the  old  familiar  sound  of  the 
heavy  firing  commenced.  I  thought  of  you  and  the  dear  children — 
of  how  much  more  I  have  to  make  me  cling  to  life  than  during  the 
Mexican  War;  I  thought,  too,  of  how  I  was  preserved  then  and  since 
in  many  perilous  times  through  God's  mercy  and  will,  and  prayed 
1  William  Sergeant,  brother  of  Mrs.  Meade. 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  277 

He  would  continue  His  gracious  protection  to  me,  and  in  His  own 
good  time  restore  me  to  you,  or  if  this  was  not  His  will,  and  it  was 
decreed  that  I  was  to  be  summoned,  that  He  would  forgive  me,  for 
His  Son's  sake,  the  infinite  number  of  sins  I  have  all  my  life  been 
committing.  You  see,  I  do  not  shut  my  eyes  to  the  contingencies  of 
the  future,  but  I  look  upon  them  with  a  hopeful  eye  and  a  firm  reli- 
ance on  the  mercy  of  my  heavenly  Father.  It  is  now  10  o'clock  at 
night,  dark  and  rainy.  All  is  quiet  in  both  camps,  and  the  immense 
hosts  arrayed  against  each  other  are,  doubtless,  quietly  and  peace- 
fully sleeping,  unless  some  one  with  thoughts  like  those  I  have  ex- 
pressed has  a  disturbing  conscience. 

Camp  near  New  Bridge,  Va.,  June  20,  1862. 
To-day  we  have  had  a  little  excitement.  Our  camp  is  on  the 
edge  of  a  small  strip  of  woods  that  fringes  the  Valley  of  the  Chicka- 
hominy.  The  enemy  occupy  the  heights  on  the  opposite  side,  where 
they  are  busily  throwing  up  fortifications,  to  dispute  our  advance. 
Our  people  very  foolishly,  as  I  thought,  undertook  to  interrupt  their 
work  by  shelling  their  works.  For  a  day  or  two  they  were  quite 
quiet  and  let  us  have  it  all  our  own  way,  but  this  morning  they 
opened  on  us  with  heavy  guns  at  long  range,  and  pretty  soon  gave 
us  evidence  that  two  could  play  at  this  game.  Their  fire  was  at  first 
directed  against  our  batteries,  but  my  men,  notwithstanding  I  had 
cautioned  them  to  stay  in  camp  and  not  expose  themselves  to  the 
view  of  the  enemy,  would  rush  through  the  woods  into  the  open 
ground  beyond,  to  stare  about  like  idiots.  The  enemy,  seeing  the 
crowd,  soon  ascertained  our  position,  and  moving  one  of  their  long- 
range  guns,  began  throwing  shot  and  shell  right  into  our  camp,  scat- 
tering the  curious  gentlemen  and  giving  them  a  pretty  good  scare. 
Fortunately  no  one  was  hurt,  though  the  shell  fell  all  around.  I  went 
in  amongst  them  and  remonstrated  with  them  for  their  disobedience 
of  orders,  which  had  brought  this  on  them,  and  after  letting  them 
stand  the  fire  till  they  were  pretty  well  subdued,  I  moved  the  camp 
to  another  position,  and  all  has  since  been  quiet. 

Camp  near  New  Bridge,  Va.,  June  22,  1862. 
I  yesterday  rode  over  to  headquarters  and  saw  McClellan.     While 
with  him  Franklin  and  Baldy  Smith  came  in,  and  I  had  a  very  pleas- 
ant visit.     McClellan  has  been  a  little  under  the  weather,  but  is  now 
well  and  looks  very  well  and  is  in  good  spirits.     He  talked  very  freely 


278         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

of  the  way  in  which  he  had  been  treated,  and  said  positively  that  had 
not  McDowell's  corps  been  withdrawn,  he  would  long  before  now 
have  been  in  Richmond.  Last  night  we  heard  from  a  deserter  that 
we  were  to  be  attacked  to-day.  We  were  all  under  arms  before  day- 
break, but  everything  has  been  quiet  up  to  this  moment,  (9  A.  M.). 
I  suppose  you  have  heard  of  William  Palmer's  death.  They 
seemed  to  be  quite  shocked  at  it  at  headquarters,  as  he  had  left 
only  about  a  week  ago,  sick,  but  not  considered  dangerously  so. 
Poor  fellow!  his  death  makes  me  a  Major  of  Topogs. 

Camp  near  New  Bridge,  Va.,  June  24,  1862. 

We  have  been  in  a  pleasant  state  of  excitement  for  the  last  twenty- 
four  hours,  under  the  impression  that  the  enemy  were  disposed  to  at- 
tack our  right  flank  in  force,  in  which  case  the  first  onset  would  be 
received  by  our  division.  The  result  of  this  little  expectation  is  our 
being  under  arms  from  before  daylight  (3  A.  M.)  till  nightfall,  and 
the  almost  total  destruction  of  one's  rest  at  night  by  constant  and 
frequent  orders,  messages,  etc.,  occurring  from  hour  to  hour.  The 
trouble  about  the  whole  thing  is  that  the  men  become  wearied  with 
these  constant  stampedes,  as  they  are  called,  and  it  becomes  more 
and  more  difficult  to  get  them  out  at  any  prescribed  time,  they  say- 
ing, "Oh,  it's  the  old  cry  of  wolf!"  and  I  am  really  afraid  we  shall 
carry  out  the  old  fable,  and  when  the  wolf  does  come,  be  unprepared. 
I  don't  intend,  however,  that  such  shall  be  the  case  with  my  com- 
mand, and  am  making  myself  very  unpopular  by  insisting  on  the 
utmost  vigilance  and  requiring  all  hands  to  be  up  and  ready  by  day- 
light every  morning,  whether  we  have  a  stampede  or  not. 

Last  evening  Reynolds  made  a  reconnoissance  of  the  enemy's 
position,  driving  in  their  pickets,  stirring  them  up  generally  and 
making  them  display  their  force.  I  think  he  had  two  or  three  men 
wounded  in  the  affair.  This  morning  all  seems  quiet,  though  late 
last  night  it  was  the  impression  of  the  superior  officers  on  our  side 
that  we  should  be  attacked.  To  be  sure,  there  was  a  very  heavy 
fall  of  rain  during  the  night,  overflowing  the  Chickahominy  Swamp, 
and  most  probably  preventing  any  attack,  had  they  designed  making 
one. 

Camp  near  New  Bridge,  Va.,  June  26,  1862. 
Everything  is  quiet  on  our  part  of  the  line.     Yesterday  Heintzel- 
man,  on  the  left,  made  an  advance,  which  of  course  was  disputed, 


SEVEN -DAYS'  BATTLES 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  279 

resulting  in  brisk  skirmishing,  with  some  loss  in  killed  and  wounded 
on  both  sides.  Heintzelman  gained  his  point,  however,  and  main- 
tained it.  We  were  under  arms  all  day,  ready  to  take  part  in  a 
general  action,  if  one  should  result.  In  the  meantime,  the  batteries 
opposite  to  us  have  been  throwing  their  shot  and  shell  at  us,  but 
without  inflicting  any  injury.  There  is  a  report  that  the  great 
"  Stonewall "  Jackson  with  his  army  has  left  Gordonsville  and  is 
coming  to  Richmond,  to  turn  our  right  flank.  His  withdrawal  from 
the  Valley  of  Virginia  would  indicate  weakness  of  the  army  here,  for 
he  would  never  leave  so  important  a  field,  and  where  he  had  been 
doing  good  service,  unless  it  was  a  matter  of  great  importance  to 
strengthen  their  Richmond  army.  This  report,  in  connection  with 
the  fact  that  they  keep  up  a  great  drumming  and  bugling  in  front  of 
us,  to  make  us  believe  they  are  in  great  force,  leads  me  to  doubt 
whether  their  army  is  as  strong  as  represented,  and  whether  they 
do  actually  outnumber  us,  as  some  believe. 

I  yesterday  rode  to  the  extreme  right  of  our  lines,  where  our  cav- 
alry are  stationed,  watching  the  whole  country,  to  apprise  us  of  any 
advance.  At  one  of  the  outposts,  Reynolds,  whom  I  was  accom- 
panying on  a  tour  of  inspection,  sent  for  the  officer  in  command  of 
the  detachment  to  give  him  some  instructions,  when  I  found  he  was 
our  old  neighbor,  Benoni  Lockwood,  who  seemed  really  glad  to  see 
me.  The  adjutant  of  the  Fourth  Pennsylvania  Cavalry,  now  serv- 
ing with  our  division,  is  your  relative,  Will  Biddle.  The  health  of 
the  army,  at  least  of  our  division,  is  very  fair — some  little  bilious 
attacks  and  diarrhoea,  but  nothing  serious.  We  have  an  abundance 
of  good  food;  no  army  in  the  world  was  ever  better  supplied  and 
cared  for  than  ours  is,  all  reports  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding. 


This  letter,  which  had  hardly  been  mailed  before  "  everything  on 
our  part  of  the  line"  became  as  unquiet  as  possible,  was  the  last  one 
written  by  General  Meade  until  August  12,  with  the  exception  of  a 
few  lines  on  July  1  announcing  his  having  been  wounded  the  pre- 
vious evening. 

As  this  period  includes  what  is  known  as  the  Seven  Days'  Battles, 
it  becomes  necessary,  in  default  of  General  Meade's  letters,  to  sup- 
ply the  break  in  the  narrative  by  a  general  account,  up  to  the  time 
of  his  being  wounded,  of  the  operations  preceding  August  12  of  the 
division  to  which  he  was  attached.     It  is  therefore  not  to  be  re- 


280  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

garded  as  an  account  of  the  operations  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac, 
except  in  so  far  as  necessary  to  explain  the  part  taken  in  them  by 
the  Pennsylvania  Reserves. 

About  mid-day  of  the  26th  of  June  the  division  of  Pennsylvania 
Reserves,  commanded  by  General  George  A.  McCall,  which  was  on 
the  extreme  right  of  the  army,  had  its  advanced  pickets  at  Meadow 
Bridge  driven  in.  It  became  evident  that  the  enemy  was  about 
advancing  in  force,  and  preparations  were  at  once  made  to  receive 
him. 

Toward  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  the  enemy's  columns  ap- 
peared, and  after  driving  back  the  small  force  of  the  Reserves  sta- 
tioned in  advance,  at  the  village  of  Mechanicsville,  formed  line  of 
battle  in  front  of  the  position  occupied  by  the  main  body  of  McCall's 
division,  which  was  on  the  left  bank  of  Beaver  Dam  Creek,  and 
shortly  afterward  the  battle  of  Mechanicsville  began.  The  Federal 
line  was  held  by  the  brigades  of  Generals  Reynolds  and  Seymour, 
with  the  several  batteries  attached  to  the  division  distributed  along 
the  front.  General  Seymour,  who  was  on  the  left,  his  left  resting  on 
the  Chickahominy,  and  covering  the  road  by  Ellison's  Mills,  resisted 
all  the  efforts  of  the  enemy  to  carry  this  part  of  the  position.  Gen- 
eral Reynolds,  on  the  right  of  the  line,  also  foiled  every  attempt  to 
turn  the  position  there,  the  success  of  the  day  being  largely  owing  to 
his  admirable  disposition  of  his  troops,  and  to  his  personal  gallantry. 
The  fighting  fell  entirely  to  these  two  brigades  of  the  Pennsylvania 
Reserves,  which  not  only  repulsed  but  inflicted  severe  loss  on  the 
command  of  General  A.  P.  Hill,  with  the  whole  of  which,  six  brigades 
of  his  own  division,  and  Ripley's  brigade  of  General  D.  A.  Hill's 
division,  they  were  confronted. 

General  Meade's  brigade  was  moved  up  early  in  the  day  from 
its  camp  near  New  Bridge,  but  did  not  become  directly  engaged, 
being  held  in  reserve;  but  his  services  are  referred  to  by  General 
McCall  "  as  worthy  of  credit  for  the  promptness  and  zeal  with  which 
he  carried  out  all  orders  sent  to  him."  The  brigades  of  Generals 
Griffin  and  Martindale  of  Morell's  division  were  also,  late  in  the 
day,  brought  up  to  within  supporting  distance,  but,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  two  of  Griffin's  regiments,  took  no  part  in  the  action. 

During  the  time  that  the  fight  lasted,  from  three  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon  until  nine  at  night,  the  enemy  made  repeated,  vigorous, 
and  determined  efforts  to  force  a  passage  of  the  creek  by  turning, 
first  the  right,  and  later  the  left  flank,  in  all  of  which  he  signally 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  281 

failed,  being  repulsed  with  great  slaughter.  Owing  to  the  admirable 
position  of  the  Pennsylvania  Reserves,  their  loss  was  very  small. 

The  movement  of  General  Jackson's  column  on  the  right  flank 
of  the  army  having  made  the  position  on  Beaver  Dam  Creek  unten- 
able, at  daylight,  on  the  27th,  the  division  of  Pennsylvania  Reserves 
was,  in  obedience  to  orders,  skilfully  withdrawn  to  a  position  occu- 
pied by  the  remainder  of  its  corps,  the  Fifth,  near  Gaines's  Mill. 
Here,  owing  to  its  having  been  engaged  with  the  enemy  on  the  pre- 
ceding day,  it  was  ordered  by  General  Fitz-John  Porter  to  form  a 
second  line,  some  six  hundred  yards  in  rear  of  his  main  line  of  battle. 

The  battle  of  Gaines's  Mill,  which  now  followed,  opened  about 
two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  by  an  attack  on  the  centre  of  General 
Porter's  position,  and  soon  extended  along  the  whole  line.  The  as- 
saults of  the  enemy  becoming  more  and.  more  persistent,  and  the 
engagement  proportionately  severe,  about  four  o'clock  the  brigades 
of  General  McCall  were  ordered  up  to  the  front  line,  which  was  hard 
pressed,  Generals  Meade  and  Seymour  being  sent  in  on  the  left  cen- 
tre, and  General  Reynolds  further  toward  the  right.  From  this  time 
forward  the  battle  raged  furiously  and  with  varying  success.  Gen- 
eral Meade's  conduct  was  conspicuous  as  he  led  in  succession  the 
regiments  of  his  command  into  the  thickest  of  the  fight  at  various 
points  of  the  line  where  their  services  were  most  needed,  in  encour- 
aging his  men  and  rallying  those  who  became  disorganized. 

On  a  call  for  reinforcements,  later  in  the  afternoon,  General  Slo- 
cum's  division  of  Franklin's  corps  was  crossed  from  the  south  side 
of  the  river  and  at  once  distributed  along  the  line,  relieving  those 
regiments  in  the  advance  whose  ammunition  had  been  expended. 

About  dusk  the  Federal  troops,  thoroughly  exhausted  by  the  un- 
equal struggle  which  for  five  hours  they  had  gallantly  maintained, 
were  compelled  to  fall  back,  being  borne  down  by  the  final  and  furi- 
ous onslaught  of  the  whole  Confederate  line,  now  reinforced  by  Gen- 
eral Jackson's  column,  just  arrived  from  the  valley  of  the  Shenandoah. 

On  the  evening  of  the  25th  June,  General  Jackson  had  arrived  at 
Ashland  Station,  on  the  Richmond,  Fredericksburg,  and  Potomac 
Railroad.  Leaving  this  point  early  the  next  morning,  he  had  pushed 
forward,  marching  in  a  southeasterly  direction,  thus  taking  in  rear 
all  the  positions  of  the  Federal  troops  along  the  Chickahominy. 
Greatly  delayed  in  this  march,  the  evening  of  the  26th  found  him 
advanced  only  as  far  as  Hundley's  Corner,  where  he  bivouacked  for 
the  night,  and  starting  early  on  the  27th,  he  reached  a  point  just 


282  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

north  of  Cold  Harbor.  He  there  turned  to  the  right,  and  having 
formed  a  junction  with  the  forces  operating  directly  under  General 
Lee,  moved  down  on  the  Federal  position  at  Gaines's  Mill,  compelling 
the  Federal  troops  to  fall  back  to  a  position  nearer  the  Chickahominy, 
when  the  opportune  arrival  of  reinforcements,  consisting  of  Meagher's 
and  French's  brigades,  from  the  other  side  of  the  river,  checked  the 
enemy's  further  advance,  restored  order,  and  enabled  the  troops  of 
General  Porter  to  reform  their  lines,  night  putting  an  end  to  the 
fight. 

The  loss  on  both  sides  had  been  very  heavy,  the  Pennsylvania 
Reserves  especially  suffering  severely.  One  of  General  Meade's  regi- 
ments, the  Eleventh,  together  with  the  Second  New  Jersey,  of  Slo- 
cum's  division,  had  continued  gallantly  fighting  on  the  field,  ignorant 
of  the  fact  until  too  late  that  the  rest  of  the  line  had  retired;  when, 
finding  themselves  entirely  surrounded,  they  were  compelled  to  sur- 
render. On  the  right,  in  the  confusion  of  the  conflict,  General  Rey- 
nolds, having  been  cut  off  with  part  of  his  command,  had,  while  en- 
deavoring to  make  his  way  back,  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 

That  night  the  whole  right  wing  of  the  army  retreated  to  the 
south  side  of  the  Chickahominy,  and  burning  the  bridges  in  their 
rear,  occupied  the  heights  commanding  the  river.  The  Pennsylvania 
Reserves,  with  the  rest  of  the  troops,  took  position  on  Trent's  Hills, 
where  they  remained  during  the  28th,  and  at  eight  o'clock  on  the 
evening  of  that  day  were  ordered  to  escort  the  reserve  artillery  of 
the  army,  consisting  of  fifteen  batteries,  to  the  crossing  of  White 
Oak  Swamp  Creek.  Owing  to  the  roads  being  crowded  with  troops 
and  trains,  the  march  was  slow  and  tedious,  rendered  doubly  dis- 
agreeable by  the  rain,  which  fell  continuously  throughout  the  night, 
and  not  until  daybreak  did  they  reach  Savage's  Station,  wet,  weary, 
and  hungry.  Halting  but  a  short  time,  they  pushed  forward,  and 
it  was  well  on  toward  noon  before  they  arrived  at  the  crossing  at 
the  creek.  On  reaching  the  other  side,  where  the  artillery  was 
deemed  secure,  the  division,  with  other  troops,  was  ordered  by  Gen- 
eral McClellan  into  position  on  one  of  the  numerous  roads  leading 
from  Richmond,  to  repel  any  advance  of  the  enemy  from  that  direc- 
tion. 

On  the  morning  of  that  day,  the  29th,  General  Sumner  had  had 
an  engagement  with  the  enemy  at  Allen's  Field,  and  later,  Generals 
Sumner  and  Franklin  had  been  engaged  at  Savage's  Station. 

The  Pennsylvania  Reserves  remained  in  position  until  five  o'clock 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  283 

in  the  afternoon,  guarding  the  approaches  to  the  crossing  of  White 
Oak  Swamp  Creek,  when,  being  relieved  by  other  troops,  crossing 
the  creek,  they  were  ordered  to  resume  their  line  of  march  to  the 
junction  of  the  New  Market  and  Quaker  Roads.  The  accounts  of 
this  march  are  very  confusing,  and  it  is  difficult  to  understand  how 
this  division,  forming  part  of  the  Fifth  Corps,  with  which  it  had 
marched  that  afternoon  and  certainly  for  a  part  of  the  night,  was 
suffered  to  become  separated  from  the  corps,  to  wander  off  by  itself, 
and  eventually  to  be  left  behind.  As  far  as  can  be  gathered  from 
the  numerous  conflicting  accounts,  it  appears  that  after  reaching  the 
New  Market  or  Long  Bridge  Road,  the  column  turned  to  the  right 
and  marched  in  a  westerly  direction  toward  Richmond,  passing  be- 
yond the  junction  of  the  Quaker  Road,  seeking  for  a  road  farther  to 
the  west,  which  it  was  informed  led  into  the  Quaker  Road.  The  night 
was  intensely  dark  and  the  guide  evidently  ignorant  of  the  way. 
Finally,  General  Meade,  whose  brigade  was  in  the  advance,  became 
convinced  that  they  had  passed  the  road  they  were  in  search  of,  and 
were  being  led  in  the  wrong  direction.  Upon  his  reporting  these 
facts,  about  midnight  the  division  was  halted,  and  the  men  lay  on 
their  arms  alongside  the  road  until  daylight.  In  the  meantime,  the 
remainder  of  the  Fifth  Corps  had  found  its  way  into  the  Quaker 
Road  and  by  that  to  Malvern  Hill. 

In  the  early  morning  of  the  30th  the  Pennsylvania  Reserves  re- 
traced their  steps  on  the  New  Market  Road  until  they  had  reached 
a  point  just  in  advance  of  a  by-road  leading  to  the  Quaker  Road,  and 
distant  over  half  a  mile  from  the  junction  of  the  Quaker  Road  and 
the  New  Market  Road,  where  they  received  orders  to  halt. 

Here  it  would  be  well  to  glance  at  the  general  disposition  of  the 
army  on  this  day,  if  we  would  obtain  a  clear  idea  of  the  whole  field 
of  operations,  and  thereby  of  the  relative  position  of  the  Pennsyl- 
vania Reserves  to  other  bodies  of  troops,  and  its  significance  in  the 
impending  battle. 

General  McClellan's  efforts  throughout  the  retreat  had  been  di- 
rected to  the  concentration  of  the  army  and  trains  at  some  secure 
point  on  the  James  River.  He  had  succeeded  by  dark  of  the  29th 
in  safely  passing  the  whole  of  his  artillery  and  wagon  trains  through 
White  Oak  Swamp,  and  between  that  time  and  five  o'clock  in  the 
morning  of  the  30th  all  the  troops  were  across,  and  the  bridge  over 
the  creek  had  been  destroyed. 

In  order  to  protect  the  immense  and  necessarily  slow-moving 


284  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

trains,  General  McClellan  posted  his  troops  somewhat  in  advance 
of  the  only  road  then  known  to  lead  from  White  Oak  Swamp  to  the 
James  River,  as  it  was  along  this  road  that  the  trains  were  to  move 
on  the  line  of  retreat.  The  line  from  the  Swamp  to  the  James  being 
too  extended  to  be  held  in  force,  it  was  only  the  most  vulnerable 
points  that  he  purposed  occupying.  Franklin,  with  Smith's  division 
of  his  own  corps,  Richardson's  division  of  Sumner's  corps,  and  Nag- 
lee's  brigade,  occupied  the  position  covering  the  crossing  at  White 
Oak  Bridge.  To  him  was  intrusted  the  duty  of  defending  the  pas- 
sage of  the  Swamp,  and  thus  preventing  the  rest  of  the  line  from 
being  taken  in  rear.  Franklin's  other  division,  that  of  Slocum,  was 
posted  on  the  right  of  the  Charles  City  Road,  covering  that  road, 
and  its  line  extending  to  the  marshy  land  bordering  White  Oak 
Swamp,  thus  also  covering  Franklin's  left.  Between  the  Charles 
City  Road  and  the  New  Market  Road  was  Kearney's  division  of 
Heintzelman's  corps.  On  Kearney's  left  was  McCall's  division  of 
Pennsylvania  Reserves,  extending  across  the  New  Market  Road. 
General  Hooker's,  Heintzelman's  other  division,  occupied  a  position 
to  the  left  and  rear  of  McCall.  Although  there  was  quite  a  large 
gap  between  the  left  of  McCall  and  the  right  of  Hooker's  it  was 
guarded  only  by  General  Sumner,  with  Sedgwick's  division,  which 
besides  was  posted  to  the  rear  of  Hooker.  The  corps  of  Generals 
Keyes  and  Porter  held  the  line  nearer  to  the  James  River,  the  former 
being  stationed  at  that  point,  and  the  latter  around  Malvern  Hill. 
Their  left  and  front  were  covered  by  the  Federal  gun-boats  in  the 
James. 

It  was  evident  at  the  time  when  the  Pennsylvania  Reserves  had 
been  ordered  to  halt  on  the  New  Market  Road,  just  in  advance  of 
the  by-road  leading  to  the  Quaker  Road,  that  there  was  no  anticipa- 
tion on  the  part  of  those  in  command  that  the  division  was  expected 
to  be  engaged  during  the  day.  They  were  momentarily  expecting 
the  order  to  follow  the  rest  of  the  Fifth  Corps.  It  was  also  the  gen- 
eral impression  in  the  division  that  it  was  far  within  the  picket  line 
of  the  army,  and  that  after  its  constant  fighting  and  marching  on 
the  preceding  days,  it  was  to  be  on  this  day  at  rest.  Confirmatory 
of  this  view  were  the  circumstances  that  the  division  was  not  placed 
in  alignment,  or  any  of  the  ordinary  precautions  in  an  exposed  posi- 
tion taken,  and  this  being  the  last  day  of  the  month,  the  several 
regiments  were  actually  drawn  up  for  muster.  Yet  the  position  in 
which  the  Pennsylvania  Reserves  now  found  themselves,  about  the 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  285 

centre  of  what  is  known  as  Glendale,  or  the  Glendale  Farms,  was  to 
prove  of  greater  importance  than  any  other  part  of  the  line,  owing 
to  the  intersection  at  that  point  of  the  New  Market  Road  (one  of  the 
main  thoroughfares  from  Richmond)  with  the  road  on  which  the 
wagon  trains  were  moving.  Failure  to  defend  this  point  would  have 
resulted  in  the  destruction  of  the  trains  and  the  cutting  of  the  army 
in  two. 

About  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the  enemy  appeared  opposite 
General  Franklin's  position,  and  opened  a  fierce  artillery  fire  upon 
it,  continued  throughout  the  day,  vigorously  replied  to  by  the  Fed- 
eral batteries.  The  enemy  also  made  repeated  efforts  to  cross  the 
creek,  but  all  of  them  were  repulsed,  General  Franklin  by  night  still 
maintaining  his  position,  and  thus,  by  having  held  in  check  the  whole 
of  the  Confederate  force  under  General  Jackson,  prevented  the  junc- 
tion of  the  two  wings  of  General  Lee's  army. 

At  the  New  Market  Road  all  had  been  quiet  until  about  noon, 
when  reports  began  to  come  in  of  the  approach  of  the  enemy  from 
the  direction  of  Richmond.  On  receiving  this  intelligence,  Generals 
Meade  and  Seymour  rode  out  on  the  New  Market  Road  for  some 
distance,  when  they  discovered  that  there  was  nothing  except  a  squad- 
ron of  cavalry  between  McCall's  troops  and  the  pickets  of  the  enemy, 
who  were  reported  close  at  hand.  On  their  reporting  these  facts, 
two  regiments  of  the  Reserves,  the  First  and  Third,  were  ordered 
forward  on  the  New  Market  Road,  to  form  a  picket  line,  and  try  and 
connect  with  that  of  the  troops  supposed  to  be  toward  the  right  and 
left.  These  regiments,  deployed  on  both  sides  of  the  road,  moved 
forward  for  some  distance  across  the  open  country  in  front  and  well 
into  the  woods  beyond;  but  before  finding  any  line  with  which  they 
could  connect,  their  centre  and  left  unexpectedly  received  the  fire 
from  a  portion  of  what  proved  to  be  a  large  force  of  the  enemy  in 
front.  Word  was  sent  immediately  to  General  McCall  that  the  enemy 
was  in  strong  force  in  front,  and  his  skirmishers  advancing,  and  the 
two  regiments,  after  drawing  the  enemy's  fire,  were  ordered  to  fall 
slowly  back  to  their  proper  position  in  the  line.  In  the  meantime, 
General  McCall,  who  had  received  orders  that  he  was  to  hold  this 
position  at  all  hazards,  had  posted  his  troops  in  line  of  battle  across 
the  New  Market  Road,  on  the  crest  of  a  hill,  and  in  advance  of  a 
piece  of  woods,  with  a  stretch  of  some  thousand  yards  of  open  country 
in  his  front,  with  woods  beyond,  through  which  the  enemy  was  re- 
ported advancing.    The  division  was  formed  with  General  Meade's 


286  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

brigade  on  the  right,  his  left  resting  on  the  New  Market  Road.  With 
him  was  Battery  "E,"  First  U.  S.  Artillery,  of  six  light  twelve- 
pounders,  commanded  by  Lieutenant  A.  N.  Randol.  The  centre  was 
held  by  two  Pennsylvania  batteries,  Cooper's  and  Kern's,  the  former 
of  six  and  the  latter  of  four  light  twelve-pounders.  General  Rey- 
nolds's brigade,  now  commanded  by  Colonel  Seneca  G.  Simmons,  of 
the  Fifth  Pennsylvania  Reserves,  was  in  rear  of  the  centre,  in  reserve. 
General  Seymour's  brigade  was  on  the  left,  with  two  New  York  bat- 
teries, Diedrich's  and  Knieriem's,  each  of  four  twenty-pound  Parrots, 
belonging  to  the  Reserve  Artillery,  and  temporarily  serving  with  the 
division.  The  general  direction  of  Seymour's  line  was  perpendicular 
to  that  of  the  centre,  which  latter  was  at  right  angles  to  the  New 
Market  Road,  whilst  General  Meade's  line  obliqued  from  left  to  right, 
slightly  to  the  rear.  On  General  Meade's  right  was  Captain  Thomp- 
son's Battery  "  G,"  of  the  Second  U.  S.  Artillery,  of  six  light  twelve- 
pounders,  which  was  supported  by  Robinson's  brigade.  This  was  the 
left  of  Kearney's  division,  whose  line  was  a  prolongation  of  Meade's, 
with  his  right  resting  on  the  Charles  City  Road.  General  Hooker, 
as  has  been  stated,  was  on  the  left  and  rear  of  McCall.  His  line  was 
parallel  to  and  half  a  mile  in  front  of  the  Quaker  Road;  his  right, 
Grover's  brigade,  resting  on  a  by-road  that  came  into  the  Quaker 
Road  at  Willis's  Church.  This  distance  between  Hooker's  right  and 
McCall's  left  was  about  six  hundred  yards.  Sedgwick's  division  was 
to  the  right  and  rear  of  Hooker,  on  and  about  the  Quaker  Road. 

About  two  o'clock  the  enemy's  skirmishers  appeared  on  both  sides 
of  the  New  Market  Road,  rapidly  advancing,  followed  by  his  columns 
of  infantry.  General  Lee  was  present  with  this  part  of  the  army, 
and  also  President  Davis,  who  had  come  from  Richmond  on  purpose 
to  witness  the  final  blow  that  was  to  demolish  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac. 

The  position  occupied  by  the  Pennsylvania  Reserves  being  some- 
what in  advance  of  the  general  line  of  the  army,  they  were  the  first 
troops  encountered  by  the  enemy,  who,  deploying  his  columns,  di- 
rected his  efforts  to  driving  back  this  division  and  gaining  the  road 
beyond.  This  force  of  the  enemy  was  composed  of  the  divisions  of 
Generals  Longstreet  and  A.  P.  Hill.  Crossing  the  Chickahominy  at 
New  Bridge  on  the  29th  of  June,  they  had  passed  over  to  the  Darby- 
town  Road  and  bivouacked  that  night  at  Atlee's  Mills.  Starting  out 
early  on  the  30th,  they  continued  down  the  Darbytown  Road  and 
thence  into  the  New  Market  Road.    Soon  after  getting  into  the 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  287 

latter,  about  noon,  Jenkins'  brigade  of  Longstreet's  division,  in  the 
advance,  reported  the  Federal  skirmishers.  These  were  the  two  regi- 
ments of  McCall,  sent  out  on  the  report  of  Generals  Meade  and  Sey- 
mour. Longstreet  continued  to  advance,  pushing  back  these  two 
regiments,  at  the  same  time  sending  Jenkins'  brigade  forward  to 
reconnoitre  the  ground  and  the  character  and  position  of  the  force 
in  front.  On  approaching  the  edge  of  the  woods  in  front  of  McCall, 
the  latter's  whole  line  came  into  view.  Longstreet  then  halted  his 
column  and  formed  line  of  battle  across  the  New  Market  Road,  in 
two  lines,  in  the  following  order:  In  the  front  line  Kemper's  brigade 
was  on  the  right,  then  Jenkins,  Willcox,  and  Pryor  successively  to- 
ward the  left.  His  second  line  was  formed  with  Pickett's  brigade 
on  the  right  and  Featherstone's  on  the  left.  A.  P.  Hill's  division  was 
to  the  rear,  massed  alongside  of  the  road  within  supporting  distance, 
except  Branch's  brigade,  which  was  ordered  forward  to  guard  Long- 
street's  right  flank.  This  formation  of  Longstreet's  brought  the 
centre  of  Jenkins'  brigade  on  the  New  Market  Road. 

It  was  now  about  half-past  two,  when  Longstreet,  hearing  artil- 
lery firing  on  his  left,  off  toward  the  Charles  City  Road,  and  knowing 
that  Huger's  command  was  crossing  in  on  that  road  and  expected 
him  to  make  a  simultaneous  attack,  pushed  forward  his  batteries  and 
opened  on  McCall  a  severe  artillery  fire,  which  was  promptly  and  ef- 
fectively replied  to  by  the  latter's  guns,  the  artillery  duel  being  con- 
tinued for  an  hour.  Then,  as  he  heard  nothing  more  from  Huger,  and 
it  was  getting  late  in  the  day,  Longstreet  gave  the  order  for  his  whole 
line  to  advance  to  the  attack. 

This  column  under  General  Huger  had  been  directed  to  move 
down  the  Charles  City  Road  to  intercept  the  enemy  in  that  direc- 
tion. The  movement  appears  to  have  been  feebly  made  and  re- 
sulted in  little.  They  moved  slowly  down  the  road,  skirmishing 
slightly,  much  impeded  by  the  trees  which  had  been  felled  in  the 
road.  It  was  late  in  the  afternoon  when  their  advance,  Mahone's 
brigade,  came  on  Slocum's  division  posted  behind  a  swamp.  An  ar- 
tillery duel  took  place  which  was,  however,  so  effectively  conducted 
on  the  part  of  Slocum  that  it  checked  all  further  efforts  to  advance, 
and  darkness  coming  on,  Huger  fell  back  and  bivouacked  for  the 
night. 

There  was  great  want  of  concert  of  action  in  these  operations  of 
Longstreet,  which  is  attributed  to  the  difficult  character  of  the  coun- 
try.   Kemper's  brigade  was  the  first  to  receive  the  order  to  advance 


288  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

and  the  first  to  start,  pushing  ahead  at  a  run,  over  fields  and  through 
woods,  for  about  twelve  hundred  yards,  when  they  burst  out  of  the 
woods  on  the  left  flank  of  Seymour's  brigade.  Owing  to  the  pecul- 
iar position  of  this  part  of  McCall's  line,  the  attack  coming  from 
this  direction  was  rather  unexpected,  and  the  Twelfth  Regiment, 
Seymour's  left,  the  greater  part  of  which  was  posted  at  a  small 
house  some  distance  in  front,  finding  itself  suddenly  assailed  in  flank, 
and  cut  off  from  the  main  body  of  its  brigade,  was  soon  overpowered 
and  driven  off.  Knieriem's  battery,  which  was  also  on  Seymour's 
left,  after  wildly  firing  one  or  two  rounds,  limbered  up  and  went 
to  the  rear,  leaving  two  of  its  guns  in  Kemper's  hands.  Seymour's 
left  was  now  completely  carried  away.  Kemper's  success  was  very 
brief,  however,  as  Seymour,  although  under  heavy  fire,  swung  back 
his  right  regiment,  the  Tenth,  as  also  Diedrich's  battery,  and  pouring 
a  destructive  fire  into  Kemper,  succeeded  in  holding  him  in  check. 
The  First  Rifles  and  the  Second  Regiment,  sent  by  General  McCall 
from  the  centre  at  the  beginning  of  the  firing  on  the  left,  now  covered 
the  left  and  rear  of  Seymour's  new  line  and  aided  materially  in  pre- 
venting the  further  advance  of  the  enemy  in  this  direction.  At  this 
crisis  the  Fifth  and  Eighth  Regiments  were  brought  up  from  the 
Reserves,  under  Colonel  Simmons,  and  these,  with  the  rest  of  Sey- 
mour's line,  made  a  gallant  charge,  drove  Kemper  back,  regained 
the  guns  and  ground  in  front,  and  followed  the  retreating  enemy 
into  the  woods  beyond,  capturing  several  hundred  prisoners.  In 
this  charge  Colonel  Simmons  fell  at  the  head  of  his  regiments,  mor- 
tally wounded.  A  large  portion  of  the  Twelfth  Regiment,  after  fall- 
ing back  before  Kemper,  were  rallied  in  rear  of  Seymour's  new  line, 
and  joining  one  of  Hooker's  regiments,  the  Sixteenth  Massachusetts, 
fought  creditably  side  by  side  with  it  throughout  the  rest  of  the  day. 

General  Meade  early  perceiving  this  advance  of  Kemper  on  the 
left,  took  one  of  his  regiments  and  in  person  led  it  into  the  woods  on 
his  left  front,  to  attack  in  flank.  To  do  this  he  had  to  pass  in  front 
of  the  two  German  batteries  with  Seymour,  which,  notwithstanding 
his  repeated  and  urgent  demands,  sent  by  his  staff,  to  change  the 
line  of  their  fire,  still  continued  it  in  his  direction.  This,  combined 
with  that  of  the  enemy,  threw  his  regiment  into  disorder,  whereupon 
it  retired  and  resumed  its  place  in  line. 

It  was  now  fully  five  o'clock,  and  Pickett's  brigade,  with  Branch's 
brigade  of  A.  P.  Hill's  division,  was  ordered  to  Kemper's  relief. 
Moving  rapidly  forward  and  passing  through  the  remnants  of  Kem- 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  289 

per's  troops,  as  they  retired,  the  two  brigades  came  on  McCall's 
men  in  the  woods.  Met  by  these  two  fresh  brigades,  the  regiments 
of  McCall,  scattered  and  disorganized  by  their  impetuous  charge,  were 
now  in  turn,  after  a  sharp  fight,  forced  back.  Branch,  on  the  left, 
pushed  ahead  until  he  came  out  on  the  open  field,  where,  coming 
under  the  heavy  fire  from  the  batteries  on  McCall's  centre,  he  fell 
back  to  the  edge  of  the  woods  and  continued  the  fighting  until  the 
close  of  the  engagement.  Pickett,  coming  up  on  Branch's  right, 
passing  over  the  ground  where  Seymour's  left  had  been,  after  a 
spirited  fight,  retook  Knieriem's  two  guns,  which  the  enemy  had  in 
turn  lost,  and  directed  them  on  the  Federal  line.  Here  a  hot  fight 
ensued,  which  resulted  in  Diedrich's  battery  being  speedily  silenced 
and  driven  off,  and  the  forcing  back  of  the  Federal  lines  through  the 
woods,  until  Pickett  was  met  by  the  fire  from  Hooker's  right,  from 
Grover's  two  right  regiments,  the  Sixteenth  Massachusetts  and  the 
Twenty-sixth  Pennsylvania,  and  also  from  Burns's  brigade  of  Sedg- 
wick's division,  which  had  come  up  from  the  Quaker  Road  and  occu- 
pied a  position  on  Hooker's  right.  This  concentrated  fire  prevented 
any  further  advance  of  Pickett  in  this  direction,  and  he  remained 
engaged  here,  combined  with  Branch,  until  the  fighting  ceased. 

The  repulse  of  Kemper's  brigade  had  been  so  complete,  and  it 
had  been  so  utterly  disorganized  and  scattered,  that  it  took  no  fur- 
ther part  in  the  action,  and  was  not  fully  collected  together  again 
until  late  that  night. 

Whilst  these  occurrences  were  taking  place  on  the  left,  the  bat- 
teries on  the  centre  of  McCall's  line  had  been  busily  employed,  either 
in  replying  to  the  enemy's  batteries  or  in  driving  back  bodies  of  the 
enemy  as  they  came  from  under  cover  of  the  woods  in  front.  About 
five  o'clock,  and  at  the  same  time  that  Pickett  advanced,  Jenkins' 
brigade  had  moved  forward  to  the  attack,  passing  under  a  heavy 
artillery  fire  through  the  woods  in  his  front.  His  line  of  march 
brought  him  to  the  edge  of  the  woods  directly  in  front  of  McCall's 
centre,  with  his  left  on  the  New  Market  Road.  He  here  halted  his 
troops  for  alignment,  and  waited  whilst  a  battery  (Chapman's)  was 
brought  up.  This  battery,  however,  was  hardly  in  position  before 
it  was  knocked  to  pieces  and  compelled  to  withdraw.  Jenkins  then 
gave  the  order  to  charge  directly  upon  Cooper's  and  Kern's  guns. 
It  happened  that  the  First  Regiment  of  the  Reserves,  now  the  only 
one  remaining  of  the  First  Brigade,  that  had  been  in  reserve,  had 
been  moved  up  close  to  Cooper's  battery,  just  at  the  moment  that 


290  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

Jenkins'  men  dashed  up.  They  came  within  twenty  yards  of  the 
guns;  a  fierce  encounter  took  place.  But  notwithstanding  the  vio- 
lent and  reckless  assault  of  the  enemy,  he  was  gradually  driven  back 
across  the  open  and  into  the  woods  from  which  he  had  charged,  the 
loss  very  great  on  both  sides,  the  ground  strewn  with  dead  and 
wounded. 

During  the  progress  of  the  struggle  on  his  left  General  Meade 
had  been  actively  engaged  on  his  part  of  the  line.  The  enemy  had 
kept  up  a  continuous  infantry  and  artillery  fire  throughout  the  day, 
very  trying  to  the  men,  with  an  occasional  show  of  force,  as  if  to 
charge.  Lieutenant  Randol,  posted  in  front  of  the  brigade,  had  been 
constantly  employed  driving  back  these  advances.  When  Jenkins' 
men  came  out  of  the  woods  and  started  for  Cooper's  battery,  Randol, 
whose  front  was  at  that  moment  clear,  with  the  greatest  coolness 
and  skill,  changed  front  to  the  left  on  his  left  piece,  and  pouring  a 
destructive  fire  into  this  force  of  the  enemy  as  it  advanced  against 
the  left,  materially  assisted  in  breaking  the  attack. 

Toward  six  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  the  enemy  came  out  from 
his  cover  on  General  Meade's  right  and  front,  and  formed  his  columns 
for  an  assault,  his  objective  point  being  Randol's  battery.  This  was 
Wilcox's  and  Pryor's  two  brigades,  which  had  been  extending  to 
their  left,  still  expecting  to  come  up  with  Huger,  and  were  now,  on 
the  repulse  of  Jenkins,  ordered  to  attack  immediately  in  their  front. 
They  advanced  in  line  of  battle,  Wilcox  near  the  New  Market  Road, 
with  Pryor  on  his  left.  They  continued  on  in  this  way  for  some  dis- 
tance, but  the  country  was  so  broken  and  rough,  and  the  woods  so 
dense,  that  their  progress  was  much  impeded.  Pryor,  who  seems  to 
have  made  the  best  progress,  was  forced  to  form  his  brigade  in 
column  of  regiments,  and  pushing  through  the  woods,  came  out  in 
front  of  Randol  and  Thompson.  Four  times  he  advanced  in  solid 
columns  of  attack,  and  each  time  he  was  broken  up  and  hurled  back- 
ward by  the  murderous  fire  of  cannister  of  the  two  batteries  and  by 
the  musketry  of  the  infantry  supports.  But  at  each  repulse  he  would 
rally  behind  a  newly  advancing  force,  and  charge  up  to  within  fifty 
yards  of  the  batteries.  Pryor's  right,  which  was  the  first,  as  well  as, 
from  the  nature  of  the  ground,  the  most  exposed  part  of  his  com- 
mand, was  terribly  shattered  and  forced  over  to  his  left,  which  was 
partly  protected  by  the  woods.  Featherstone's  brigade,  which  was 
following  in  support,  was  now  hurried  up  on  the  left  to  his  relief. 
The  two  brigades  were,  however,  unable  to  make  any  further  ad- 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  291 

vance,  and  they  remained  in  the  woods,  and  kept  up  a  hot  fire  on 
Thompson's  battery  and  Robinson's  brigade  of  Kearney's  division. 
Finally,  Gregg's  brigade,  of  A.  P.  Hill's  division,  was  brought  up  to 
their  assistance,  relieving  part  of  the  line  and  covering  the  left  flank. 
This  part  of  the  enemy's  line,  however,  was  held  firmly  in  check  by 
Kearney  until  the  close  of  the  battle. 

Coming  to  Wilcox,  who,  after  much  delay,  caused  by  contradic- 
tory orders,  took  up  his  advance  along  the  New  Market  Road,  the 
difficult  nature  of  the  country  had  caused  him  to  form  his  regiments 
"by  the  right  of  companies  to  the  front."  On  reaching  the  open 
ground,  he  found  that  two  of  his  regiments,  the  Ninth  and  Tenth 
Alabama,  were  on  the  right  of  the  New  Market  Road,  and  two,  the 
Eighth  and  Eleventh  Alabama,  were  on  the  left  of  the  road.  They 
kept  on  in  this  way,  the  regiments  on  the  right  being  joined  by  some 
troops  of  Jenkins'  brigade,  which  had  been  rallied  after  their  inef- 
fectual attempt  to  take  Cooper's  and  Kern's  guns. 

Kern's  battery  had  just  retired,  badly  used  up  and  having  fired 
every  round  of  its  ammunition.  Cooper's  battery  remained  per- 
force, although  in  even  worse  condition,  not  only  almost  out  of  am- 
munition, but  nearly  all  the  horses  killed,  the  limbers  of  some  of 
the  guns  injured,  and  the  battery  altogether  in  a  nearly  useless  con- 
dition, with  two  of  its  lieutenants  dead  among  its  guns.  Coming 
within  sight  of  this  battery,  Wilcox's  men  charged  across  the  open 
field  to  capture  it,  receiving  the  fire  of  the  First  Regiment,  which 
had  reformed  in  rear  of  the  battery,  after  driving  Jenkins  off.  They, 
however,  dashed  on  and  reached  the  guns.  Just  at  this  moment  the 
Ninth  Regiment  of  the  Pennsylvania  Reserves  appeared.  This  regi- 
ment, one  of  Seymour's  brigade,  had  been  posted  on  the  left  and 
rear  of  Cooper's  battery,  but  on  word  being  sent  that  a  force  of  the 
enemy  was  coming  in  on  their  left  and  rear,  had  faced  in  that  direc- 
tion and  moved  a  short  distance  in  the  woods  to  their  left,  when, 
not  seeing  or  hearing  anything  of  the  threatened  force,  they  were 
about  returning  to  their  former  position.  Together  with  the  First 
Regiment,  they  now  made  a  countercharge  to  retake  Cooper's  bat- 
tery. A  desperate  hand-to-hand  fight  took  place  over  the  guns,  in 
which  the  First  and  Ninth  Reserves  crossed  bayonets  with  Wilcox's 
two  regiments,  and  which  ended  in  Wilcox's  men  being  driven  off, 
relinquishing  the  attempt  on  Cooper's  guns.  On  the  left  of  the  road, 
Wilcox  was  temporarily  more  successful.  After  passing  through  the 
woods  and  coming  out  into  the  open  field,  his  two  regiments  were 


292  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

subjected  to  a  severe  fire.  But  although  the  one  on  the  left,  the 
Eighth  Alabama,  the  one  more  exposed,  first  halted  and  then  moved 
further  to  its  left  and  joined  the  remnants  of  Pryor's  and  Feather- 
stone's  forces,  and  continued  the  fight  there,  the  other  regiment,  the 
Eleventh  Alabama,  with  muskets  trailing  and  at  a  run,  pushed  straight 
for  Randol's  guns. 

General  Meade  had  now  virtually  but  two  regiments  in  his  bri- 
gade, the  Fourth  and  Seventh  Pennsylvania  Reserves.  His  other  regi- 
ment, the  Third,  had  been  so  actively  employed  all  the  first  part  of 
the  day — first  by  its  movement  out  in  the  New  Market  Road,  and 
afterward  by  manoeuvring  and  fighting  in  front  of  the  line — that  it 
had  by  this  time  become  very  much  scattered,  although  detachments 
of  it  continued  the  fighting  on  different  parts  of  the  line.  The  two 
regiments  that  Meade  still  had  were  posted  behind  Randol's  battery, 
the  Fourth  on  his  right  and  rear,  and  the  Seventh  on  his  rear  and 
left.  They  had  been  subjected  all  day  to  an  annoying  artillery  fire, 
and  had  been  frequently  called  upon  to  assist  in  driving  back  bodies 
of  the  enemy  as  they  appeared  on  their  front,  on  all  of  which  occa- 
sions they  had  lost  a  good  many  men.  They  had  just  seen  what 
appeared  to  them  one  line  after  another  of  the  enemy  boldly  charg- 
ing up  almost  to  the  guns,  and  had  helped  in  breaking  up  and  driv- 
ing them  off.  This  was  Pryor's  assault  in  column  of  regiments.  As 
the  last  line  wavered  and  broke,  the  movement  being  then  thought 
propitious,  the  regiment  on  the  left,  the  Seventh,  was  ordered  to 
charge  the  shattered  ranks.  Gallantly  advancing,  they  had  gone 
but  a  short  distance  beyond  the  battery,  when  they  were  met  by  the 
impetuous  attack  of  Wilcox's  Eleventh  Alabama,  which  they  were 
unable  to  withstand.  They  had  been  cautioned,  in  case  of  their 
charge  proving  unsuccessful,  to  retire  by  separating  to  the  right  and 
left,  so  as  to  unmask  the  battery  and  allow  it  to  play  upon  the  pur- 
suing enemy.  Unfortunately  this  caution  was  not  heeded,  and  as 
the  regiment  retired,  closely  followed  by  the  enemy,  Randol  was  un- 
able to  open  fire  until  too  late  to  produce  full  effect,  and  the  enemy, 
though  raked  through  and  through,  pushed  boldly  on  to  within  the 
battery.  There  the  artillerists  stood  bravely  to  their  posts,  the  offi- 
cers using  pistol  and  sword,  and  the  men  hand-spikes,  sponge-staffs,  or 
anything  that  they  could  lay  their  hands  on.  But  resistance  was  un- 
availing; the  force  of  the  enemy  crowded  them  off  the  field,  and 
Randol,  with  one  officer  desperately  wounded,  and  all  his  battery 
horses  either  killed  or  disabled,  was,  after  fighting  to  the  last  possible 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  293 

moment,  forced  to  leave  his  guns  in  the  enemy's  hands.  A  force 
was  now  hastily  collected,  composed  of  the  remaining  men  of  the 
battery  and  some  of  the  infantry,  which  made  a  last  supreme  effort 
to  recapture  the  guns;  but  after  a  hand-to-hand  iight,  in  which  they 
succeeded  in  driving  off  the  Eleventh  Alabama,  in  regaining  the  bat- 
tery, and  rescuing  Randol's  wounded  lieutenant,  the  enemy  surging 
up  in  increasing  numbers,  this  gallant  little  band  was  finally  swept 
away.  This  was  accomplished  by  part  of  Field's  brigade,  of  A.  P. 
Hill's  division,  which  had  been  sent  forward  to  Wilcox's  relief. 

A  glance  at  the  condition  of  the  two  contending  lines  at  this  point 
of  time  will  explain  the  situation  of  affairs.  The  whole  of  Long- 
street's  division  had  now  been  engaged,  and  although  temporarily 
successful  on  parts  of  the  line,  his  attack  had  on  the  whole  been  so 
firmly  resisted  that  it  had  failed  in  its  main  object — the  breaking 
through  of  the  Federal  line  and  the  gaining  of  the  Quaker  Road. 
His  losses  had  been  very  severe;  many  of  his  brigades  had  been 
driven  from  the  field,  and  those  that  remained  were  now,  at  dusk, 
so  heavily  pressed  that  the  remaining  brigades  of  A.  P.  Hill's  division 
were  being  hurried  up  to  support  them  and  endeavor  to  regain  the 
ground  and  batteries  so  often  contended  for.  Along  the  Federal  line, 
McCall's  two  flanks  had  been  driven  back  and  lost  ground.  His 
centre,  however,  still  maintained  itself,  and  with  colors  flying  held 
its  ground  within  a  hundred  yards  of  where  it  was  originally  posted, 
keeping  watch  over  Cooper's  guns,  which  neither  side  was  able  to 
use  or  remove.  On  McCall's  right,  Kearney  had  held  his  own  all 
day.  His  left,  which  had  been  the  only  part  of  his  line  seriously 
engaged,  was  reinforced  by  part  of  Caldwell's  brigade  of  Richard- 
son's division,  whilst  Berry's  brigade  of  Kearney's  own  division  had 
also  come  to  take  position  in  its  rear.  On  the  left  of  the  Pennsyl- 
vania Reserves,  Hooker  was  to  be  found,  still  firmly  posted.  His 
right,  Grover's  brigade,  on  which  had  fallen  the  brunt  of  the  fight, 
was  now  supported  by  Carr's  brigade,  which  Hooker  had  posted  in 
a  second  line.  Both  Kearney  and  Hooker  held  the  same  position 
they  had  taken  up  early  in  the  day.  Burns's  brigade,  which  had 
been  moved  into  the  space  between  Hooker  and  McCall,  occupying 
the  ground  where  Seymour  had  reformed  his  line  after  Kemper's  at- 
tack, had  fought  hard  and  well,  and  was  now  relieved  by  Sully's  bri- 
gade of  Sedgwick's  division.  This  latter  brigade,  and  Dana's  of  the 
same  division,  when  the  action  began  on  Franklin's  front,  had  been 
sent  over  there  to  be  used  in  case  of  necessity.     Late  in  the  after- 


294  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

noon  they  had  been  hurried  back  to  their  former  position,  and  were 
now  moved  forward  into  action,  Sully  relieving  Burns's  regiments, 
and  Dana,  whose  movements  will  be  described  later,  moving  to  the 
right  of  Sully  and  more  in  rear  of  McCalPs  left  centre.  This  was 
about  the  condition  of  affairs  as  A.  P.  Hill's  brigades  came  into  action. 
Two  of  the  brigades  of  his  division,  Branch's  and  Gregg's,  had  been 
early  in  the  day,  as  we  have  seen,  sent  to  Longstreet's  assistance. 
Of  the  remaining  brigades,  Archer's  was  now  sent  in  on  the  right  and 
moved  to  the  left  of  Pickett's  position,  which  was  as  far  as  it  suc- 
ceeded in  advancing.  Field's  brigade  moved  directly  down  the  New 
Market  Road,  followed  on  his  right  and  rear  by  Pender's  brigade. 
J.  R.  Anderson's  brigade,  the  last  one  left  of  the  division,  was  still 
held  in  reserve.  Field,  on  starting  out  of  the  woods,  came  in  sight 
of  Cooper's  and  Randol's  batteries.  Cooper's,  deserted,  lay  between 
the  fires  of  the  opposing  lines  and  occupied  by  neither.  Randol's 
was  covered  by  what  was  left  of  Meade's  brigade,  which  had  just 
driven  off  the  Eleventh  Alabama.  Field's  brigade  followed  the  same 
manoeuvre  as  that  previously  executed  by  Wilcox.  Two  regiments, 
the  Fifty-fifth  and  the  Sixtieth  Virginia,  charged  on  the  right  upon 
Cooper's  deserted  guns,  while  the  Forty-seventh  and  Second  Virginia 
made  a  dash  on  the  left  at  Randol's  battery. 

It  was  now  getting  dark  and  difficult  to  distinguish  friend  from 
foe,  and  in  the  woods,  almost  impossible  to  tell  what  was  going  on. 
On  the  right  Field's  regiments  gained  Cooper's  guns  without  much 
difficulty,  passed  beyond  them  and  entered  the  woods  in  rear,  and 
going  ahead  for  some  distance  farther,  must  have  pushed  out  well 
to  the  Quaker  Road.  Finding  themselves  with  no  support  on  either 
flank,  far  beyond  their  lines,  they  fell  back  after  a  brisk  fight  to  the 
place  occupied  by  Cooper's  guns.  Here  they  met  Pender's  brigade, 
which  during  their  absence  had  come  up  to  Cooper's  battery,  just  as 
one  of  Dana's  regiments,  the  Twentieth  Massachusetts,  had  taken 
possession  of  it.  This  regiment  and  the  Seventh  Michigan,  by  direc- 
tion of  General  Sumner,  had  moved  across  the  open  field  in  rear  of 
what  had  been  General  McCall's  left,  until  they  entered  the  woods 
on  Cooper's  left.  They  then  moved  by  the  right  flank  for  a  short 
distance,  which  brought  them  suddenly  on  Cooper's  abandoned  guns. 
This  forward  movement  must  have  been  made  at  the  same  time  that 
Field's  two  regiments  were  moving  in  the  opposite  direction,  the  two 
bodies  enshrouded  in  the  darkness  of  the  woods  being  wholly  un- 
aware of  each  other's  proximity. 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  295 

A  sharp  fight  followed  between  these  regiments  and  Pender's,  the 
Seventh  Michigan  soon  falling  back  and  disappearing.  The  Twen- 
tieth Massachusetts,  in  danger  of  being  flanked  on  the  left,  at  the 
same  time  received  so  hot  a  fire  on  the  right,  undoubtedly  from  Field's 
men  retiring,  that  its  right  wing  had  to  be  drawn  back.  It  now 
found  itself  apparently  alone,  and  under  a  heavy  fire  from  both 
Field  and  Pender.  It  then  withdrew  to  the  edge  of  the  woods  just 
in  rear,  where  they  reformed  their  line;  they  were  also  joined  here 
by  the  fragments  of  McCall's  centre  under  command  of  Colonel 
Roberts.  The  engagement  continued  hotly,  the  enemy  turning  one 
or  two  of  Cooper's  guns  on  this  small  force.  This  regiment,  the 
Twentieth  Massachusetts,  after  it  grew  dark  withdrew  and  rejoined 
its  own  division.  Shortly  after  this  Meagher's  brigade  suddenly  ap- 
peared, sent  to  the  assistance  of  this  part  of  the  field,  and  Colonel 
Roberts  thus  being  formally  relieved,  moved  off  to  the  rear  with  the 
remnants  of  his  regiments.  Some  sharp  firing  took  place  between 
Meagher's  troops  and  the  opposing  enemy.  The  Federals,  however, 
held  their  ground  and  soon  after  all  firing  ceased. 

On  the  other  side  of  the  New  Market  Road,  in  front  of  Meade, 
Field's  two  regiments,  the  Forty-seventh  and  the  Second  Virginia, 
charging  across  the  open  field,  reached  Randol's  guns,  and  after  a 
severe  fight,  swept  back  the  force  of  Meade  that  had  retaken  the 
battery  from  Wilcox.  It  was  now  dusk.  Thompson's  battery,  on 
Kearney's  left,  swept  the  ground  occupied  by  Field's  two  regiments, 
which,  subjected  also  to  a  sharp  musketry  fire  from  the  woods  on 
their  right  and  front,  and  having  lost  heavily  in  previous  efforts,  de- 
sisted from  further  attempt  to  advance  and  fell  back  under  cover  of 
the  woods  to  the  New  Market  Road.  Unable  to  carry  off  the  aban- 
doned guns,  they  remained  as  they  were  on  the  field. 

Thompson,  who  had  been  engaged  all  day  and  had  done  good 
service,  at  last  found  himself  out  of  ammunition,  with  his  battery 
much  injured.  At  about  half-past  seven  o'clock  he  received  orders 
to  withdraw,  which  movement  was  accomplished  under  cover  of  in- 
fantry fire,  but  not  without  the  loss  of  one  gun,  the  horses  of  which 
being  shot,  it  was  left  on  the  field.  Indications  of  a  renewed  ad- 
vance of  the  enemy  being  apparent  soon  after  Thompson's  retire- 
ment, a  section  of  the  First  Rhode  Island  Artillery,  under  Lieutenant 
Jastram,  was  brought  up  and  occupied  for  a  short  time  part  of  the 
ground  which  had  been  held  by  Thompson.  It  was,  however,  soon 
compelled  to  retire,  also  leaving  one  of  its  guns  on  the  field. 


296  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

The  advance  of  the  enemy,  just  described,  which  had  been  made 
by  J.  R.  Anderson's  brigade,  the  brunt  of  the  fighting  on  the  Federal 
side  falling  on  Kearney's  left  and  the  troops  that  had  been  brought 
up  to  his  assistance,  was  the  final  effort  of  the  Confederates,  and  with 
its  failure  the  firing  ceased  all  along  the  line  and  the  battle  ended. 

During  the  progress  of  this  contest  on  the  New  Market  Road 
part  of  the  Fifth  Corps,  Sykes's  division,  covering  the  approaches  to 
Malvern  Hill,  were  also  engaged  and  did  good  service.  This  force, 
assisted  by  the  batteries  of  the  Reserve  Artillery,  and  by  the  fire  of  one 
of  the  gun-boats  in  the  James  River,  effectually  scattered  a  column 
of  the  enemy  under  General  Holmes,  which  was  forming  on  the  River 
Road,  with  the  intention  of  intercepting  the  trains,  and  drove  them 
off  in  such  confusion  that  they  gave  up  any  further  attempt  upon 
them. 

Toward  the  close  of  the  fight  General  McCall,  leading  a  force  of 
the  Pennsylvania  Reserves,  with  the  view  to  securing  Randol's  guns, 
rode  forward  on  the  New  Market  Road  to  reconnoitre,  when,  in  the 
obscurity  of  the  night,  he  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Forty-seventh 
Virginia,  Colonel  Mayo,  of  Field's  brigade,  who,  having  been  unable 
to  hold  Randol's  guns,  had  fallen  back  to  the  New  Market  Road. 
General  McCall  having  been  captured,  General  Meade  having  been 
wounded,  and  General  Seymour  having  become  separated  by  the  dis- 
persal of  his  brigade  from  the  rest  of  the  division,  Colonel  Roberts,  of 
the  First  Pennsylvania  Reserves,  was  informed  that  he,  as  senior  of- 
ficer, was  in  command  of  the  division.  Colonel  Roberts,  accordingly, 
took  command  of  it,  and  with  the  assistance  of  the  other  field  officers, 
was  engaged  in  reforming  it,  when  General  Seymour  appeared  and 
took  command. 

At  the  end  of  the  fight  Berry's  brigade  had  extended  Kearney's 
left  toward  the  New  Market  Road.  On  and  about  the  road  were 
the  fragments  of  Meade's  brigade,  now  commanded  by  Colonel  Sickle, 
of  the  Third  Regiment  Pennsylvania  Reserves.  Burns's  brigade  was 
moving  in  this  direction  on  the  south  of  the  road.  Taylor's  brigade 
of  Slocum's  division  was  formed  in  the  rear  across  the  road.  Mea- 
gher's brigade,  as  we  have  seen,  was  occupying  a  position  in  the  woods 
south  of  the  road,  to  the  rear  of  what  had  been  McCall's  centre. 
On  Meagher's  left  Sully  and  others  of  Sedgwick's  division  were  posted, 
while  Hooker's  position  remained  unchanged. 

The  enemy's  line  after  the  fighting  ceased  had  retired  back  nearly 
to  where  they  started  from  to  make  their  attack  in  the  morning. 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  297 

General  McClellan's  object  in  defending  this  line  had  been  ac- 
complished. The  enemy  had  completely  failed  in  interfering  with 
the  movement  of  the  trains,  and  had  been  severely  repulsed  at  all 
points.  By  five  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of  June  30  the  last  wagons 
of  the  supply  trains  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  had  safely  passed 
behind  the  previously  selected  position  at  Malvern  Hill;  during  the 
night  the  troops,  beginning  with  General  Franklin's,  had  been  with- 
drawn, and  by  daylight  of  July  1  were  occupying  the  position  where 
they  fought  on  that  day  and  gained  a  signal  victory.  The  division 
of  Pennsylvania  Reserves,  which  had  fought  more  and  marched  more 
than  any  other  division  in  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  was  on  that 
day  held  in  reserve  and  not  engaged.  On  the  final  repulse  of  the 
enemy  at  Malvern  Hill  orders  were  issued  for  a  further  withdrawal 
of  the  army  to  Harrison's  Landing.  This  movement  was  successfully 
accomplished  during  the  2d  and  3d  of  July. 

The  total  loss  in  General  McClellan's  army  from  June  26  to  July  1, 
inclusive,  was  15,249.1  Of  this  number  the  Pennsylvania  Reserves 
lost  3,074,  far  more  than  any  other  division  of  the  army.  Two  hun- 
dred and  fifty-three  were  killed,  1,240  wounded,  and  1,581  missing. 
The  division  commander  and  one  brigade  commander  were  captured, 
another  brigade  commander  killed,  and  a  third  wounded.  Its  list 
of  casualties  bears  witness  to  its  steadiness  on  the  field  throughout 
the  whole  campaign,  and  especially  to  the  honorable  part  performed 
at  New  Market  Cross-Roads,  where  it  also  captured  several  hundred 
prisoners  and  three  stands  of  colors.  General  Meade,  referring  to 
this  battle  afterward,  wrote  to  General  McCall:  "It  was  only  the 
stubborn  resistance  offered  by  our  division,  prolonging  the  contest 
till  after  dark,  and  checking  till  that  time  the  advance  of  the  enemy, 
that  enabled  the  concentration  during  the  night  of  the  whole  army 
on  the  James  River,  that  saved  it."  And  General  Fitz-John  Porter 
also  wrote:  "Had  not  McCall  held  his  place  on  New  Market 
Road,  that  line  of  march  of  the  army  would  have  been  cut  by  the 
enemy." 

General  Meade's  services  had  been  invaluable  to  General  McCall. 
Mounted  throughout  the  day,  among  or  leading  his  men,  cheering 
them  by  word  and  example,  he  seemed  the  leading  spirit  of  the  battle 
in  that  part  of  the  field.  He  was  frequently  in  and  about  Randol's 
battery,  and  was  there  when  his  regiment  made  the  charge  which 
ended  so  disastrously,  striving  to  rally  and  inspirit  his  disorganized 
1  The  Seven  Days'  Battles,  June  26  to  July  1,  1862. 


298         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

ranks  and  restore  his  line,  when  he  was  struck  in  the  arm  and  side 
by  a  musket-ball,  his  horse  Blacky  being  wounded  at  the  same 
time. 

Here  it  was  also,  and  about  the  same  point  of  time,  that  Lieu- 
tenant Hamilton  Kuhn,  one  of  the  general's  aides-de-camp,  is  sup- 
posed to  have  been  killed.  The  last  seen  of  Lieutenant  Kuhn  was 
in  the  thick  of  the  fight,  ably  seconding  his  chief  in  his  efforts  to  rally 
his  men  to  repel  the  enemy.  He  had  been  active  throughout  the 
campaign,  performing  the  most  important  services.  His  courage, 
gentlemanly  manners,  and  quick  intelligence  had  much  endeared  him 
to  the  general,  whose  frequent  mention  of  him  in  these  letters  bears 
witness  to  his  high  regard.  Lieutenant  Watmough,  the  other  aide, 
was  wounded,  and  in  fact  every  officer  attached  to  General  Meade's 
staff  was  more  or  less  hurt,  all  having  served  meritoriously  through- 
out the  day. 

General  Meade  supposed  at  first  that  he  had  been  struck  in  the 
side  with  merely  a  spent-ball,  and  that  his  arm,  which  pained  him 
greatly,  had  received  the  more  serious  wound.  It  was  then  just  about 
sunset.  Riding  up  to  Lieutenant  Randol,  he  said:  "Randol,  I  am 
badly  wounded  in  the  arm,  and  must  leave  the  field.  Fight  your 
guns  to  the  last,  but  save  them  if  possible."  He  then  rode  a  short 
distance  to  the  rear,  where  he  remained  for  some  little  time,  giving 
instructions  and  reforming  his  troops.  Finding,  however,  that  he 
was  becoming  weak  from  pain  and  loss  of  blood,  and  as  it  was  now 
dark  and  the  fight  virtually  ended,  he  turned  over  the  command  of 
his  brigade  to  Colonel  Sickle,  Third  Regiment,  and  left  the  field. 

General  Meade,  after  leaving  the  field,  rode  to  the  rear,  accom- 
panied by  an  orderly,  toward  the  field  hospitals  of  the  division.  While 
on  the  way  he  met  the  division  surgeon,  Dr.  Stocker,  who,  having  re- 
ceived a  painful  wound  in  the  hand,  was  riding  in  the  same  direction, 
and  who,  finding  that  the  general  was  badly  wounded  and  suffering 
intensely,  accompanied  him  to  the  hospital.  But  it  was  soon  evi- 
dent that  this  was  no  place  for  any  one  to  delay  in,  if  he  hoped  event- 
ually to  follow  the  army.  It  was  crowded  with  the  wounded,  the 
dead,  and  the  dying.  The  surgeons,  who  were  doing  everything  to 
relieve  the  wounded,  had  their  hands  full.  Confusion  reigned  on  all 
sides.  Troops  who  had  been  fighting  all  day  were  beginning  to  fall 
back  toward  the  river,  and  as  it  was  impossible  to  furnish  transporta- 
tion for  the  wounded,  those  who  were  unable  to  drag  themselves  along 
would  have  to  be  left  to  the  doom  of  a  Southern  prison. 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  299 

General  Meade  had  dismounted  for  the  first  time  since  being  struck 
and  was  lying  on  the  grass,  when  the  urgency  of  attempting  to  re- 
mount and  reach  the  river,  or  at  least  to  pass  beyond  the  new  lines 
of  the  army,  became  apparent.  Although  suffering  intensely,  he  had 
already  risen,  with  but  faint  hope  that  he  would  be  able  to  bear  the 
jolting  of  his  horse,  when,  as  good  fortune  would  have  it,  there  ap- 
peared, hurrying  along  amidst  the  press  in  the  road,  the  little,  low, 
two-wheeled,  one-horse  wagon  in  which  he  carried  his  mess  and  tent. 
This  was  at  once  halted,  everything  tossed  out,  and  the  general  lying 
down  in  it,  and  accompanied  by  Dr.  Stocker,  joined  the  crowd  on  its 
way  to  the  river.  Not  confident  that  he  would  be  able  to  proceed, 
he  committed  his  sword  and  belt  and  his  horse  to  his  orderly,  direct- 
ing him  to  make  the  best  of  his  way  with  them  to  the  rear.  Poking 
along  through  the  weary  hours  of  the  night,  over  frightfully  rough 
roads,  every  jolt  and  delay  increasing  his  bodily  and  mental  suffer- 
ing, he  finally  found  himself,  long  after  midnight,  at  General  Mc- 
Clelland head-quarters  at  HaxalFs  Landing.  There,  through  the 
kindness  of  General  Seth  Williams,  who  gave  up  his  own  tent  for 
the  purpose,  he  was  placed  on  a  bed  to  rest  after  his  hard  night's  ride. 

As  it  was  the  general's  earnest  desire  that  he  should,  if  possible, 
be  sent  home,  only  sufficient  examination  of  his  wound  was  made  to 
prove  that  such  a  course  would  not  be  injurious.  Aware  of  the  thou- 
sand rumors  that  would  probably  reach  the  ears  of  those  who  watched 
and  waited  through  the  long  hours  that  followed  a  battle,  he,  ever 
thoughtful  of  others,  and  especially  of  them,  insisted,  although  ad- 
vised against  any  unnecessary  exertion,  upon  writing  the  following 
note  to  his  wife: 

City  Point  1,  Headquarters  Army  op  the  Potomac,  July  1,  1862. 
Dear  Margaret: 

After  four  days'  fighting,  last  evening,  about  7  P.  M.,  I  received 
a  wound  in  the  arm  and  back.2  Fortunately  I  met  Dr.  Stocker,  and 
got  hold  of  a  little  cart  I  had,  in  which  I  was  brought  here.  Dr. 
Stocker  says  my  wounds  are  not  dangerous,  though  they  require  im- 
mediate and  constant  medical  attendance.    I  am  to  leave  in  the 

1  This  should  be  opposite  City  Point. 

2  The  ball  entered  the  side  and  came  out  at  the  back.  In  the  hurried  exam- 
ination he  probably  heard,  or  was  told,  that  he  had  been  struck  in  the  back.  This 
seemed  to  worry  him  more  than  the  fact  of  being  wounded,  for  all  through  the 
watches  of  the  long  night  he  would  revert  to  the  thought,  saying  to  Dr.  Stocker, 
"  Just  think,  doctor,  of  my  being  shot  in  the  back!" 


300  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

first  boat  for  Old  Point,  and  from  thence  home.  Kuhn,  I  fear,  is 
killed.  Willie  Watmough1  was  not  hurt,  the  last  I  saw  of  him. 
Good-by! 

Yours,  G.  G.  Meade. 

Although  his  wounds,  as  the  general  said,  were  pronounced  not 
dangerous,  yet  many  of  those  who  came  to  bid  him  good-by  believed 
them  to  be  mortal,  and  that  they  were  looking  upon  him  for  the  last 
time.  That  night  he  was  placed  on  one  of  the  hospital  transports 
bound  for  Fortress  Monroe,  and  on  reaching  that  place  was  trans- 
ferred to  one  of  the  regular  line  of  steamers  to  Baltimore,  where  he 
arrived  on  the  morning  of  July  3,  and  was  met  by  his  wife  and  one  of 
his  sons,  who  had  arrived  there  in  the  early  morning.  As  his  condi- 
tion rendered  it  impossible  for  him  to  travel  by  rail  to  Philadelphia, 
one  of  the  Ericsson  steamers,  plying  between  Baltimore  and  Phila- 
delphia, through  the  Chesapeake  and  Delaware  Canal,  and  that  after- 
noon about  to  leave  for  Philadelphia,  was,  through  the  courtesy  of 
the  officers  of  the  line,  brought  alongside  of  the  steamer  from  Fortress 
Monroe,  and  the  general  carried  from  one  to  the  other. 

The  presence  of  his  wife  and  the  thought  of  at  last  getting  home 
seemed  almost  from  the  first  to  revive  him,  and  although  very  weak 
and  still  suffering,  he  passed  a  comparatively  comfortable  night,  ar- 
riving safely  at  Philadelphia  on  the  morning  of  July  4.  He  was  there 
met  by  members  of  his  family  and  several  friends,  and  carefully  car- 
ried to  his  own  home,  to  which  his  family  physician,  Dr.  Addinell 
Hewson,  had  been  summoned  to  await  his  arrival. 

The  wound  in  the  arm  was  through  the  fleshy  part  of  the  fore- 
arm, and  might  have  been  made  by  the  same  ball  that  struck  the 
side;  it  proved  of  slight  consequence  and  soon  healed.  The  other 
wound  was  more  severe.  According  to  the  account  of  Dr.  Hewson, 
the  ball  had  entered  at  an  acute  angle,  from  front  backward,  the  right 
side  of  the  chest,  on  a  line  drawn  vertically  from  the  armpit  to  the 
hip,  and  so  impinged  on  the  lower  border  of  the  ninth  rib,  from  below 
upward,  owing  to  which  circumstance,  its  course  being  determined 
along  the  border  of  the  rib  as  far  back  as  the  angle  of  the  rib,  it  made 
its  escape  about  an  inch  to  the  right  of  the  spine,  being  thus  pre- 
vented from  passing  in  a  direct  line  into  the  cavity  of  the  chest  and 
there  wounding  vital  organs. 

During  the  general's  convalescence  he  remained  very  quietly  at 

1  Lieutenant  Watmough  did,  as  previously  stated,  receive  a  wound. 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  301 

home,  enjoying  the  society  of  his  family  and  his  near  personal  friends. 
As  soon,  however,  as  he  had  become  able  to  move  readily  about,  he 
betrayed  anxiety  to  return  to  his  post.  The  reports  from  the  front 
seemed  to  indicate  immediate  active  operations,  and  fearing  lest  he 
should  be  absent  from  his  command  during  some  important  move- 
ment, he,  despite  the  counsels  of  his  physician  for  a  longer  stay,  on 
August  11  again  bade  good-by  to  his  wife  and  children  and  set  out 
for  the  field.  He  proceeded  to  Baltimore  by  the  same  route  by  which 
he  had  returned  home,  it  being  more  convenient  than  rail  for  trans- 
porting his  horses  and  baggage.  These,  left  on  the  field  of  battle,  had 
suddenly  appeared  one  morning,  much  to  the  excitement  of  that  quiet 
neighborhood,  in  front  of  the  general's  residence  in  Philadelphia,  in 
charge  of  his  zealous  body-servant,  who,  hearing  that  the  general 
had  died  of  his  wounds,  had  obtained  the  requisite  pass  and  brought 
his  two  horses  and  private  baggage  as  a  memento  to  the  family. 
General  Meade  was  absent  from  the  field  exactly  forty-two  days. 


To  Mrs.  George  G.  Meade: 

Barnum's,  Baltimore,  Md.,  August  12,  1862. 
I  arrived  here  this  morning  at  seven  o'clock.    I  was  very  well 
received  here  by  all  the  people  at  this  house,  particularly  by  the 
office  clerk  in  spectacles,  who  said  he  had  seen  and  attended  to  you. 

He  says told  them  a  piece  of  a  shell  had  struck  me  in  the  body, 

passing  through  and  through.  It  was  not  therefore  unreasonable 
that  people  generally  should  have  considered  my  case  a  desperate 
one.  I  had  a  very  pleasant  trip  on  the  "  Propellor,"  it  being  quite 
cool  and  breezy.  At  St.  George's,  on  the  canal,  just  as  I  had  turned 
in,  I  was  informed  that  a  number  of  Union  citizens  had  assembled 
on  the  dock  and  were  desirous  of  seeing  me,  as  they  had  seen  me 
pass  through  when  wounded.  Fortunately  the  boat  was  about  start- 
ing, which,  together  with  my  dishabille,  were  given  as  excuses  for  my 
non-appearance,  and  the  people  of  St.  George's  were  thus  saved  a 
most  eloquent  address.  The  first  person  I  saw  this  morning  was 
Duncan  Graham,  looking  very  handsome  and  very  like  his  brother 
Willie.  Duncan  is  on  board  the  "Octorara,"  Commodore  Porter's 
flagship.  After  I  had  breakfasted,  I  attended  to  shifting  the  bag- 
gage and  securing  my  place  on  the  Old  Point  boat. 


302         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

I  cannot  tell  you  how  miserable  and  sad  I  was  and  am  at  parting 
from  you  and  the  dear  children,  and  as  the  boat  pushed  off  and  I  saw 
those  three  fine  boys  standing  on  the  dock,  I  thought  my  heart  would 
break.  But  it  cannot  be  helped  and  must  be  endured,  and  we  must 
try  and  bear  our  trials  as  cheerfully  as  we  possibly  can. 

Baltimoke,  August  16,  1862. 
I  left  Baltimore  on  Wednesday  afternoon  with  a  great  crowd  of 
returning  officers  and  soldiers.  I  think  I  wrote  you  that  it  was  re- 
ported in  Baltimore  that  the  Government  had  taken  possession  of 
every  available  means  of  transport.  When  I  got  on  the  boat,  I  met 
Colonel  Falls,  the  proprietor  of  the  line,  who  was  so  civil  to  me  when 
wounded,  who  told  me  confidentially  that  the  army  was  to  be  with- 
drawn from  the  James  River,  and  that  he  was  expecting  Mr.  Tucker, 
Assistant  Secretary  of  War,  to  go  with  him  to  arrange  about  the 
movement.  On  my  arrival  at  Fortress  Monroe,  General  Dix  said 
something  was  going  on,  but  was  too  diplomatic,  or  did  not  know 
enough,  to  give  me  any  useful  information.  I  therefore  continued 
on  to  Harrison's  Landing,  arriving  at  nine  o'clock  Thursday  evening. 
I  found  the  troops  of  our  division  were  then  embarking.  On  repair- 
ing to  headquarters,  I  met  General  Seth  Williams  and  General  Porter. 
They  informed  me  that  McCall  and  Reynolds  had  been  released  and 
returned;  that  McCall  had  been  ordered  to  Washington,  and  Rey- 
nolds assigned  to  the  command  of  the  division.  It  was  so  late,  being 
near  eleven  o'clock,  and  having  borrowed  an  ambulance  from  a 
friendly  quartermaster  to  take  me  up  there,  I  did  not  make  an  ef- 
fort to  see  McClellan,  but  returned  to  the  boat,  where  I  slept.  The 
next  morning,  after  much  trouble,  I  found  Reynolds,  who  received 
me  very  warmly.  He  said  he  had  not  yet  assumed  command  of  the 
division,  and  would  not  do  so  till  it  reached  the  end  of  the  movement 
by  water  (Acquia  Creek),  and  that  the  best  thing  I  could  do  would 
be  to  rejoin  it  there;  that  I  would  have  the  First  Brigade,  Seymour 
the  Second,  and  Jackson  the  Third.  I  immediately  returned  in  the 
mail-boat,  reached  Old  Point  last  night,  and  this  place  this  morning, 
and  would  have  been  in  Washington  by  this  time  but  for  the  failure 
of  my  baggage  to  get  up  to  the  train  in  time.  I  shall  go  to  Washing- 
ton this  afternoon,  and  if  there  is  a  boat  leaving  to-morrow  (Sunday), 
go  down  in  it  to  Acquia  Creek.  I  see  the  papers  have  got  hold  of  the 
movement;  still  you  must  not  repeat  what  I  write.  McClellan's 
army  is  to  be  withdrawn  entirely  from  the  James  and  be  posted  at 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  303 

Fredericksburg  and  in  front  of  Washington.  This  is  a  virtual  con- 
demnation of  all  McClellan's  movements,  and  must  be  a  most  bitter 
pill  for  him  to  swallow.  When  at  Fortress  Monroe,  I  understood  he 
had  come  down  the  night  before  and  telegraphed  to  the  Department 
and  returned  apparently  disgusted.  It  was  believed  he  earnestly 
protested  against  the  withdrawal,  and  asked  for  authority  to  advance 
on  Richmond.     It  was  peremptorily  refused  him. 

I  have  been  informed  that  Burnside  has  been  twice  urged  to  take 
the  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  but  always  refuses  to 
supersede  McClellan;  but  I  believe  the  thing  will  soon  be  done  with- 
out consulting  either  of  them,  for  the  more  I  see  the  more  I  am  satis- 
fied that  McClellan  is  irretrievably  gone,  and  has  lost  the  greatest 
chance  any  man  ever  had  on  this  continent. 

Reynolds  looks  very  well,  but  complains  bitterly  of  the  want  of 
courtesy  shown  towards  him  in  Richmond. 

Fredericksburg,1  August  18,  1862. 

I  enclose  you  an  order  recently  published  by  McClellan,  which  I 
wish  you  to  show  Dr.  Hewson,  as  it  will  confirm  what  I  told  him, 
that  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  had  always  carried  out  the  new  policy 
in  a  proper  manner,  and  that  the  President's  order  and  Pope's  mani- 
festoes were  unnecessary. 

Sunday  morning  at  eight  o'clock  I  left  in  the  boat  for  this  place, 
arriving  here  in  the  evening.  I  find  myself  ahead  of  Reynolds  and 
Seymour.  Burnside  is  absent,  and  Parke,  recently  made  major  gen- 
eral, is  in  command.  To-day  I  have  been  very  busy,  seeing  Parke 
and  getting  myself  fixed.  I  visited  my  old  regiments  and  was  re- 
ceived with  much  enthusiasm,  and  I  really  believe  the  whole  com- 
mand, officers  and  men,  were  sincerely  glad  to  see  me  back. 

Camp  opposite  Fredericksburg,  August  19,  1862. 
My  yesterday's  letter  announced  to  you  my  arrival  at  this  place 
and  my  being  once  more  in  harness.  I  have  not  yet  assumed  com- 
mand of  my  old  brigade,  as  I  am  awaiting  the  arrival  of  Reynolds, 
who  ought  to  have  reached  here,  and  whom  I  am  hourly  expecting. 
I,  however,  yesterday  went  amongst  them,  riding  through  the  camps, 
and  was  much  gratified  at  their  turning  out  by  companies  and  cheer- 
ing me.  I  stopped  at  each  company  and  said  a  few  words,  indicating 
my  gratification  at  being  once  more  among  them,  and  commending 
1  Should  be  opposite  Fredericksburg. 


304  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

them  for  their  good  conduct  in  battle.  They  all  seemed  right  glad 
to  see  me,  both  officers  and  men,  and  I  do  believe  they  were  sincere. 
This  is  very  gratifying,  for  they  had  more  opportunity  of  knowing 
what  I  did  and  what  I  am  than  my  superior  officers. 

Burnside  returned  this  morning  and  received  me  very  cordially. 
He  is  quite  different  from  McClellan  in  his  manners,  having  great 
affability  and  a  winning  way  with  him  that  attracts  instead  of  re- 
pelling strangers.  I  have  accidentally  learned  the  cause  of  his  ab- 
sence, which  I  communicate  confidentially.  It  appears  when  Mc- 
Clellan telegraphed,  asking  to  have  the  retreat  countermanded  and 
an  advance  ordered,  that  very  sharp  messages  passed  between  him 
and  Halleck.  The  latter  individual  immediately  sent  for  Burnside, 
stated  the  case  to  him,  said  McClellan  misunderstood  his  feelings  and 
position,  which  were  of  the  most  friendly  nature  towards  him,  but  that 
the  matter  had  taken  such  shape  that  unless  he  (Burnside)  could  get 
McClellan  to  recede  or  explain,  that  he  (Halleck)  could  not  save  him 
from  being  superseded.  Burnside  immediately  went  down  to  the 
James  River,  and  was  returning  when  I  saw  him  this  morning,  hav- 
ing, as  he  thinks,  adjusted  the  difficulty.  Burnside  is  devotedly  at- 
tached to  McClellan,  and  would  not  think  of  taking  his  place  when 
it  was  offered  to  him.  Burnside  says  the  rear  guard  had  crossed  the 
Chickahominy  before  he  left,  and  that  the  retreat  had  been  con- 
ducted in  the  most  masterly  manner,  the  enemy  either  not  knowing 
it  or  else  glad  to  let  us  go  undisturbed.  We  hear  nothing  of  the 
enemy  in  our  vicinity,  and  they  are  said  to  be  falling  back  from  Pope. 
What  they  are  after  now,  it  is  hard  to  tell.  Since  I  have  been  here 
I  have  been  talking  over  the  battles  with  different  officers,  and  I  am 
coming  to  the  conclusion  that  the  Pennsylvania  Reserves  did  save 
the  army,  in  the  great  strategic  change  of  base;  that  is  to  say,  had 
it  not  been  for  the  Reserves  holding  the  enemy  in  check  on  Monday, 
June  30th,  and  thus  enabling  the  different  corps  to  retreat  and  unite 
on  that  night,  they  (the  enemy)  would  undoubtedly  have  broken 
our  centre  and  divided  our  forces  in  two,  which  could  have  been  de- 
stroyed in  detail.  Hence  the  sturdy  resistance  made  by  the  Reserves, 
not  permitting  the  enemy  to  advance  beyond  the  line  of  battle,  gave 
our  forces  time  during  the  night  to  retire  and  concentrate,  so  that 
next  morning  the  enemy  found  an  unbroken  line  in  front  of  them. 
From  all  I  can  learn,  those  that  did  fight,  fought  most  gallantly  and 
desperately.  Of  course,  there  were  a  great  many  (as  there  always 
will  be)  who  left  the  ranks  early  in  the  action. 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  305 

Camp  opposite  Fredericksburg,  August  21,  1862. 

Generals  Reynolds  and  Seymour  arrived  yesterday  afternoon,  and 
to-day  the  division  is  to  be  reorganized,  Reynolds  taking  the  com- 
mand of  the  whole,  I  of  the  First  Brigade,  Seymour  the  Second,  and 
General  Jackson  (recently  appointed  from  the  colonelcy  of  the  Ninth 
Regiment)  the  Third. 

We  have  very  exciting  news  to-day.  It  appears  that  General 
Pope  has  been  obliged  to  show  his  back  to  the  enemy  and  to  select  a 
line  of  retreat,  as  Jackson,  having  advanced  with  a  large  force,  Gen- 
eral Pope  has  been  compelled  to  retire  from  the  line  of  the  Rapidan 
and  across  the  Rappahannock.1  I  expect  that  in  a  few  days  we  will 
have  exciting  times,  and  expect  hourly  orders  for  us  either  to  hurry 
up  to  Pope's  rescue  or  to  fall  back  upon  Washington.  The  enemy 
are  evidently  determined  to  strike  a  blow  before  McClellan's  army 
can  get  into  position  here  to  co-operate  with  Pope.  To  do  this  with 
any  chance  of  success,  they  must  attack  us  in  the  next  ten  days. 
By  that  time  we  will  have  collected  here  the  greater  portion  of  Mc- 
Clellan's army,  with  their  baggage  and  trains.  For  my  part,  the 
sooner  it  comes  off  the  better,  as  I  think,  after  the  next  great 
struggle  is  settled,  we  will  begin  to  see  some  prospect  of  a  settle- 
ment. If  we  can  only  give  them  a  good  thrashing,  a  regular  out- 
and-out  victory,  I  think  the  demoralization  of  their  forces  will  be 
such  that  they  will  find  it  very  difficult  to  collect  and  organize 
another  army. 

Warrenton,  Va.,  August  24,  1862. 
I  have  not  written  you  for  several  days,  and  now  have  only  time 
to  tell  you  in  a  few  words  that  I  am  here  all  right  and  how  I  got 
here.  On  the  22d  we  were  ordered  up  to  a  ford,  said  to  be  ten  or 
twelve  miles  from  Fredericksburg,  and  where  it  was  thought  the 
enemy  might  cross  and  threaten  Pope's  left  flank.  We  started  at 
ten  P.  M.,  the  night  dark  and  stormy;  we  lost  the  road,  and  after 
traveling  all  night,  were  at  daylight  only  four  miles  on  our  journey. 
We  started  again,  and  before  proceeding  far,  we  got  an  order  to  keep 
on  to  a  higher  ford,  so  that  by  night,  after  one  of  the  hottest  days  I 
almost  ever  experienced,  we  reached  this  ford,  twenty-seven  miles 
distant,  and  only  six  miles  from  Pope's  main  army  at  the  crossing  of 
the  Rappahannock.    The  next  morning  we  were  ordered  up  to  the 

1  Engagement  of  Cedar  Mountain,  Va.,  August  9,  1862.  Federal  loss,  killed, 
wounded,  and  missing,  2,381  (0.  R.). 


306  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

Rappahannock  Station,  and  on  arriving,  heard  the  news  of  the  en- 
emy's having  crossed  above  and  turned  Pope's  right  flank;  of  Siegel's 
fight,  in  which  poor  Bohlen  was  killed;  found  the  enemy  had  been 
making  an  effort  to  force  the  passage  of  the  Rappahannock  over  the 
railroad  bridge,  but  had  been  repulsed  by  our  artillery;  that  Pope 
was  obliged  to  fall  back  from  the  Rappahannock,  and  was  then  mov- 
ing off,  and  we  had  to  follow  him.  This  movement  has  been  suc- 
cessfully performed,  thanks,  not  to  Mr.  Pope's  genius,  but  to  an  un- 
looked-for interposition  of  Providence  in  the  shape  of  a  rain  which 
has  so  swollen  the  Rappahannock  that  it  is  not  fordable  at  the  usual 
places;  so  that  they  cannot  cross,  as  they  intended,  on  both  sides  of 
him,  to  cut  him  off.  He  is  not  yet  out  of  the  scrape,  though  every 
day's  delay  is  in  his  favor,  as  poor  McClellan's  army  is  being  rushed 
up  here  to  his  rescue. 

I  presume  the  enemy  will  not  let  us  be  quiet  here.  They  have  a 
large  force  in  front  of  us,  and  are  evidently  determined  to  break 
through  Pope  and  drive  us  out  of  Virginia,  when  they  will  follow  into 
Maryland  and  perhaps  Pennsylvania.  I  am  sorry  to  say,  from  the 
manner  in  which  matters  have  been  mismanaged,  that  their  chances 
of  success  are  quite  good.  Whether  I  shall  get  back  with  the  army 
to  Washington,  or  go  to  Richmond,  to  live  on  bread  and  water,  or 
go  to  my  long  and  final  account,  are  questions  that  the  future  only 
can  solve.  I  am  well,  which,  considering  the  night  and  hot  sun 
marches  we  have  just  accomplished,  is  saying  a  good  deal.  I  am 
also  in  good  spirits,  which  is  saying  a  good  deal  more. 

Centreville,  August  31,  1862. 
I  write  to  advise  you  that  after  three  days'  continuous  fighting  I 
am  all  safe  and  well.1  Old  Baldy  was  hit  in  the  leg,  but  not  badly 
hurt.  Willie  (your  brother)  I  saw  this  morning,  all  safe — Willie  Wat- 
mough  also.  All  your  friends,  I  believe,  are  safe.  I  have  had  sev- 
eral officers  and  many  men  killed  and  wounded,  but  no  one  that  you 
know  particularly.  We  have  been  obliged  to  fall  back  from  the  old 
Bull  Run  battle-field,  where  we  fought.  The  enemy  are  superior  in 
force  and  flushed  with  their  success.  We  are  in  a  critical  position, 
but  I  trust  will  get  out  of  it.  This  result  is  no  more  than  might 
have  been  known  by  any  one  who  looked  upon  things  in  their 
proper  light. 

1  Second  Battle  of  Bull  Run,  Va.,  August  28-30,  1862.  Federal  loss,  killed, 
wounded,  and  missing,  14,462  (O.  R.). 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  307 

Fairfax  Court  House,  September  2,  1862 — 8  A.  M. 

All  safe  and  well  at  this  moment.  Private  letters  are  forbidden, 
so  ought  not  to  give  you  any  news.  Be  resigned,  and  try  to  look 
forward  with  good  spirits. 

Willie1  is  here  and  all  right.    Send  word  to  Betty2  at  Harrisburg. 

Arlington  House,  Va.,  September  3,  1862. 

We  arrived  here  this  morning.  Everything  now  is  changed;  Mc- 
Clellan's  star  is  again  in  the  ascendant,  and  Pope's  has  faded  away. 
The  whole  army  has  been  withdrawn  in  the  face  of  the  enemy,  around 
Washington,  getting  back  to  where  we  left  last  March,  and  now  we 
have  to  defend  our  capital,  and  perhaps  resist  an  invasion  of  our  soil 
through  Maryland,  and  all  from  the  willful  blindness  of  our  rulers. 
However,  this  is  to  no  purpose. 

I  am  writing  in  the  house  occupied  as  the  headquarters  of  Whip- 
ple's division.  I  have  not  time  to  give  you  a  full  account  of  all  I 
have  gone  through  since  leaving  Fredericksburg,  but  will  briefly  re- 
late. We  were  ordered  up  to  support  Pope,  and  arrived  at  the  rail- 
road crossing  of  the  Rappahannock  just  as  Pope  had  found  it  nec- 
essary to  fall  back  on  Warrenton.  From  Warrenton,  he,  having 
learned  they  were  still  turning  his  right  flank,  we  started  to  fall  back 
on  Centreville.  On  the  28th  my  brigade,  the  advance  of  McDowell's 
corps,  was  opened  upon  by  a  battery,  and  from  that  time  till  the  night 
of  the  30th  we  were  pretty  much  manoeuvring  and  fighting  all  the 
time.  The  principal  scene  of  the  conflict  was  the  old  battle-ground 
of  Bull  Run,  with  this  difference,  that  we  were  in  the  reverse  position 
from  what  we  occupied  before,  we  holding  the  position  occupied  by 
the  enemy  in  the  old  battle.  The  fighting  continued  till  the  night 
of  the  30th,  at  which  time  Pope  became  satisfied  they  were  in  too  large 
numbers  for  him  and  would  get  behind  him;  whereupon  he  withdrew 
to  Centreville,  and  subsequently  to  Fairfax  Court  House;  Kearney 
and  Hooker  having  a  fight  on  September  1st,  when  Kearney  and 
Stevens  both  were  killed;  but  we  succeeded  in  driving  the  enemy  for 
miles.  The  Pennsylvania  Reserves  were  engaged  throughout  the 
whole  time,  and  particularly  distinguished  themselves  on  the  after- 
noon of  the  30th,  when  our  attack  on  the  enemy's  right  flank  having 
failed,  they  attacked  us  very  vigorously  on  our  left  flank;  when  the 
Reserves  came  into  action,  and  held  them  in  check  and  drove  them 

1  William  Sergeant,  brother  of  Mrs.  Meade. 

2  Wife  of  William  Sergeant. 


308  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

back,  so  that  when  other  troops  came  up,  we  were  enabled  to  save 
our  left  flank,  which  if  we  had  not  done,  the  enemy  would  have  de- 
stroyed the  whole  army.  That  night  we  retreated  to  Centreville.  In 
a  few  words,  we  have  been,  as  usual,  out-manoeuvred  and  out-numbered, 
and  though  not  actually  defeated,  yet  compelled  to  fall  back  on 
Washington  for  its  defense  and  our  own  safety.  On  these  recent 
battle-fields  I  claim,  as  before,  to  have  done  my  duty.  My  services, 
then,  should,  I  think,  add  to  those  previously  performed,  and  that  I 
may  now  fairly  claim  the  command  of  a  division.  I  suppose,  now 
that  McClellan  is  up  again,  all  his  old  friends  will  be  as  affectionate 
as  ever.  I  expect  the  enemy  will  follow  us  up,  and  though  I  hardly 
think  they  will  adventure  to  attack  Washington,  yet  I  believe  they 
will  try  to  get  into  Maryland,  and  that  will  necessitate  our  moving  to 
meet  them. 

I  am  quite  well,  notwithstanding  we  have  been  for  the  last  ten 
days  without  regular  food  or  sleep.  All  of  my  staff  and  most  of  the 
command  are  completely  knocked  up,  but  I  am  just  as  well  as  ever. 
General  Reynolds  has  been  very  kind  and  civil  to  me. 

Headquarters  Whipple's  Division,  Reserve  Army  Corps, 

Arlington,  Va.,  September  4,  1862. 

I  wrote  you  yesterday,  informing  you  of  my  arrival  at  this  place. 
We  came  here  under  orders  from  McDowell  (in  whose  corps  we  are), 
who  directed  us  to  march  from  Fairfax  Court  House  to  Arlington. 
Since  reaching  here  we  have  had  no  orders  of  any  kind,  and  we  can- 
not tell  where  we  are  going,  though  I  presume  we  will  take  post  some- 
where in  the  vicinity  of  the  city,  for  its  defense.  I  hardly  think  the 
enemy  will  make  an  attack  on  the  city,  but  believe  he  will  cross  a 
column  above  into  Maryland.  Our  division,  the  Reserves,  is  pretty 
well  used  up,  and  ought,  strictly  speaking,  to  be  withdrawn,  reorgan- 
ized, filled  up  with  recruits,  and  put  in  efficient  condition. 

Washington,  September  6,  1862. 
I  have  only  time  to  send  you  a  check  and  to  say  that  I  saw  Seth 
Williams,  and  he  says  McClellan  told  him  to  remind  him  whenever 
any  reorganization  took  place;  or  there  was  a  chance  to  give  me  a 
division,  I  should  have  it.  I  also  hear  we  are  to  be  transferred  to 
Porter's  corps,  and  that  both  Pope  and  McDowell  are  relieved  of 
their  commands.  Everything  is  in  confusion  at  present  and  none 
can  tell  what  will  come  of  it. 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  309 

Camp  near  Leesboro',  Md.,  September  8,  1862. 
After  writing  to  you  on  the  6th,  I  went  to  Williards',  where  I  met 
Willie1  and  his  wife.  I  dined  with  them,  and  returned  to  camp,  where 
I  found  orders  to  march.  We  marched  all  night  and  most  of  the 
next  day,  reaching  this  point,  some  ten  miles  north  of  Washington, 
yesterday  afternoon.  We  have  been  here  one  day,  and  are  to  move 
again  to-morrow,  and  will  be,  I  suppose,  kept  moving  now  until  some- 
thing decisive  is  done  with  the  enemy,  who  have  invaded  Maryland. 
Hooker  has  been  placed  in  command  of  McDowell's  corps,  to  which 
we  belong,  and  Burnside  has  been  placed  in  Pope's  position  as  com- 
mander of  an  army. 

Camp  near  Poplar  Spring,  Md.,  September  12,  1862. 

We  are  here  as  part  of  Hooker's  (late  McDowell's)  corps,  forming 
a  portion  of  the  right  wing  of  the  army,  under  the  command  of  Burn- 
side.  I  do  not  know  who  commands  the  left  wing,  nor  am  I  able  to 
ascertain  the  strength  and  position  of  the  different  corps.  The  enemy 
are  believed  to  be  at  Frederick  and  behind  the  line  of  the  Monocacy 
River;  all  reported  as  entrenching  themselves  and  are  estimated  in 
various  numbers,  from  two  hundred  thousand  to  fifty  thousand.  I 
have  no  doubt  myself  they  are  in  large  force  and  in  strong  position. 
We  have  always  thus  found  them,  and  I  have  no  reason  to  expect  a 
different  state  now.  As  I  said  before,  I  do  not  know  McClellan's 
force,  or  their  position,  except  what  immediately  surrounds  us.  We 
are  on  the  old  National  Road,  connecting  Frederick  City  with  Balti- 
more, and  are  in  a  position  to  cover  either  that  city  or  Washington. 
I  suppose  that  in  a  day  or  two  we  will  have  a  chance  to  tell  what  the 
enemy  mean  and  what  we  can  do.  I  must  confess  I  am  not  very  san- 
guine of  our  power.  The  morale  of  the  army  is  very  much  impaired 
by  recent  events;   the  spirits  of  the  enemy  proportionately  raised. 

Tell  Sergeant 2 1  have  received  his  letter,  and  that  he  did  right  to 
publish  what  I  said  of  the  Reserves,  as  it  was  true.  There  was  a 
portion  of  the  division  that  was  overwhelmed  and  fell  back  in  good 
order  on  the  30th,  but  there  was  no  truth  in  the  report  that  they 
ran  or  fled  without  cause. 

Camp  near  Frederick,  Md.,  September  13,  1862. 
I  wrote  you  yesterday.    My  letter  had  hardly  left,  when  orders 
came,  directing  General  Reynolds  to  proceed  immediately  to  Harris- 

1  William  Sergeant,  brother  of  Mrs.  Meade.  2  Son  of  General  Meade. 


310         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

burg,  which  of  course  placed  me  in  command  of  the  division  of  Penn- 
sylvania Reserves.  Reynolds  obeyed  the  order  with  alacrity,  though 
very  much  against  his  will,  and  General  Hooker,  commanding  the 
corps  to  which  we  are  attached,  made  an  immediate  and  earnest  pro- 
test against  Reynolds's  removal.  Soon  after  we  marched  to  this 
place,  which  the  enemy  retired  from  on  our  approach.  To-day  I 
have  seen  General  McClellan,  who  was  very  civil  and  polite.  I  only 
saw  him  for  a  few  minutes,  surrounded  by  a  great  crowd;  but  I  saw 
Seth  Williams,  who  had  in  his  hands  Hooker's  protest,  and  seemed 
quite  surprised  that  Reynolds  had  left  so  soon.  I  told  Williams  very 
plainly  that  I  saw  no  occasion  for  making  such  an  outcry  against 
Reynolds's  removal;  that  I  considered  it  a  reflection  on  my  com- 
petency to  command  the  division,  and  that  if  he  came  back  on  any 
such  grounds,  I  should  insist  on  being  relieved. 

I  am  now  ready  to  meet  the  enemy,  for  I  feel  I  am  in  the  posi- 
tion I  am  entitled  to.  I  should  have  been  delighted  to  have  gone  to 
Harrisburg  in  Reynolds's  place,  as  I  have  no  doubt  he  will  get  a 
large  command  there. 

The  enemy  have  retired  in  the  direction  of  Hagerstown.  Where 
they  have  gone,  or  what  their  plans  are,  is  as  yet  involved  in  obscu- 
rity, and  I  think  our  generals  are  a  little  puzzled.  Their  object  in 
coming  here  seems  to  have  been  the  procuring  of  food  and  clothing, 
as  they  had  laid  their  hands  on  all  articles  of  this  description.  I 
suppose  we  shall  have  to  chase  them  around,  until  we  find  them  in 
some  strong  position,  when  they  will  give  us  battle,  which  I  trust 
will  be  before  I  lose  the  command  of  the  division. 

Field  op  Battle  near  Sharpsburg,  September  18,  1862. 
I  commanded  the  division  of  Pennsylvania  Reserves  in  the  action 
at  South  Mountain  Gap  on  the  14th.1  Our  division  turned  the  en- 
emy's left  flank  and  gained  the  day.  Their  movements  were  the  ad- 
miration of  the  whole  army,  and  I  gained  great  credit.  I  was  not 
touched  or  my  horse.  Yesterday  and  the  day  before  my  division 
commenced  the  battle,  and  was  in  the  thickest  of  it.2  I  was  hit  by 
a  spent  grape-shot,  giving  me  a  severe  contusion  on  the  right  thigh, 
but  not  breaking  the  skin.     Baldy  was  shot  through  the  neck,  but 

1  Battle  of  South  Mountain,  September  14,  1862.  Federal  loss,  killed, 
wounded,  and  missing,  2,346  (O.  R.). 

2  Battle  of  the  Antietam,  September  17,  1862.  Federal  loss,  killed,  wounded, 
and  missing,  12,410  (O.  R.). 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  311 

will  get  over  it.  A  cavalry  horse  I  mounted  afterwards  was  shot  in 
the  flank.  When  General  Hooker  was  wounded,  General  McClellan 
placed  me  in  command  of  the  army  corps,  over  General  Ricketts's 
head,  who  ranked  me.  This  selection  is  a  great  compliment,  and 
answers  all  my  wishes  in  regard  to  my  desire  to  have  my  services 
appreciated.  I  cannot  ask  for  more,  and  am  truly  grateful  for  the 
merciful  manner  I  have  been  protected,  and  for  the  good  fortune 
that  has  attended  me.  I  go  into  the  action  to-day  as  the  com- 
mander of  an  army  corps.  If  I  survive,  my  two  stars  are  secure,  and 
if  I  fall,  you  will  have  my  reputation  to  live  on.  God  bless  you  all ! 
I  cannot  write  more.  I  am  well  and  in  fine  spirits.  Your  brother 
Willie  is  up  here,  but  was  not  in  action  yesterday. 

Sharpsburg,  Md.,  September  20,  1862. 
I  wrote  you  a  few  lines,  day  before  yesterday,  on  the  field  of 
battle,  hurriedly,  and  at  a  time  when  we  expected  every  moment  the 
battle  would  be  renewed.  The  battle  of  the  day  previous  had  been  a 
very  severe  one,  and  our  army  was  a  good  deal  broken  and  somewhat 
demoralized — so  much  so  that  it  was  deemed  hazardous  to  risk  an 
offensive  movement  on  our  part  until  the  reinforcements  arriving 
from  Washington  should  reach  the  scene  of  action.  Yesterday  morn- 
ing, at  early  dawn,  we  moved  forward,  when  lo!  the  bird  had  flown, 
and  we  soon  ascertained  from  prisoners,  taken  straggling  on  the  field, 
and  from  the  evidences  the  field  itself  bore,  that  we  had  hit  them 
much  harder  than  they  had  us,  and  that  in  reality  our  battle  was  a 
victory.  They  all  crossed  the  river  and  retreated  into  Virginia,  the 
night  of  the  battle,  so  that  Maryland  is  free,  and  their  audacious  in- 
vasion of  our  soil  put  an  end  to.  Whether  the  country  will  be  satis- 
fied with  this  or  not  I  cannot  say,  but  it  ought  to  be,  as  I  am  free 
to  confess  I  feared  at  one  time  the  movement  from  Washington  was 
a  dangerous  one,  for  if  we  were  defeated  and  this  army  broken  up, 
the  country  was  gone.  Now,  if  there  is  any  common  sense  in  the 
country,  it  ought  to  let  us  have  time  to  reorganize  and  get  into  shape 
our  new  lines,  and  then  advance  with  such  overwhelming  numbers 
that  resistance  on  the  part  of  the  enemy  would  be  useless.  My  com- 
mand took  a  great  many  prisoners.  They  all  concurred  in  saying 
that  the  Southern  army  was  dispirited;  that  the  great  bulk  were 
tired  of  the  war  and  of  fighting,  and  would  be  glad  of  any  settlement 
that  would  terminate  it.  They  were  ragged,  shoeless  and  half 
starved,  and  were  certainly  in  a  most  pitiable  condition. 


312         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

I  am  afraid  I  shall  not  get  the  credit  for  these  last  battles  that 
I  did  for  those  near  Richmond,  for  two  reasons:  First,  I  was  not 
wounded;  second,  old  Sam  Ringwalt  was  not  there  to  write  letters 
about  me.  I  find  the  papers  barely  mention  the  Pennsylvania  Re- 
serves, call  them  McCall's  troops,  never  mentioning  my  name; 
whereas  I  was  not  only  in  command,  but  at  South  Mountain,  on  the 
14th,  I  was  on  the  extreme  right  flank,  had  the  conduct  of  the  whole 
operations,  and  never  saw  General  Hooker,  commanding  the  corps, 
after  getting  his  instructions,  till  the  whole  affair  was  over.  I  must, 
however,  do  Hooker  the  justice  to  say  that  he  promptly  gave  me 
credit  for  what  I  did,  and  have  reason  to  believe  it  was  his  urgent 
appeal  to  McClellan,  that  I  was  the  right  man  to  take  his  place  when 
he  was  wounded,  which  secured  my  being  assigned  to  the  command 
of  the  corps.  I  send  you  two  pencil  notes  received  on  the  field  of 
battle,  which  I  wish  preserved  as  evidences  of  my  having  done  my 
duty,  and  which  I  think  will  bear  this  out  when  it  is  remembered 
that  there  were  on  the  field  several  major  generals  in  command  of 
divisions  only,  besides  several  brigadiers  who  were  my  seniors,  and 
one  of  them  in  the  corps  I  was  assigned  to.  These  papers,  written 
on  the  field  of  battle,  amply  compensate.  A  man  who  under  such 
circumstances  is  elevated  to  rank  may  well  be  proud  of  the  fact,  and 
can  hardly  have  his  elevation  charged  to  political  or  petticoat  influ- 
ence. 

Yesterday  we  were  occupied  moving  up  from  our  position  on  the 
battle-field  to  the  river,  which  the  enemy  succeeded  in  crossing  be- 
fore we  could  stop  them.  To-day  Porter's  corps  was  sent  over,  but 
not  being  properly  supported,  the  enemy  turned  on  him,  and  he  had 
to  retire  to  this  side. 

******** 
"Pencil  Notes,"  McClellan  to  Meade,  mentioned  in  last  letter. 

Headquarters  Army  of  the  Potomac, 

September  17,  1:25  P.  M.,  1862. 

Brg.  Genl.  Geo.  Meade 
Genl. 

The  Commanding  Gen'l  directs  that  you  temporarily  assume 
command  of  Hooker's  Corps,  and  use  every  effort  in  your  power  to 
reorganize  it  and  make  it  available. 

It  is  absolutely  necessary  that  the  right  should  be  held,  and  the 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  313 

troops  must  be  got  together  and  into  position  for  that  purpose  as 
rapidly  as  possible. 

Yours  very  Respy. 

Coulburn 

A.  A.  G. 

Head  Quarters  Army  of  the  Potomac, 

3  hours,  10  min.,  September  17,  1862. 

General  Meade 
General 

The  Commanding  Gen'l  directs  that  you  at  once  take  command 
of  the  Army  Corps,  which  was  under  the  command  of  Genl.  Hooker 
this  morning.  This  order  is  given  without  regard  to  rank  and  all 
officers  of  the  Corps  will  obey  your  orders.  The  Comdg.  Genl.  also 
directs  me  to  say  that  you  will  be  held  responsible  for  this  command 
as  herein  assigned  to  you. 

Very  Respectfully 

R.  B.  Marcy 
Chief  of  Staff. 


To  Mrs.  George  G.  Meade: 

Camp  near  Sharpsburg,  Md.,  September  23,  1862. 

We  have  been  very  quiet  the  last  few  days,  with  now  and  then  a 
stampede  of  the  enemy,  crossing  at  this  place  and  that.  I  have  no 
idea  myself  that  he  will  attempt  any  more  invasions  of  Maryland, 
the  last  having  proved  the  most  lamentable  failure,  both  politically 
and  in  a  military  sense.  Our  army  is  stretched  along  the  banks  of 
the  Potomac  from  Harper's  Ferry  to  Williamsport.  My  corps  was 
under  orders  yesterday  to  march  to  Harper's  Ferry,  but  the  order 
was  countermanded  before  the  time  for  moving  came.  I  saw  your 
brother  Willie  yesterday;  he  is  quite  well,  but  greatly  disgusted  in 
not  having  been  in  any  of  the  recent  battles.  Although  the  papers 
are  silent  on  the  subject  of  the  Pennsylvania  Reserves,  yet  I  can 
assure  you  in  the  army  they  are  now  acknowledged  as  the  best  divi- 
sion for  fighting  in  the  whole  army,  and  are  praised  everywhere. 

James  Biddle  arrived  the  day  after  the  last  battle  and  joined 
Ricketts'  staff.  Young  Kingsbury,  whom  you  may  remember  seeing 
at  Mrs.  Turnbull's,  was  killed.     One  of  my  aides,  Lieutenant  Riddle, 


314         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

of  Pittsburg,  was  shot  in  the  hand.     Old  Baldy  is  doing  well  and  is 
good  for  lots  of  fights  yet. 

Camp  near  Sharpsburg,  September  27, 1862. 

I  have  received  your  letters  of  the  20th  and  23d.  In  the  latter 
you  had  received  my  pencil  note  of  the  18th,  and  were  aware  of  my 
success  and  promotion,  which  I  must  say  you  take  in  the  most  humble 
manner  and  pretty  much  as  if  it  were  no  more  than  you  expected. 
In  regard  to  my  newspaper  fame,  I  agree  with  you,  that  when  wounded 
I  was  over-advertised;  but  this  time  not  a  single  paper  yet  has  an- 
nounced that  on  the  battle-field  I  was  selected  to  command  a  corps 
d'armee,  in  place  of  Hooker,  which  fact,  after  all,  is  the  greatest 
feather  in  my  cap.  Hooker  has  received  his  reward,  having  been 
appointed  a  brigadier  general  in  the  regular  army,  in  place  of  Mans- 
field, killed  in  battle. 

I  don't  think  I  ever  told  you  about  Master  John1  at  Bull  Run,  on 
the  first  day's  fighting.  He  came  on  a  part  of  the  field,  with  my 
spare  horse  and  some  cigars  for  me.  On  arriving  where  the  balls 
were  flying,  John's  courage  oozed  out,  and  he  declined  proceeding 
any  farther,  but  gave  the  cigars  to  an  orderly  to  bring  to  me  in  the 
advance.  On  his  return,  the  orderly  could  not  find  him,  and  I  never 
saw  anything  of  John  or  the  horse  till  we  got  to  Arlington  Heights, 
when  he  presented  himself  and  said  that  he  heard  I  was  cut  off  and 
a  prisoner,  and  he  had  gone  to  Alexandria  to  save  the  horse  for  the 
family.  I  charged  him  with,  and  he  frankly  acknowledged  his  cow- 
ardice. I  sent  for  a  file  of  men,  intending  to  have  him  drummed 
out  of  camp  as  a  coward;  but  he  begged  so  piteously  I  let  him  off, 
and  since  then  he  has  behaved  pretty  well.  Still,  no  reliance  is  to 
be  placed  on  him  at  the  very  moment  when  his  services  are  most 
needed,  and  I  intend  to  let  him  go  as  soon  as  I  can  get  some  one  to 
take  his  place. 

Camp  near  Sharpsburg,  Md.,  September  29,  1862. 
Yesterday  General  Reynolds  made  his  appearance,  very  much 
disgusted  with  his  Pennsylvania  campaign  and  militia,  who  he  says 
behaved  very  badly,  refused  to  come  forward,  and  would  not  have 
stood  five  minutes  if  they  had  been  attacked  by  one-tenth  their  num- 
ber. He  hurried  back  here  as  soon  as  possible,  knowing  of  course 
he  would  have  command  of  the  corps,  as  I  could  not  expect  Mc- 

1  General  Meade's  body-servant. 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  315 

Clellan  to  put  him  under  my  command.  We  went  to  see  McClellan 
together.  He  was  very  civil  to  me,  said  he  would  have  to  put  Rey- 
nolds in  command,  but  hoped  in  a  few  days  to  announce  to  both  of 
us  that  we  were  major  generals,  which  he  had  strongly  urged  on  the 
Government.  As  yet  the  order  has  not  been  issued,  but  when  it 
comes  I  shall  subside  gracefully  into  a  division  commander,  though 
frankness  compels  me  to  say,  I  do  wish  Reynolds  had  stayed  away, 
and  that  I  could  have  had  a  chance  to  command  a  corps  in  action. 
Perhaps  it  may  yet  occur.  At  any  rate,  it  would  be  great  ingrati- 
tude in  me  to  complain,  after  all  my  recent  good  fortune. 

McClellan  said  it  was  not  his  intention  to  immediately  cross  the 
river,  unless  it  should  rise  and  prevent  the  enemy's  crossing,  in  which 
case  he  would  cross  and  attack  him.  His  most  reliable  intelligence 
led  him  to  believe  that  they  were  falling  back  on  Winchester,  which 
is  no  more  than  reasonable,  as  I  do  not  see  how  they  can  supply  their 
army  in  so  advanced  a  position  as  Martinsburg.  I  spoke  to  McClel- 
lan about  the  Reserves  and  their  decimated  condition,  there  being 
now  not  more  than  three  thousand  men  for  duty.  I  also  told  him 
that  I  had  no  idea  they  would  ever  be  filled  up  by  recruiting  officers, 
and  the  only  course  I  saw  to  adopt  was  to  send  them  in  a  body  back 
to  Pennsylvania,  and  ask  the  Governor  and  State  to  fill  them  up 
within  a  specified  time;  but  if  it  could  not  be  done,  they  were  to  be 
mustered  out  of  service. 

Camp  near  Sharpsburg,  Md.,  October  1,  1862. 

I  note  the  canard  about  General  Sickles  taking  command  of 
Hooker's  corps,  which  arose  from  the  fact  that  General  Sickles  has 
been  placed  in  command  of  Hooker's  old  division.  So,  also,  I  saw 
a  brilliant  account  in  Forney's  "Press"  of  the  battle  of  Antietam,  in 
which  the  writer,  confusing  Hooker's  division  with  his  corps,  speaks 
of  the  gallantry  of  Generals  Patterson  and  Grover  in  leading  the 
men;  whereas  Hooker's  division  was  at  Alexandria,  when  Grover 
was  with  it,  and  Patterson  has  been  for  some  time  in  Philadelphia. 
But  such  is  history. 

When  Hooker  placed  me  in  command  of  the  corps  on  the  field,  I 
immediately  sought  out  Ricketts,  told  him  I  presumed  there  was  a 
mistake,  Hooker  not  knowing  that  he  (Ricketts)  outranked  me,  and 
I  turned  over  the  command  to  him,  and  only  resumed  it  after  getting 
the  peremptory  order  from  McClellan,  which  I  sent  you.  Ricketts 
appreciated  my  course,  and  said  there  was  no  one  he  was  more  will- 


316         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

ing  to  serve  under  than  myself,  and  that  he  only  made  his  protest 
because  he  considered  it  a  matter  of  principle.  In  this  I  think  he 
was  right,  and  I  should  have  done  the  same  thing  myself,  for  I  do 
not  believe  McClellan  had  the  right  to  do  as  he  did. 

I  am  very  much  flattered  to  hear  that  Mr.  Binney1  and  other 
citizens  desired  to  have  me  to  defend  Philadelphia.  It  was  just  as 
well,  however,  that  they  were  refused;  the  service  would  have  been 
temporary,  and  I  should  have  lost  the  brilliant  chances  of  the  two 
battles.  I  envied  Reynolds  when  he  left  for  Harrisburg,  and  se- 
cretly thought  the  Governor  might  have  applied  for  me.  Afterwards 
— indeed,  the  next  day,  after  South  Mountain — I  was  grateful  be- 
yond measure  that  I  had  been  overlooked.  In  reference  to  George,2 
I  think  he  had  better  accept  the  appointment  in  Averiirs  regiment, 
and  not  wait  any  longer  for  Rush.3  In  regard  to  my  own  staff,  I 
have  received  a  letter  from  Mr.  Coxe,4  in  which  he  says  his  last  hope 
is  being  elected  into  one  of  the  Pennsylvania  Reserve  regiments. 
This  amounts  to  nothing,  because  Seymour  and  Reynolds  have  pro- 
hibited elections  in  the  division,  and  there  have  been  none  for  some 
time.  In  the  meantime,  I  have  had  two  young  men  serving  tempo- 
rarily on  my  staff.  One  is  a  Mr.  Mason,  belonging  to  one  of  the  Re- 
serve regiments,  and  the  other  Mr.  Dehon,  of  Boston,  belonging  to 
the  Twelfth  Massachusetts  (Fletcher  Webster's  regiment).  They 
are  both  very  clever  and  active. 

In  regard  to  Willie,  your  brother,  I  will  see  what  can  be  done. 
The  trouble  is,  both  Seymour  and  Reynolds  have  got  into  a  snarl 
with  the  Governor  about  elections,  the  Governor  maintaining  that 
he  will  not  appoint  without  elections,  and  they  (in  orders)  prohibiting 
elections  and  getting  McClellan  to  give  acting  appointments,  sub- 
ject to  the  approval  of  the  Governor,  which  appointments  are  never 
submitted  to  the  Governor  for  his  approval.  The  consequence  is 
there  are  a  number  of  officers  appointed  who  have  never  been  com- 
missioned by  the  Governor,  and  who  in  reality  have  no  commissions. 
This  makes  it  very  difficult  to  know  what  to  do,  and  how  to  unravel 
the  snarl  that  Seymour  and  Reynolds  have  got  into. 

The  news  has  just  been  brought  into  camp  that  the  Southern 
Confederacy  have  sent  Peace  Commissioners  to  Washington.    Alas, 

1  Horace  Binney,  of  the  Philadelphia  Bar. 

2  George  Meade,  son  of  General  Meade  and  compiler  of  this  work. 

3  Richard  H.  Rush,  colonel  6th  Pa.  Cavalry,  known  as  "Rush's  Lancers." 

4  Alexander  Brinton  Coxe,  of  Philadelphia. 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  317 

I  fear,  they  have  left  it  too  late,  and  that  the  day  has  gone  by  for 
any  terms  to  be  granted  them  except  complete  submission!  Either 
one  extreme  or  the  other  will  have  to  come  to  pass — the  day  for  com- 
promise, for  a  brotherly  reconciliation,  for  the  old  Union,  in  reality 
as  well  as  name,  has  passed  away,  and  the  struggle  must  be  con- 
tinued till  one  side  or  the  other  is  exhausted  and  willing  to  give  up. 
Peace — oh,  what  a  glorious  word,  and  how  sweet  and  delightful 
would  its  realization  be  to  me!  And  if  such  is  the  case,  how  desir- 
able for  thousands  and  thousands  of  others,  who  have  not  gained,  as 
I  have  by  war,  distinction  and  fame ! 

Camp  near  Sharpsburg,  Md.,  October  5,  1862. 

Since  writing  to  you  the  President  of  the  United  States  has  visited 
our  camp  and  reviewed  our  corps.  I  had  the  distinguished  honor  of 
accompanying  him  to  the  battle-field,  where  General  McClellan 
pointed  out  to  him  the  various  phases  of  the  day,  saying  here  it  was 
that  Meade  did  this  and  there  Meade  did  that;  which  all  was  very 
gratifying  to  me.  He  seemed  very  much  interested  in  all  the  move- 
ments of  Hooker's  corps.  I  do  not  know  the  purport  of  the  Presi- 
dent's visit,  but  I  think  it  was  to  urge  McClellan  on,  regardless  of  his 
views,  or  the  condition  of  the  army.  I  think,  however,  he  was  in- 
formed of  certain  facts  in  connection  with  this  army  which  have 
opened  his  eyes  a  little,  and  which  may  induce  him  to  pause  and  re- 
flect before  he  interferes  with  McClellan  by  giving  positive  orders. 
For  instance,  the  following,  confidentially  written:  I  prepared  a 
statement,  showing  that  Hooker's  corps  on  paper  was  thirty-one 
thousand  five  hundred  strong;  that  of  this  number  there  were  pres- 
ent for  duty  only  twelve  thousand,  and  of  these,  a  numerical  list, 
made  on  the  day  of  the  battle,  after  we  came  out  of  action,  showed 
only  seven  thousand.  Hence,  while  the  United  States  were  paying, 
and  the  authorities  at  Washington  were  relying  and  basing  their 
orders  and  plans  on  the  belief  that  we  had  thirty-one  thousand  five 
hundred  men,  facts  showed  that  we  had  in  reality,  on  the  field  fight- 
ing, only  nine  thousand.  As  to  the  seven  thousand  that  came  out 
of  the  fight,  we  should  add  some  two  thousand  killed  and  wounded 
in  it.  It  would  take  too  much  time  to  explain  this  apparent  para- 
dox. Suffice  it  to  say,  it  results  from  a  serious  evil,  due  to  the  char- 
acter and  constitution  of  our  volunteer  force,  and  from  the  absence 
of  that  control  over  the  men,  which  is  the  consequence  of  the  ineffi- 
ciency of  the  officers  commanding  them — I  mean  regimental  and  com- 


318  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

pany  officers.  Three  days  after  the  battle  this  corps  numbered 
twelve  thousand  officers  and  men,  though  on  the  evening  of  the 
battle  we  could  only  muster  seven  thousand.  Now,  the  difference 
of  five  thousand  constituted  the  cowards,  skulkers,  men  who  leave 
the  ground  with  the  wounded  and  do  not  return  for  days,  the  strag- 
glers on  the  march,  and  all  such  characters,  which  are  to  be  found 
in  every  army,  but  never  in  so  great  a  ratio  as  in  this  volunteer  force 
of  ours.  I  believe  all  that  saves  us  is  the  fact  that  they  are  no  bet- 
ter off  on  the  other  side,  and  it  is  well  known  that  on  the  17th  instant 
the  roads  to  Winchester  on  the  one  side,  and  Hagerstown  and  Fred- 
erick on  the  other,  were  filled  with  men  who  turned  their  backs  on 
their  respective  commands  engaged  in  fighting.  It  is,  from  all  I  can 
learn,  about  as  bad  on  one  side  as  the  other. 

To  John  Sergeant  Meade:1 

Camp  near  Sharpsburg,  Md.,  October  11,  1862. 
We  have  many  rumors  in  regard  to  the  changes  in  the  command- 
ing general  of  this  army,  and  it  seems  to  be  generally  conceded  that 
if  McClellan  is  removed,  Hooker  will  succeed  him.  Some  say  Mc- 
Clellan  is  again  to  be  commanding  general  of  the  whole  army  at 
Washington,  and  Halleck  is  to  return  to  the  West,  but  I  can  hardly 
believe  this.  Hooker  is  a  very  good  soldier  and  a  capital  officer  to 
command  an  army  corps,  but  I  should  doubt  his  qualifications  to 
command  a  large  army.  If  fighting,  however,  is  all  that  is  necessary 
to  make  a  general,  he  will  certainly  distinguish  himself.  I  am  afraid 
Stuart's  recent  raid  to  Chambersburg  will  do  McClellan  serious  in- 
jury, though  at  this  season  of  the  year,  when  the  upper  Potomac  can 
be  crossed  almost  anywhere,  it  was  a  physical  impossibility  with  our 
force  to  prevent  his  crossing  at  some  point.  We  are  now  trying  to 
catch  him  on  his  way  back,  and  I  trust  we  shall  succeed,  though  I 
expect  he  will  make  a  wide  sweep  either  to  the  westward  or  eastward 
and  try  to  get  around  all  our  forces. 

To  Mrs.  George  G.  Meade: 

Camp  near  Sharpsburg,  Md.,  October  12,  1862. 
Hooker  and  I  are  old  acquaintances.     We  were  at  West  Point 
together,  served  in  Mexico  together,  and  have  met  from  time  to 

1  Son  of  General  Meade. 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  319 

time  since.  He  is  a  very  good  soldier,  capital  general  for  an  army 
corps,  but  I  am  not  prepared  to  say  as  to  his  abilities  for  carrying  on 
a  campaign  and  commanding  a  large  army.  I  should  fear  his  judg- 
ment and  prudence,  as  he  is  apt  to  think  the  only  thing  to  be  done 
is  to  pitch  in  and  fight.  He  injured  himself  in  Mexico  by  attaching 
himself  to  Pillow  and  his  clique.  Soon  after  the  Mexican  war,  being 
in  California,  he  resigned,  did  not  succeed  in  private  life,  and  at  one 
time  I  understood  he  was  quite  low  in  fortune,  and  was  glad  to  ac- 
cept the  position  of  wagon-master.  His  want  of  success,  added  to 
other  causes,  led  him  at  this  time  into  dissipation,  and  many  of  his 
friends  thought  he  was  ruined  and  gone.  At  the  commencement  of 
these  troubles  he  repaired  to  Washington,  and  through  California 
influence  procured  one  of  the  first  appointments  as  brigadier  general. 
At  Williamsburg  he  did  some  desperate  fighting,  and  had  a  flare  up 
with  Sumner  and  McClellan.  Being  always  intimate  with  the  Presi- 
dent, on  McDowell's  being  relieved  he  got  his  corps,  with  which  he 
was  fortunate  at  South  Mountain  and  Antietam.  Now  he  is  made, 
and  his  only  danger  is  the  fear  that  he  will  allow  himself  to  be  used 
by  McClellan's  enemies  to  injure  him.  Hooker  is  a  Democrat  and 
anti-Abolitionist — that  is  to  say,  he  was.  What  he  will  be,  when 
the  command  of  the  army  is  held  out  to  him,  is  more  than  any  one 
can  tell,  because  I  fear  he  is  open  to  temptation  and  liable  to  be  se- 
duced by  flattery. 

McClellan  does  not  seem  to  have  made  as  much  out  of  his  opera- 
tions in  Maryland  as  I  had  hoped  he  would,  and  as  I  think  he  is  en- 
titled to.  His  failure  to  immediately  pursue  Lee  (which  Hooker 
would  have  done),  and  now  this  raid  of  Stuart's  in  our  rear  (for  per- 
mitting which  the  public  will  hold  McClellan  accountable),  will  go 
far  towards  taking  away  from  him  the  prestige  of  his  recent  victories. 
I  don't  wish  you  to  mention  it,  but  I  think  myself  he  errs  on  the  side 
of  prudence  and  caution,  and  that  a  little  more  rashness  on  his  part 
would  improve  his  generalship. 

Stuart's  raid  will  undoubtedly  interfere  with  our  contemplated 
movements,  for  he  destroyed  at  Chambersburg  a  large  amount  of 
clothing  destined  for  this  army,  which  the  men  are  greatly  in  need 
of,  and  without  which  they  can  hardly  move. 

October  13. 
Stuart  has  succeeded  in  eluding  all  our  pursuing  parties,  and  has 
crossed  the  Potomac  near  the  mouth  of  the  Monocacy,  having  passed 
completely  around  our  army  and  stripped  the  country  clean  on  his 


320  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

track.  This  is  the  third  time  the  rascal  has  successfully  accomplished 
this  feat,  and  I  think  it  is  almost  time  we  had  learned  how  to  meet 
and  defeat  him.  I  expected,  however,  that  he  would  get  off,  because 
our  cavalry  was  scattered,  and  could  not  be  collected  in  time  to  op- 
pose him  and  cut  him  off.  This  will  be  a  mortifying  affair  to 
McClellan,  and  will  do  him,  I  fear,  serious  injury.  I  am  getting  very 
tired  of  inactivity,  and  though  I  am  not  fond  of  fighting,  yet  if  we 
have  to  do  it,  I  think  the  sooner  we  get  at  it  and  have  it  over  the 
better.  I  have  just  been  to  see  Humphreys,  who  has  a  division  of 
raw  Pennsylvania  troops  right  near  us.  I  was  mistaken  in  saying 
the  Corn  Exchange  regiment  was  in  his  division.  It  is  attached  to 
the  division  commanded  by  Major  General  Morrell. 

Camp  near  Sharpsburg,  Md.,  October  20,  1862. 
Our  last  advices  from  the  enemy  are  that  he  is  falling  back  from 
Winchester,  but  every  hour  and  day  bring  their  different  report,  and 
perhaps  this  afternoon  we  will  hear  he  is  advancing  to  cross  the  river. 
For  my  part  I  wish  he  would  stay  and  meet  us,  for  if  he  falls  toward 
Richmond  we  shall  be  compelled  to  follow  him,  and  it  is  getting  too 
late  to  campaign  in  the  northern  part  of  Virginia,  in  consequence  of 
the  bad  condition  of  the  roads  as  soon  as  it  begins  to  rain;  whereas 
if  he  will  only  stay  about  Winchester,  we  can  in  one  or  two  days' 
march  come  up  with  him.  Everyone  who  returns  to  camp  says  that 
McClellan's  position  is  most  precarious,  and  that  if  he  does  not  ad- 
vance soon  and  do  something  brilliant,  he  will  be  superseded.  At 
the  same  time  they  do  not,  or  will  not,  send  from  Washington  the 
supplies  absolutely  necessary  for  us  to  have  before  we  can  move.  I 
have  hundreds  of  men  in  my  command  without  shoes,  going  bare- 
footed, and  I  can't  get  a  shoe  for  a  man  or  beast.  I  had  to  send 
money  to-day  to  Frederick  to  buy  shoes,  to  have  my  horses  shod,  which 
article  the  Government  is  bound  to  furnish  me  with,  and  yet  they 
won't  send  them.  Our  artillery  horses  and  train  animals  have  been 
literally  starving,  and  have  been  suffering  for  the  want  of  forage,  and 
our  men  for  the  want  of  clothing,  and  yet  we  can't  get  these  things. 


To  John  Sergeant  Meade: 

Camp  near  Sharpsburg,  October  23,  1862. 
We  are  in  hourly  expectation  of  marching  orders.     We  have  been 
detained  here  by  the  failure  of  the  Government  to  push  forward  rein- 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  321 

forcements  and  supplies.  You  will  hardly  believe  me  when  I  tell 
you  that  as  early  as  the  7th  of  this  month  a  telegram  was  sent  to 
Washington  informing  the  Clothing  Department  that  my  division 
wanted  three  thousand  pairs  of  shoes,  and  that  up  to  this  date  not 
a  single  pair  has  yet  been  received  (a  large  number  of  my  men 
are  barefooted)  and  it  is  the  same  thing  with  blankets,  overcoats, 
etc.,  also  with  ammunition  and  forage.  What  the  cause  of  this  un- 
pardonable delay  is  I  can  not  say,  but  certain  it  is,  that  some  one  is 
to  blame,  and  that  it  is  hard  the  army  should  be  censured  for  inac- 
tion, when  the  most  necessary  supplies  for  their  movement  are  with- 
held, or  at  least  not  promptly  forwarded  when  called  for. 


To  Mrs.  George  G.  Meade: 

Camp  near  Berlin,  Md.,  October  28,  1862. 

Day  before  yesterday  we  received  orders  to  move  to  this  place. 
We  immediately  started  in  a  pouring  rain,  and  marched  some  nine 
miles  before  nightfall.  The  next  day  the  weather  fortunately  changed 
and  we  reached  here  in  good  time.  This  place  is  opposite  Leesburg, 
already  several  corps  have  crossed  the  river,  and  we  hear  our  people 
are  in  Leesburg.  It  is  also  reported  that  we  have  occupied  Win- 
chester with  our  cavalry,  without  opposition,  but  this  is  not  very 
reliable.  At  any  rate  we  are  about  advancing,  and  it  is  for  the  enemy 
to  say  whether  or  not  he  will  dispute  our  march,  as  I  have  before 
written  to  you,  I  hope  he  will,  as  the  nearer  we  find  him  the  better 
for  us,  and  the  more  dangerous  for  him.  This  fact,  however,  leads 
me  to  believe  he  will  fall  back  to  the  line  of  the  Rappahannock,  which 
will  compel  us  to  march  some  distance  before  we  can  get  into  his 
vicinity.  I  think  my  division  will  cross  the  river  to-morrow.  We 
have  a  pontoon  bridge  at  this  point,  and  bridges  at  Harper's  Ferry 
some  six  miles  above  here.  The  army  is  crossing  at  both  places, 
and  I  suppose  will  continue  to  advance  towards  Richmond  until  they 
meet  with  opposition. 

I  see  the  papers  state  that  McClellan  has  written  the  Department 
at  Washington  that  he  has  been  fully  supplied  with  everything  as 
fast  as  he  called  for  it.  This  is  false,  and  I  know  it  to  be  false.  I 
saw  in  another  paper  that  the  excuse  given  by  the  Department,  for 
failing  to  supply  the  army,  was  the  large  and  unexpected  losses  en- 
countered in  the  Pope  campaign. 


322  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

Camp  near  Berlin,  Md.,  October  29,  1862. 

I  am  very  glad  you  were  so  much  pleased  with  Mr.  Dehon.  His 
visit  to  you  was  in  truth  a  great  compliment,  because  it  was  the  sole 
cause  of  his  stopping  in  Philadelphia.  His  son  is  a  very  clever  young 
man,  about  twenty-two  years  of  age,  whom  I  accidentally  encoun- 
tered when  I  was  in  command  of  the  Army  Corps,  and  very  much  in 
want  of  staff  officers.  He  was  recommended  to  me  by  young  Will- 
iams,1 on  Rickett's  staff,  who  simply  said  he  was  a  gentleman.  I 
have  been  so  much  pleased  with  him,  that  after  my  return  to  the 
Division,  I  retained  him,  although  I  hardly  had  that  right,  he  be- 
longing to  another  division.  His  father,  who  has  been  a  Boston 
democrat,  was  very  prominent  in  getting  up  the  Twelfth  Regiment 
for  Fletcher  Webster.  I  presume  this  favor  to  him,  for  it  was  a 
favor,  did  much  towards  impressing  him  agreeably  in  regard  to  me. 
Now  you  will  say  this  is  my  modesty  and  usual  underrating  of  my 
exceeding  great  abilities.  I  must  confess  I  was  not  aware  that  I 
was  such  a  hero  as  you  say  the  public  declare  me  to  be,  and  I  fear 
it  will  take  more  than  newspaper  correspondents  and  your  great  love 
to  make  me  believe  I  am  anything  more  than  an  ordinary  soldier 
conscientiously  doing  his  duty.  One  thing,  however,  I  am  willing 
to  admit,  and  that  is,  that  I  consider  myself  as  good  as  most  of  my 
neighbors,  and  without  great  vanity  may  say  that  I  believe  myself 
to  be  better  than  some  who  are  much  higher. 

As  to  the  termination  of  the  war,  I  see  no  prospect  of  such  a  de- 
sirable result.  A  war  so  unnecessary  must  last  till  one  or  the  other 
side  is  brought  to  its  senses  by  the  oppressive  burdens  that  ensue. 
As  yet,  this  state  of  affairs  has  not  been  reached.  The  South  ac- 
cepts ruin,  and  is  willing  to  have  all  its  material  interests  destroyed 
if  it  can  only  secure  its  independence.  The  North,  owing  to  the 
villainous  system  of  paper  money,  the  postponement  of  taxation  and 
of  the  draft,  has  not  yet  realized  the  true  condition  of  the  country. 

Camp  near  Waterford,  Va.,  November  1,  1862. 
I  intended  to  have  written  you  a  long  letter  to-day,  but  just  as 
I  was  getting  ready,  the  orders  for  us  to  move  on  arrived.  We  crossed 
the  river  day  before  yesterday,  and  reached  this  camp.  Yesterday  I 
was  busy  exploring  the  country.  I  also  had  to  go  with  Reynolds  to 
see  Burnside,  who  is  near  us.  Among  his  officers  I  met  young  Pell, 
son  of  Duncan  Pell,  of  New  York,  about  whom  I  think  I  wrote  to 

1  John  Worthington  Williams,  of  Philadelphia. 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  323 

you  during  the  Pope  campaign.  At  any  rate,  Burnside  sent  him  to 
Reynolds  when  we  left  Fredericksburg.  On  returning  he  was  capt- 
ured and  fell  into  the  hands  of  A.  P.  Hill,  who  knowing  Burnside 
very  intimately,  treated  Pell  with  much  kindness  and  distinction. 
Soon  after  his  capture  the  battle  of  Bull  Run  began.  Pell  says  he 
told  Hill  he  would  like  to  see  the  fun,  whereupon  Hill  mounted  him 
and  took  him  on  the  field,  where  he  (Pell)  saw  the  whole  battle. 
He  says  they  were  whipped  the  first  day,  and  if  we  had  only  pressed 
them  the  second  day  they  would  have  retreated. 

We  are  in  a  beautiful  country,  the  valley  of  the  Catoctin  Creek, 
between  Leesburg  and  Winchester.  We  do  not  hear  much  about  the 
enemy.  Tell  Sergeant1  to  get  you  Lord's  map  of  the  state  of  Virginia, 
it  gives  a  fair  description  and  idea  of  localities.  For  instance,  we  are 
not  far  from  Waterford  now,  and  we  expect  to  be  near  Hamilton 
to-night. 

Camp  near  Purcellville,  Va.,  November  3,  1862. 

We  yesterday  moved  to  this  place,  which  for  a  time  placed  us  in 
the  advance,  but  to-day  Burnside  has  gone  ahead  of  us,  and  I  pre- 
sume to-morrow  we  shall  push  on  again.  It  appears  the  enemy  are 
still  either  in  the  Valley  of  the  Shenandoah  or  are  manoeuvring  to 
make  us  believe  so.  To-day  their  cavalry  in  large  force,  with  artil- 
lery, have  been  disputing  the  advance  of  our  cavalry,  and  I  under- 
stand this  afternoon  they  displayed  infantry.  If  this  be  the  case, 
they  either  intend  to  give  us  battle  in  this  valley,  which  lies  between 
the  Bull  Run  Mountains  and  the  Mountains  of  the  Shenandoah,  or 
else  they  desire  to  check  our  advance  and  gain  time  to  concentrate 
their  forces  in  those  mountain  defiles,  which  the  position  of  our  forces 
seem  to  threaten.  Of  these  gaps,  or  defiles,  there  are  two  principal 
ones,  one  called  Ashby's  Gap,  through  which  the  pike  from  Alexan- 
dria to  Winchester  runs;  the  other,  Snicker's  Gap,  through  which 
the  pike  from  Leesburg  to  Winchester  passes.  One  or  the  other  of 
these,  or  probably  both,  we  shall  attempt  to  force,  and  they  of  course 
to  dispute,  in  case  they  are  going  to  remain  at  Winchester.  Their 
infantry  appearing  would  seem  to  indicate  they  feel  strong  enough 
to  descend  the  mountain  and  meet  us  in  this  valley,  which  I  think 
is  all  the  better  for  us,  as  it  would  save  us  the  trouble  of  forcing  the 
mountain  passes,  which,  after  all,  as  at  South  Mountain,  is  only  a 
preliminary  step  to  the  battle  to  be  fought  afterwards.  It  is  not 
impossible,  therefore,  we  may  have  a  decisive  battle  in  a  day  or  two, 

1  Son  of  General  Meade. 


324  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

of  which  perhaps  the  telegraph  will  give  you  notice  before  this  reaches 
you.  At  the  same  time,  they  are  so  skillful  in  strategy,  all  their 
present  movements  may  only  be  to  cover  the  withdrawal  of  their 
army  to  Gordonsville  and  the  line  of  the  Rapidfcn.  If  it  should 
prove  so,  as  we  will  have  immediately  to  follow  them  and  attack 
them  there,  we  might  just  as  well  do  so  here  as  to  have  to  march 
some  forty  or  fifty  miles  to  do  the  same  thing.  We  shall  have,  from 
all  I  can  learn,  about  one  hundred  and  thirty  thousand  men,  nearly 
double  our  force  at  Antietam.  I  don't  see  how  they  can  have  doubled 
theirs,  in  which  case  we  ought  to  outnumber  them;  and  if  we  only 
do  that,  and  are  properly  handled,  victory  is  sure  to  be  ours. 

I  saw  to-day  General  Willcox,  our  Detroit  friend.  I  also  saw 
Poe  for  a  few  minutes  yesterday,  looking  very  well,  but  very  much 
disgusted  at  not  being  made  a  brigadier  general.  He  told  me  he  was 
in  Washington  a  few  days  ago  and  saw  General  Halleck  about  his 
promotion,  showing  him  letters  from  Generals  Kearney,  Hooker, 
Stoneman  and  others  under  whom  he  had  served,  warmly  recom- 
mending his  promotion.  Halleck  told  him  they  were  the  strongest 
letters  he  had  ever  seen  and  proved  most  fully  his  claims,  but  said 
he:  "To  be  frank  with  you,  Colonel  Poe,  with  only  such  letters  (i.  e., 
military  evidence  of  fitness),  your  chances  of  promotion  are  about 
equal  to  those  of  a  stumped-tail  bull  in  fly-time."  In  other  words, 
merit  without  political  influence  is  no  argument  in  your  favor.  Poe 
told  me  that  Chandler  was  bitterly  opposed  to  him  and  had  de- 
nounced him  to  the  War  Department  as  disloyal,  and  that  he  had 
been  compelled  to  file  at  the  War  Department  evidences  of  his  loy- 
alty. I  told  him  he  ought  to  have  sent  to  you  for  a  letter  endorsing 
his  Black  Republicanism  at  Detroit  in  the  spring  of  1861,  at  which 
he  laughed.  He  told  me  Kirby  Smith  had  never  been  in  a  fight,  and 
received  his  wound  at  Corinth,  at  the  very  commencement  of  the 
action,  just  as  he  was  mounting  his  horse.  He  also  said  he  heard 
the  other  day  of  Beckham,  through  an  officer  who  was  a  prisoner, 
and  that  Beckham  was  chief  of  artillery  to  G.  W.  Smith's  division. 
He  knew  nothing  of  Procter  Smith,  but  understood  he  was  in  the 
Confederate  service. 

Camp  at  Warrenton,  Va.,  November  7,  1862. 

To-day  Alexander  Coxe1  has  arrived.  He  had  a  pretty  hard  time 
catching  us,  and  had  to  ride  yesterday  nearly  fifty  miles. 

I  have  not  had  time  to  write  to  you  for  some  days  past,  as  we 

1  Alexander  Brinton  Coxe,  aide-de-camp  to  General  Meade. 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  325 

have  been  marching  all  the  time,  and  owing  to  the  crowded  state  of 
the  roads,  we  have  been  obliged  to  leave  camp  very  early  in  the 
morning  and  be  detained  till  late  in  getting  in.  One  night  it  was 
twelve  o'clock  before  we  went  into  camp.  Soon  after  I  wrote  you, 
our  reconnoitering  parties  ascertained  positively  the  enemy  had  been 
or  were  falling  back  from  Winchester,  when  we  immediately  started 
to  try  and  get  ahead  of  them;  an  operation  I  never  had  the  remot- 
est idea  we  would  or  could  succeed  in,  as  they  are  much  less  encum- 
bered with  trains  than  we  are,  and  are  much  better  marchers.  Our 
corps  and  division  reached  this  place  last  evening,  the  storm  and  the 
necessity  of  waiting  till  the  railroad  to  this  place  can  be  opened  and 
supplies  thrown  forward,  have  delayed  us  somewhat. 

I  note  all  you  say  about  George.1  He  will  have  a  comparatively 
pleasant  time,  and  I  will  quote  for  your  comfort  a  part  of  a  secesh 
lady's  letter  recently  captured  (i.  e.,  the  letter)  in  which  she  says:  "I 
want  John  (her  son)  to  go  into  the  cavalry,  because  I  see  that  very  few 
of  that  arm  of  the  service  are  either  killed  or  wounded, "  which  is  a  fact; 
we  have  not  lost  over  a  dozen  cavalry  officers  since  the  war  began. 

Camp  near  Warrenton,  Va.,  November  8,  1862. 

To-day  the  order  has  been  received  relieving  McClellan  from  duty 
with  this  army,  and  placing  Burnside  in  command.  I  must  confess 
I  was  surprised  at  this,  as  I  thought  the  storm  had  blown  over.  If 
he  had  been  relieved  immediately  after  the  battle  of  Antietam,  or 
at  any  period  before  he  moved,  I  could  have  seen  some  show  of 
reason  on  military  grounds.  This  removal  now  proves  conclusively 
that  the  cause  is  political,  and  the  date  of  the  order,  November  5th 
(the  day  after  the  New  York  election)  confirms  it. 

The  army  is  filled  with  gloom  and  greatly  depressed.  Burnside, 
it  is  said,  wept  like  a  child,  and  is  the  most  distressed  man  in  the 
army,  openly  says  he  is  not  fit  for  the  position,  and  that  McClellan 
is  the  only  man  we  have  who  can  handle  the  large  army  collected  to- 
gether, one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  men.  We  (the  generals) 
are  going  to-morrow  in  a  body  to  pay  our  respects  and  bid  farewell 
to  McClellan,  who  leaves  in  the  afternoon.  He  is  ordered  to  Trenton, 
N.  J.,  to  await  further  orders. 

Camp  near  Warrenton,  Va.,  November  9,  1862. 
To-day,  in  company  with  the  other  generals  of  our  corps,  I  called 
to  see  McClellan.     Reynolds  made  a  few  remarks,  saying  we  had 

1  Son  of  General  Meade,  lieutenant  6th  Pa.  Cav. — "Rush's  Lancers." 


326  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

learned  with  deep  regret  of  his  departure  and  sincerely  hoped  he 
would  soon  return.  McClellan  was  very  much  affected,  almost  to 
tears,  and  said  that  separation  from  this  army  was  the  severest  blow 
that  could  be  inflicted  upon  him.     The  army  is  greatly  depressed. 

We  have  had  quite  a  snow  storm,  and  to-day,  though  clear,  is 
very  raw  and  cold.  Our  men  suffer  a  good  deal;  what  the  South- 
erners do,  without  clothing  or  shelter  of  any  kind,  I  cannot  imagine. 
I  should  think  their  sufferings  must  be  very  much  greater  than  ours. 
Sumner  has  returned,  and  it  is  said  Hooker  is  coming.  If  he  does, 
Reynolds  will  take  my  division,  and  I  shall  come  down  to  a  brigade. 
The  removal  of  McClellan,  however,  will  keep  Hooker  away,  if  he 
can  possibly  avoid  coming,  as  I  know  he  will  not  serve  voluntarily 
under  Burnside.  Still,  it  is  said  Hooker  has  injured  himself  very 
much  by  his  prolonged  stay  in  Washington,  where  he  has  talked  too 
much  and  too  indiscreetly,  and  that  he  is  not  now  half  as  strong  as 
when  he  went  there. 

Tell  Sargie1  I  have  received  and  perused  with  great  interest  the 
thrilling  tale,  in  Peterson's,  of  the  wonderful  magnanimity  of  the 
Duke  of  Medina  Sidonia.     Such  heroes  don't  live  nowadays. 

Camp  near  Rappahannock  Station,  Va.,  November  13,  1862. 
Day  before  yesterday  we  moved  to  this  position,  some  ten  miles 
from  Warrenton.  On  the  same  day  McClellan  left  us,  to  the  regret 
and  sincere  grief  of  the  whole  army.  Yesterday,  I  am  informed, 
Generals  Halleck  and  Meigs  made  their  appearance  at  Warrenton, 
and  it  is  understood  a  grand  council  of  war  is  to  be  held  to-day. 
McClellan  has  always  objected  to  operating  on  this  line,  and  insisted 
on  the  James  River  as  being  the  proper  base  for  operations.  Halleck, 
under  Washington  influence,  has  been  trying  to  force  operations  on 
this  line — that  is,  the  Orange  and  Alexandria  Railroad.  Now,  this 
road  has  but  one  track,  and  the  distance  from  Alexandria  to  Gor- 
donsville  is  over  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles.  This  distance  and  the 
known  capacity  of  the  road  is  insufficient  by  one-third  to  carry  the 
daily  supplies  required  for  this  army.  This  fact  to  an  ordinarily 
intelligent  mind,  unbiased  by  ridiculous  fears  for  the  safety  of  Wash- 
ington, ought  to  be  conclusive.  The  next  line,  and  the  one  Burn- 
side  favors  as  a  compromise,  is  the  one  from  Fredericksburg  to  Rich- 
mond. This  is  open  to  the  same  objection  as  the  other,  except  it  is 
only  seventy-five  miles.  Still,  it  will  require  a  larger  army  to  pro- 
tect these  seventy-five  miles  and  keep  open  our  communications  than 

1  Son  of  General  Meade. 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  327 

it  will  to  attack  Richmond  itself.  What  the  result  of  the  council 
will  be,  no  one  can  tell;  but,  as  I  have  above  conjectured,  it  is  prob- 
able that,  if  Burnside  proves  stubborn,  he  will  be  told  he  must  give 
way  to  one  who  is  more  reasonable.  I  also  hear  that  Hooker  is  at 
Warrenton,  and  has  been  placed  in  command  of  Fitz-John  Porter's 
corps,  Porter  having  been  relieved  and  ordered  to  Washington.  I 
have  not  seen  Hooker,  as  he  did  not  arrive  at  Warrenton  till  after  I 
had  left.  His  having  command  only  of  a  corps,  under  Burnside,  in 
command  of  the  army,  and  Sumner  in  command  of  two  corps,  is 
decidedly  a  coming  down  for  Hooker,  from  the  expectations  the  army 
and  the  public  had  been  led  to  indulge  in  from  the  tone  of  the  public 
press;  and  confirms  what  I  have  told  you,  that  Hooker  talked  him- 
self out  in  Washington.  What  we  are  coming  to  I  cannot  tell,  but 
I  must  confess  this  interference  by  politicians  with  military  men,  and 
these  personal  intrigues  and  bickerings  among  military  men,  make  me 
feel  very  sad  and  very  doubtful  of  the  future.  It  does  seem  as  if 
Providence  was  against  us,  and  that  it  was  decreed  we  should  not 
succeed  as  we  ought  to.  The  assigning  of  Hooker  to  Porter's  corps 
leaves  Reynolds,  I  presume,  permanently  in  command  of  our  corps, 
and  will  leave  me  undisturbed  in  command  of  my  division.  For  this 
I  ought  to  be,  and  am,  duly  grateful,  and  as  some  time  since  it  was  the 
height  of  my  ambition  to  have  a  division,  I  suppose  I  ought  to  be 
satisfied  with  its  accomplishment,  which  I  would  be,  if  I  saw  mat- 
ters going  on  in  other  respects  as  I  think  they  ought  to. 

The  enemy,  who  for  some  time  were  disposed  to  dispute  our  ad- 
vance and  had  constant  skirmishing  with  us,  have  been  quiet  for 
two  days  past.  They  are  said  to  be  in  force  at  Culpepper  Court 
House,  some  eighteen  miles  in  our  front,  and  Jackson,  with  a  con- 
siderable body,  is  reported  as  being  yet  in  the  Valley  of  the  Shenan- 
doah, waiting  for  a  good  chance  to  fall  on  our  rear,  and  effect  one  of 
his  bold  and  audacious  raids.  I  look  anxiously  to  see  the  result  of 
McClellan's  removal  on  the  public  mind. 

Camp  near  Rappahannock  Station,  November  14,  1862. 
Generals  Halleck  and  Meigs,  as  I  anticipated,  objected  to  the 
change  of  base  from  the  Orange  and  Alexandria  Railroad  to  the 
Fredericksburg  Railroad,  but  after  discussion  yielded  their  views  to 
those  of  the  general  officers  in  command,  and  have  returned  to  Wash- 
ington, to  endeavor  to  obtain  the  sanction  of  the  still  greater  general, 
Stanton.    It  is  also  understood  the  army  is  to  be  divided  into  three 


328  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

commands,  each  of  two  corps,  to  be  commanded  respectively  by 
Sumner,  Hooker  and  Franklin.  Our  corps  is  to  be  under  Franklin. 
Baldy  Smith  takes  Franklin's  corps,  and  Sykes  is  to  have  Porter's 
corps. 

General  McCall  sent  me  Hooker's  report  of  the  battle  of  Glendale,1 
and  called  on  me,  as  the  present  commander  of  the  division,  to  reply 
to  it;  but  I  answered  him  that  I  considered  his  being  in  command 
at  that  time  constituted  him  the  proper  person  to  reply,  and  if  not 
himself,  then  Seymour,  who  commanded  the  Third  Brigade,  which 
was  on  the  left  of  our  line  and  adjacent  to  Hooker's  command.  I 
further  told  McCall  that  I  hardly  thought  it  worth  while  to  make 
any  public  reply  to  Hooker;  that  the  reputation  of  the  Reserves 
was  now  well  established,  and  the  facts  of  the  New  Market  battle 
very  generally  known,  and  Hooker's  report  would  carry  its  antidote 
with  its  bane.  What  McCall  has  done  I  do  not  know,  as  I  have 
not  heard  from  him  since.  I  have  no  doubt  a  portion  of  Seymour's 
command  did  run  through  Hooker's  line,  but  he  has  made  the  mis- 
take of  confounding  this  portion  of  one  brigade  with  the  whole  divi- 
sion, thus  depriving  us  of  the  credit  of  having  for  four  hours  resisted 
an  overwhelming  onset  of  vastly  superior  numbers,  and  by  this  re- 
sistance, and  the  check  which  we  gave  the  enemy,  preventing  his 
piercing  our  army,  and  enabling  it  that  night  to  concentrate  on  the 
banks  of  the  James  River,  which  they  never  would  have  or  could  have 
effected  if  our  whole  division  had  run  at  the  first  fire,  as  Hooker  charges. 

Camp  near  Rappahannock  Station,  November  16,  1862. 

To-day  is  Sunday.  No  church  bells,  or  stream  of  well-dressed 
people  on  their  way  to  church,  or  eloquent  appeals  from  the  pulpit 
for  us  poor  fellows,  doomed  to  practically  set  aside  some  of  the  most 
prominent  of  God's  laws,  in  reference  to  charity  and  love  to  our 
neighbors. 

No  orders  have  yet  been  received  for  our  division  to  move,  though 
it  is  understood  Burnside's  project  has  been  approved  and  the  move- 
ment towards  Fredericksburg  has  commenced.  I  suppose  some  time 
in  the  course  of  to-day,  or  perhaps  in  the  night,  our  orders  will  come, 
I  have  seen  no  one  since  leaving  Warrenton,  not  even  Reynolds,  who 
has  spent  most  of  his  time  at  that  place  pow-wowing  with  the  big 
Indians,  so  that  I  am  not  posted  up  in  plans,  hopes,  or  fears.  Sey- 
mour has  been  relieved  from  duty  with  this  army,  at  his  own  request, 

1  Or  New  Market  Road,  June  30,  1862. 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  329 

that  he  might  go  to  a  warmer  climate.  He  left  us  this  morning. 
Seymour  was  an  excellent  soldier,  of  good  judgment,  cool  courage, 
and  in  time  of  action  of  great  and  valuable  assistance,  as  I  found  at 
South  Mountain  and  Antietam.  As  these  are  considerations  of  the 
utmost  importance,  his  loss  will  be  seriously  felt  by  me.  I  have  now 
but  one  brigadier  under  me,  and  he  a  promotion  from  one  of  the 
Reserve  regiments — a  very  good  man.  The  other  two  brigades  are 
commanded  by  colonels,  both  West  Pointers — one,  Magilton,  the 
other  Sinclair,  a  young  officer  of  artillery,  will,  I  think,  prove  efficient 
and  of  assistance. 

Camp  near  Stafford  Court  House,  Va.,  November  20,  1862. 

The  occupation  of  the  march  the  last  few  days  has  prevented  my 
writing  to  you.  I  suppose  you  have  seen  in  the  papers  the  order 
dividing  the  army  into  three  grand  divisions,  and  giving  the  com- 
mand of  certain  corps  to  the  senior  officers  on  duty  with  those  corps. 
This  places  General  Butterfield  in  command  of  Porter's  corps.  Gen- 
eral Butterfield  is  my  junior,  and  I  am  his  only  senior  on  duty  with 
this  army.  I  thought  that  both  Stoneman  and  A.  S.  Williams  had 
divisions,  both  of  whom  are  my  seniors;  but  to-day  I  find  Stoneman 
has  a  corps  and  that  Williams  is  not  with  this  army,  having  been 
left  on  the  Potomac.  Hence  I  am  the  only  general  who  is  affected 
by  the  giving  a  corps  to  Butterfield.  I  saw  to-day  Franklin  and 
Baldy  Smith,  who  referred  to  this  matter,  and  said  Burnside  did  not 
know  how  to  arrange  it  otherwise,  and  they  thought  if  I  made  an  appli- 
cation to  Burnside  and  gave  him  any  chance  of  acting,  that  he  would 
assign  me  to  the  corps.  This,  however,  is  a  very  delicate  matter, 
and  I  have  seen  several  cases  where  such  action  has  ended  to  the  dis- 
comfiture of  the  protestant.  I  will,  however,  see  Parke  and  have 
a  talk  with  him,  and  see  how  the  land  lies,  and  if  there  is  any  pros- 
pect of  effecting  any  good,  I  will  act.  I  presume  you  understand  the 
question.  General  Butterfield  does  not  command  me,  but  his  com- 
mand being  a  corps,  and  I  his  senior,  in  command  only  of  a  division, 
I  have  a  right  to  complain;  just  as  I  did  when,  in  command  of  a 
brigade,  so  many  of  my  juniors  were  commanding  divisions.  Again, 
Martindale  belongs  to  that  corps,  and  will  doubtless,  now  that  he 
is  acquitted  by  the  court,  return  to  duty,  and  he  is  my  senior,  and 
would  have  the  right  to  command  it. 

I  presume  you  have  seen  Halleck's  letter  in  regard  to  the  sup- 
plying of  the  army.  It  is  a  piece  of  special  pleading  well  worthy  the 
brain  of  General  Halleck,  but  unfortunately  there  are  too  many  facts 


330         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

in  the  possession  of  this  army  to  disprove  all  he  asserts,  which  I  trust 
McClellan  will  now  come  out  publicly  and  expose.  My  letters  to 
you  of  themselves  are  sufficient  evidence,  and  nearly  every  general 
officer  in  the  army  can  testify  to  the  same  facts,  viz.,  that  their  requi- 
sitions for  clothing,  ammunition  and  other  supplies,  made  early  in 
October,  were  not  filled  till  the  end  of  the  month,  just  before  the 
movement  across  the  river  began.  But  what  are  truths  and  facts 
against  political  and  personal  malice  and  vindictiveness? 

Camp  near  Stafford  Court  House,  Va.,  November  22,  1862. 
It  rained  very  hard  all  day  yesterday,  rendering  the  roads  in  this 
vicinity  nearly  impassable.  The  railroad  from  Acquia  Creek  to 
Fredericksburg  will  take  ten  days  or  two  weeks  to  put  in  order,  if  it 
can  be  done  in  that  time.  In  the  meantime,  we  have  to  haul  all  our 
supplies  from  the  landing  at  Acquia  Creek,  ten  miles  distant,  over 
roads  which  are  barely  passable  with  half-loaded  wagons,  and  which 
in  a  short  time,  from  the  great  number  of  trains  passing  over  them, 
will  become  impassable.  Hence  we  have  out,  since  we  have  been 
here,  the  greater  portion  of  our  command,  trying  to  make  the  roads 
passable  by  corduroying  them — a  work  of  labor  and  time.  I  do  not 
see  how  we  can  advance  from  the  Rappahannock  unless  the  weather 
should  turn  cold  and  freeze  the  ground.  In  view  of  these  obstacles, 
it  is  most  trying  to  read  the  balderdash  in  the  public  journals  about 
being  in  Richmond  in  ten  days.  I  question  if  we  can  get  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Richmond  this  winter,  on  this  line.  I  have  no  doubt 
the  attempt  is  to  be  made  and  an  effort  to  force  us  on,  but  I  predict, 
unless  we  have  a  cold  spell,  freezing  the  ground,  that  we  will  break 
down,  lose  all  our  animals,  experience  great  suffering  from  want  of 
supplies,  and  if  the  enemy  are  at  all  energetic,  meet  with  a  check,  if 
not  disaster.  All  this  comes  from  taking  the  wrong  line  of  opera- 
tions, the  James  River  being  the  true  and  only  practicable  line  of 
approach  to  Richmond.  But  I  have  always  maintained  that  Rich- 
mond need  not  and  should  not  be  attacked  at  all;  that  the  proper 
mode  to  reduce  it  is  to  take  possession  of  the  great  lines  of  railroad 
leading  to  it  from  the  South  and  Southwest,  cut  these  and  stop  any 
supplies  going  there,  and  their  army  will  be  compelled  to  evacuate 
it  and  meet  us  on  the  ground  we  can  select  ourselves.  The  blind  in- 
fatuation of  the  authorities  at  Washington,  sustained,  I  regret  to  say, 
by  Halleck,  who  as  a  soldier  ought  to  know  better,  will  not  permit 
the  proper  course  to  be  adopted,  and  we  shall  have  to  take  the  con- 
sequences.   Perhaps  the  difficulty  of  moving  may  become  so  great 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  331 

and  apparent  that  we  will  be  compelled  to  go  into  winter  quarters 
here,  but  this  will  be  resisted  to  the  last  by  the  sages  at  Washington. 
I  could  not  get  to  General  Burnside's  headquarters  either  yesterday 
or  the  day  before,  although  his  camp  is  only  six  miles  from  mine, 
but  the  condition  of  the  roads,  and  the  rise  in  a  creek  between  us, 
effectually  cut  off  all  communications. 

Camp  near  Acquia  Creek,  November  23,  1862. 

We  moved  here  yesterday  to  be  on  the  railroad,  nearer  to  our 
supplies,  for  the  condition  of  the  roads  was  such  that  there  was  danger 
of  starvation  from  the  impossibility  of  hauling  loaded  wagons  over 
them. 

You  will  see  by  the  papers  that  the  enemy  have  appeared  at 
Fredericksburg,  and  evinced  a  disposition  to  dispute  our  crossing  the 
river  and  occupying  that  place.  I  think  this  is  only  to  gain  time,  and 
do  not  believe  they  have  any  very  serious  intentions  of  fighting  here, 
as  it  is  decidedly  against  their  interest.  Their  policy  is  to  draw  us 
as  far  as  possible  from  the  Potomac  and  then  to  attack  our  rear,  cut 
off  if  possible  our  lines  of  communication  and  supply,  and  compel  us, 
in  order  to  keep  these  open,  so  to  weaken  our  force  in  front  as  to 
prevent  our  attacking  them,  and  enabling  them,  if  they  can  collect 
sufficient  force,  to  attack  us.  Of  course,  they  will  dispute  every 
available  point  on  the  road,  and  hold  us  in  check  at  each  place  as 
long  as  they  can,  but  I  do  not  look  for  any  general  engagement  till 
we  get  to  the  junction  of  the  Gordonsville  and  Richmond  Road,  which 
is  some  fifteen  miles  from  the  latter  place  and  some  forty-five  miles 
from  Fredericksburg.  The  work  of  repairing  the  road  between 
Acquia  Creek  and  Fredericksburg  progresses  very  slowly.  We  may 
perhaps  be  favored  by  weather  after  getting  across  the  Rappahan- 
nock. If  the  cold  weather  sets  in  and  freezing  the  ground  makes 
the  roads  passable,  we  may  be  able  to  leave  Fredericksburg  with 
sufficient  provisions  and  ammunition  to  push  ahead  and  fight  a  big 
battle  wherever  we  may  meet  the  enemy.  If  we  prove  victorious, 
we  can  at  our  leisure  bring  up  supplies;  and  if  defeated,  we  will  have 
little  to  encumber  us  on  our  retreat.  I  presume  this  is  the  project, 
though  I  have  no  knowledge  but  my  own  surmises. 

Camp  near  Acquia  Creek,  November  24,  1862. 
Yesterday,  being  Sunday,  after  I  had  penned  a  few  lines  to  you,  I 
determined  I  would  go  and  see  Burnside  and  ascertain  whether  there 


332         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

was  any  meaning  in  his  recent  action.  On  my  way  (for  Burnside's 
headquarters  were  eight  miles  off)  I  accidentally  passed  Hooker's 
headquarters,  where  I  at  once  stopped  and  found  Hooker  at  home. 
Hooker  was  very  civil,  asked  if  you  had  sent  me  a  copy  of  his  letter 
to  Halleck,  said  he  had  written  another  since  his  return  to  the  army, 
and  that  I  should  have  two  stars  if  he  could  get  them.  Of  course  I 
thanked  Hooker  very  warmly.  I  spoke  then  of  the  object  of  my  visit 
to  headquarters,  as  Butterfield  is  in  Hooker's  grand  division,  and  I 
found  them  camping  together.  Hooker  said  he  thought  McClellan 
had  behaved  very  badly  to  me  in  putting  Reynolds  over  me,  as  he 
should  have  found  some  other  place  for  Reynolds.  This  of  course  I 
expected,  for  from  what  passed  I  evidently  saw  that  all  the  entente 
cordiale,  if  any  ever  existed,  was  gone  between  Hooker  and  McClel- 
lan. Hooker  spoke  very  freely;  said  at  one  time  he  expected  to  have 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  but  that  Halleck  would  not  go  West, 
though  McClellan  was  willing  to  return  to  Washington  as  general  in 
chief.  Hooker  gave  one  or  two  hits  at  Burnside,  and  rather  hinted 
it  might  not  be  very  long  yet  before  he  was  in  command.  After  get- 
ting through  with  my  talk  with  Hooker,  I  went  on  to  Burnside's 
headquarters  and  saw  him,  luckily  finding  him  alone.  I  said,  play- 
fully, I  had  come  to  pick  a  crow  with  him.  About  what?  he  imme- 
diately asked.  I  told  him  the  state  of  the  case.  He  promptly  as- 
sured me  he  was  until  that  moment  perfectly  ignorant  that  I  ranked 
Butterfield;  that  he  agreed  with  me  in  all  I  said;  that  he  would 
rather  have  me  in  command  of  the  corps;  that  Butterfield's  assign- 
ment was  only  temporary;  that  he  would  inquire  what  probability 
there  was  of  Sedgwick  or  any  other  senior  officer  being  sent,  and  if 
there  was  none,  and  there  was  a  probability  of  the  position  being 
open  for  any  time,  that  I  should  certainly  have  it,  as  I  was  the  last 
man  he  would  set  aside  or  slight  in  any  way.  I  told  him  I  knew 
there  was  no  intention  on  his  part  to  slight  me,  or  prejudice  my  rank, 
and  that  I  felt  satisfied  when  I  came,  that  he  was  not  aware  of  the 
relative  rank  of  Butterfield  and  myself;  indeed,  that  it  was  only  within 
a  day  or  two  that  I  had  become  apprised  of  the  fact  that  Butterfield 
had  the  corps,  and  that  I  was  his  only  senior  present  in  command  of 
a  division.  Hence  I  had  made  no  written  protest  and  now  made  no 
claim  to  the  command;  I  had  simply  come  to  let  him  know  the  true 
state  of  the  case,  and  should  leave  all  further  action  to  him,  confid- 
ing in  his  good  feeling  always  expressed  for  me.  I  stayed  but  a  short 
time,  as  it  was  near  dark,  and  I  had  eight  miles  to  ride  home.    I  came 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  333 

away,  however,  quite  satisfied  there  had  been  no  intention  to  do  me 
any  injustice,  and  that  had  Burnside  known  of  the  true  state  of  the 
case,  he  would  originally  have  assigned  me  to  the  corps.  I  do  not 
want  it  if  it  is  to  be  for  only  a  few  days,  to  give  place  to  some  other 
senior,  and  don't  mind  not  being  assigned,  now  that  I  am  satisfied 
nothing  personal  was  meant.  Burnside  told  me  the  enemy  were  evi- 
dently concentrating  their  forces  near  Fredericksburg,  and  he  thought 
we  should  have  to  fight  before  we  could  advance  from  there.  I  can- 
not believe  they  will  risk  a  great  battle,  under  circumstances  so  fa- 
vorable for  us,  as,  if  they  are  defeated,  at  such  a  distance  from  Rich- 
mond, they  cannot  prevent  our  following  them  right  up  to  that  city. 
On  the  other  hand,  if  we  are  defeated,  we  have  only  fifteen  miles  to 
get  back  to  our  gunboats  and  supplies.  We  are  now  waiting  to  re- 
pair the  road  from  Acquia  Creek  to  Fredericksburg,  accumulate  sup- 
plies and  get  up  our  pontoon  bridges,  when  we  will  cross  the  river. 
I  have  no  doubt  they  will  dispute  the  passage  of  the  river  and  en- 
deavor to  check  us  as  much  as  possible;  but  whether  they  will  risk 
a  general  battle  at  or  near  Fredericksburg  remains  to  be  seen. 

Camp  near  Acquia  Creek,  November  25,  1862. 
I  have  received  your  letters  of  the  20th  and  22d  inst.,  giving  an 
account  of  George's1  departure  for  his  regiment.  We  have  had  one 
or  two  very  fine  days;  the  railroad  is  repaired  some  seven  miles  of 
the  fifteen.  A  wharf  at  the  landing  has  been  constructed,  and  trains 
are  carrying  supplies  as  far  as  the  road  is  open.  In  the  meantime, 
the  enemy  are  said  to  be  concentrating  at  Fredericksburg,  and  the 
impression  gains  ground  that  our  passage  of  the  river  will  be  dis- 
puted, and  that  they  will  give  us  battle  here.  Our  course  is  plain — 
to  go  ahead — and  as  we  shall  have  to  fight  them  somewhere,  the  less 
distance  we  have  to  go  the  better  for  us.  I  am  still,  however,  of  the 
opinion  that  they  will  only  try  to  check  us  at  the  river,  and  will  not 
risk  a  general  battle. 

Camp  near  Brooks  Station,  Va.,  November  30,  1862. 
I  received  this  evening  your  letter  of  the  28th,  enclosing  one  from 
George.1  George's  letter  is  written  not  only  in  good  spirits,  but  in 
the  right  spirit,  and  gratified  me  very  much.  I  trust  he  will  always 
look  upon  men  and  things  in  the  same  sensible  light,  in  which  case 
he  will  avoid  much  of  the  trouble  that  young  men  are  so  apt  to  en- 

1  Son  of  General  Meade. 


334  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

counter,  from  thinking  those  over  them  are  always  inferior,  and  that 
they  know  so  much  better  what  ought  to  be  done  than  those  whose 
business  it  is  to  decide.  I  had  heard  before  you  wrote  that  Rush's 
regiment  was  ordered  here.  General  Bayard  told  me  the  regiment 
was  ordered  to  his  brigade,  which  is  encamped  right  alongside  of  me. 
I  said  I  was  glad  to  hear  it,  because  George  had  just  been  commis- 
sioned in  it  and  had  joined.  Bayard,  who  knows  George  and  all 
about  him,  at  once  said,  "I  will  take  him  on  my  staff;"  but  I  said 
no;  I  want  him  to  see  some  service  with  his  company,  and  learn  to 
command  men  and  be  initiated  in  the  details  of  service,  before  he 
goes  on  the  staff.  Bayard  replied,  "You  are  right."  I  certainly 
think  it  is  better  for  a  young  officer  to  serve  with  his  regiment  be- 
fore accepting  a  staff  appointment.  Coxe  had  a  letter  from  his 
brother  dated  on  Thanksgiving  Day,  three  days  after  George's.  He 
says  they  had  a  dreadful  time  on  the  scout  (George  writes  he  is  or- 
dered on),  having  to  ride  seventy-five  miles  in  one  day,  and  that  his 
horse  (Coxe's)  is  completely  used  up.  He  says  he  (C.)  is  attached 
to  one  of  the  two  new  companies,  which  are  to  be  left  at  Frederick, 
under  Major  Morris,1  the  rest  of  the  regiment  being  ordered  to  join 
Franklin  immediately.  So  I  shall  look  for  George  every  day,  whom 
I  shall  really  be  glad  to  see.  You  must  have  had,  from  your  account, 
a  most  dismal  Thanksgiving  dinner.  I  did  not  know  it  was  Thanks- 
giving Day  till  I  heard  some  one  complain  of  not  having  a  turkey  for 
dinner. 

Camp  near  Brooks  Station,  Va.,  December  2,  1862. 

Yesterday  I  rode  over  to  headquarters  and  saw  General  Burnside. 
As  usual,  he  was  very  civil  and  polite.  While  we  were  talking  he 
got  a  telegram  announcing  the  promotion  of  Reynolds  and  some  half 
a  dozen  of  brigadiers.  He  said  there  were  two  names  on  the  list 
ahead  of  Reynolds;  one  was  Senator  Rice,  of  Minnesota,  and  the 
other  Brigadier  General  Berry,  of  Maine,  who  has  been  in  service  some 
time.  I  also  understood  that  only  nine  appointments  to  major-gen- 
eralcies  were  to  be  made.  I  am  very  glad  Reynolds  is  promoted,  for 
I  have  always  thought  he  deserved  it  for  his  services  at  Mechanics- 
ville.  Reynolds  is  a  man  who  is  very  popular  and  always  impresses 
those  around  him  with  a  great  idea  of  his  superiority. 

I  could  not  find  out  from  Burnside  what  we  are  likely  to  do. 
Some  say  we  are  to  cross  the  river  immediately,  but  I  see  no  signs 

1  Robert  Morris,  Jr.,  of  Philadelphia. 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  335 

of  any  such  movement.  Hooker  is  very  anxious  for  a  move  and  is 
talking  very  freely  about  our  delay.  At  Burnside's  I  met  Franklin, 
who  invited  me  to  his  quarters  to  eat  a  turkey.  I  went  over  with 
him  and  had  a  very  pleasant  dinner,  and  in  the  evening  a  quiet  game 
of  whist. 

Camp  near  Brooks  Station,  Va.,  December  3,  1862. 
As  to  McClellan's  whitewashing  of  Meigs,  if  you  will  read  his 
letter  carefully,  you  will  find  he  says  "  he  never  in  any  despatch  cen- 
sured General  Meigs;  he  only  said  his  army  wanted  clothing,  and  it 
had  not  been  supplied,  and  he  could  not  move  till  it  was."  Now,  this 
is  very  ingenious,  and  is  on  the  principle  of  the  children's  expression, 
"If  the  shoe  pinches,"  etc.  Still,  I  am  willing  to  admit — and  you 
know  I  told  his  mother  so  last  August — McClellan  has  been  silent 
too  long.  Have  you  seen  the  published  extracts  from  the  pamphlet 
of  the  Prince  de  Joinville?  This  is  the  clearest  and  most  reliable 
vindication  of  McClellan's  military  character  which  has  yet  appeared. 
You  do  not  do  me  justice  in  regard  to  McClellan.  I  know  and  see 
his  faults  as  well  as  you  do,  but  I  cannot  for  this  reason  ignore  his 
capacity.  I  am  still  of  the  opinion  that  he  has  been  badly  treated, 
and  no  failure  on  his  part  to  do  justice  to  others  will  cause  me  to  fail 
to  do  justice  to  him. 

December  5,  1862. 

I  know  you  will  be  delighted  to  see  George's1  handwriting,  and 
on  the  same  sheet  with  mine.  George  is  looking  very  well  and  seems 
delighted  with  his  position.  He  gives  a  very  good  account  of  his 
company  and  regiment. 

We  are  going  to  move  to-morrow—that  is  to  say,  we  are  ordered 
to — but  as  it  has  been  snowing  and  raining  all  day,  and  is  snowing 
now,  I  fear  the  condition  of  the  roads  will  be  such  that  our  progress 
will  not  be  very  fast.  However,  this  kind  of  work  is  what  we  are  to 
expect  for  the  future,  so  we  might  as  well  make  up  our  minds  to  it, 
and  take  it  as  it  comes. 

The  paper  received  to-day  contains  General  Halleck's  official  re- 
port, which  confirms  what  I  previously  surmised — that  he  was  respon- 
sible for  Pope's  campaign,  which  he  attempts  most  lamely  to  vindicate. 
McClellan's  letter  to  him  from  Harrison's  Landing  is  most  able,  and 
his  reply  most  impotent. 

1  Son  of  General  Meade. 


336  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

Camp  near  Brooks  Station,  Va.,  December  6,  1862. 

I  have  just  sent  you  a  telegram  announcing  that  I  had  received 
from  Washington  notice  by  telegraph  of  my  promotion.  I  am  truly 
glad,  for  your  sake  as  well  as  my  own. 

I  wrote  you  a  few  lines  last  night,  at  the  end  of  George's  letter. 
Soon  after  closing,  an  order  came  countermanding  our  marching, 
owing  to  the  storm.  The  weather  is  very  cold  to-night,  everything 
freezing  hard;  but  with  my  stove  and  buffalo  robe,  and  with  the 
good  news  of  to-day,  I  bid  defiance  to  the  weather. 

Camp  near  Fredericksburg,  Va.,  December  9,  1862. 
I  have  not  written  for  two  days,  having  been  occupied  with  the 
march,  as  we  had  to  change  camp  from  our  position  near  Acquia 
Creek  Landing  to  our  present  location,  near  the  Rappahannock  River. 
The  day  we  moved  camp  (yesterday)  it  was  very  cold,  and  the  ground 
frozen  hard,  so  that  our  teams  found  no  difficulty  in  coming  the  ten 
miles  of  distance.  The  day  before  George's  regiment  moved  over 
here,  when  Colonel  Smith,  commanding,  took  a  wrong  road,  so  that 
they  had  to  march  some  twenty  miles  and  did  not  reach  their  camp 
till  late  at  night,  and  as  their  wagons  did  not  arrive  till  the  next 
morning,  they  had  to  pass  the  night,  a  bitter  cold  one,  in  the  woods, 
without  supper  or  blankets.  However,  they  borrowed  some  axes  and 
made  big  fires,  and  had,  George  said,  quite  a  jolly  time.  George 
dined  with  us  to-day,  and  I  was  at  his  camp  yesterday.  The  more 
I  see  of  the  regiment,  the  better  satisfied  I  am  with  George's  being 
in  it.  The  officers,  as  a  body,  are  very  much  superior  to  any  others 
(except  the  regulars),  and  there  is  a  tone,  altogether,  which  is  very 
marked  and  gratifying.  The  regiment  has  been  detailed  to  do  duty 
with  Franklin's  grand  division  and  separated  from  Bayard's  com- 
mand. This  they  do  not  like,  because  it  cuts  them  off  in  a  measure 
from  chances  of  distinction;  but  this,  I  fancy,  will  be  no  great  ob- 
jection in  your  mind.  I  have  seen  friend  Harding's  kind  notice  of 
my  promotion  in  the  Inquirer.  I  presume  you  notified  him  of  my 
telegram.  I  hope  we  have  not  counted  our  chickens  before  incuba- 
tion, but  as  yet  nothing  official  has  reached  me. 

Camp  near  Fredericksburg,  Va  ,  December  10 — Midnight. 
To-morrow  we  shall  cross  the  river,  and  I  think,  from  all  I  can 
learn,  may  possibly  have  an  engagement  with  the  enemy.     You  must 
excuse  the  brevity  of  this,  as  we  start  at  five  to-morrow  morning. 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  337 

Keep  up  your  spirits,  and  don't  believe  any  news  but  what  comes  in 
a  reliable  shape.  Of  course  no  man  can  go  into  action  without  run- 
ning risks,  but  our  heavenly  Father  has  shown  us  so  much  mercy  and 
loving  kindness  hitherto,  that  we  may  pray  for  its  continuance  and 
hope  for  the  best. 

Camp  opposite  Fredericksburg,  Va.,  December  16,  1862. 
I  hope  you  received  my  telegram  sent  on  the  evening  of  the  13th 
inst.,  announcing  my  safety.1  It  was  out  of  my  power  to  write,  and 
no  mails  were  permitted  to  leave  the  camps,  and  the  telegram  I  only 
smuggled  through  the  kindness  of  Seth  Williams.  I  almost  forget 
when  I  wrote  you  last,  but  I  think  it  was  on  the  10th  inst.  The  next 
day  we  moved  down  to  the  river  bank  and  commenced  throwing 
over  bridges  at  two  points,  one  opposite  the  town,  the  other  about 
two  miles  lower  down.  Franklin's  grand  division  was  assigned  to 
the  last  position.  The  bridges  were  finished  by  the  afternoon  of  the 
11th  without  any  opposition  at  our  place,  but  with  much  trouble 
and  quite  severe  loss  at  the  town.  On  the  12th  we  crossed.  Sumner 
at  the  town,  Franklin  below,  and  Hooker  remaining  in  reserve.  On 
the  13th  it  was  determined  to  make  an  attack  from  both  positions, 
and  the  honor  of  leading  this  attack  was  assigned  to  my  division.  I 
cannot  give  you  all  the  details  of  the  fight,  but  will  simply  say  my 
men  went  in  beautifully,  carried  everything  before  them,  and  drove 
the  enemy  for  nearly  half  a  mile,  but  finding  themselves  unsupported 
on  either  right  or  left,  and  encountering  an  overwhelming  force  of 
the  enemy,  they  were  checked  and  finally  driven  back.  As  an  evi- 
dence of  the  work  they  had  to  do,  it  is  only  necessary  to  state  that 
out  of  four  thousand  five  hundred  men  taken  into  action,  we  know 
the  names  of  eighteen  hundred  killed  and  wounded.  There  are  be- 
sides some  four  hundred  missing,  many  of  whom  are  wounded.  All 
the  men  agree  it  was  the  warmest  work  the  Reserves  had  ever  en- 
countered. I  cannot  enumerate  all  the  casualties,  but  among  them 
was  poor  Dehon,2  who  fell  pierced  through  the  heart  and  expired  al- 
most immediately.  Yesterday,  under  a  flag,  we  found  his  body,  and 
Coxe  has  taken  it  this  morning  to  Washington.  I  had  become  very 
much  attached  to  Dehon  for  his  many  excellent  qualities,  and  it  does 
seem  as  if  the  good  luck  that  attends  me  is  to  be  made  up  in  the  mis- 
fortunes of  my  staff.     I  was  myself  unhurt,  although  a  ball  passed 

1  Battle  of   Fredericksburg,    December    11-15,    1862.     Federal  loss,   killed, 
wounded,  and  missing,  12,653  (O.  R.).. 

2  Arthur  Dehon,  1st  lieutenant  12th  Regt.  Mass.  Vols.,  and  A.  D.  C.  to  Gen- 
eral Meade. 


338  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

through  my  hat  so  close,  that  if  it  had  come  from  the  front  instead 
of  the  side,  I  would  have  been  a  "  goner."  The  day  after  the  battle, 
one  of  their  sharpshooters  took  deliberate  aim  at  me,  his  ball  passing 
through  the  neck  of  my  horse.  The  one  I  was  riding  at  the  time 
was  a  public  horse,  so  that  Baldy  and  Blacky  are  safe.  Our  attack 
on  the  left  failed;  same  result  on  the  right,  though  with  greater  loss 
and  without  the  eclat  we  had,  because  we  drove  them  for  some  dis- 
tance and  took  some  six  hundred  prisoners.  The  fact  being,  as  I 
advised  you,  they  had  prepared  themselves,  in  a  series  of  heights 
covered  with  woods,  where  they  had  constructed  redoubts  and  con- 
nected them  with  rifle  pits,  so  that  it  was  pretty  much  one  fortifica- 
tion. On  the  town  side,  the  works  were  so  near  that  our  people 
could  make  no  progress  out  of  the  town,  they  coming  immediately 
under  the  fire  of  the  works.  The  14th  and  15th  were  spent  in  recon- 
noissances  and  deliberations,  the  result  of  which  was,  that  last  night 
we  had  the  humiliation  to  be  compelled  to  return  this  side  of  the  river; 
in  other  words,  acknowledge  the  superior  strength  of  the  enemy  and 
proclaim,  what  we  all  knew  before,  that  we  never  should  have  crossed, 
with  the  force  we  have,  without  some  diversion  being  made  on  the 
James  River  in  our  favor.  What  will  be  done  next  I  cannot  tell. 
Burnside,  I  presume,  is  a  dead  cock  in  the  pit,  and  your  friend  Joe 
Hooker  (fighting  Joe)  is  the  next  on  the  list,  except  that  it  is  said 
fighting  Joe  recommended  the  withdrawal  of  the  army.  This  opera- 
tion was  most  successfully  effected  before  daylight  this  morning,  the 
enemy  not  having  the  slightest  intimation  until  it  was  too  late.  I 
have  seen  George1  this  morning;  his  regiment  was  over  here  nearly  all 
the  time,  as  there  was  no  use  for  cavalry.  Among  the  killed  was  poor 
Bayard,  who  was  struck  by  a  cannon  shot  while  sitting  under  a  tree. 
His  loss  is  universally  regretted.  The  day  before  we  crossed,  late  in 
the  evening,  I  got  your  letter  of  the  6th,  and  Mr.  Stanton's  impor- 
tant one  dated  November  29th,  1862.2  It  was  a  very  handsome 
compliment  he  paid  you  in  transmitting  it  through  you,  which  means, 
I  should  infer,  that  he  would  make  you  a  major  general  if  he  could, 
and,  that  you  had  made  me.  Do  you  think  major  general  sounds 
any  better  than  brigadier? 

Camp  opposite  Fredericksburg,  Va.,  December  17,  1862. 
I  wrote  to  you  yesterday,  giving  a  short  account  of  the  battle  of 
the  13th,  and  my  share  of  the  same.     You  must,  however,  look  to  the 
newspapers  for  the  details,  although  as  usual  they  seem  to  ignore  the 

1  Son  of  General  Meade.       2  Appointing  him  major-general  U.  S.  Volunteers. 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  339 

Pennsylvania  Reserves,  except  the  New  York  Herald,  which  I  under- 
stand says  that  we  ran  scandalously  at  the  first  fire  of  the  enemy. 
This  is  the  harder,  because  I  saw  the  Herald  correspondent  on 
the  field,  and  he  might  have  known  and  indeed  did  know  better. 
What  his  object  in  thus  falsifying  facts  was  I  cannot  imagine,  but  I 
would  advise  him  not  to  show  himself  in  our  camp  if  he  values  his 
skin,  for  the  men  could  not  be  restrained  from  tarring  and  feather- 
ing him.  I  believe  I  told  you  that  yesterday  I  wrote  to  Burnside, 
officially  informing  him  I  had  received  my  appointment  as  major 
general.  To-day  I  went  to  see  him  to  ascertain  if  there  was  any 
chance  of  my  slipping  away  for  a  few  days.  He  said  he  would  be 
glad  to  let  me  go,  but  that  he  proposed  to  give  me  the  Fifth  Corps, 
now  commanded  by  Butterfield.  I  told  him,  in  that  case  I  did  not 
want  to  go.  He  said  the  order  would  have  been  issued  to-day,  but 
that  Hooker  (in  whose  grand  division  the  Fifth  is)  objected  to  a 
change  of  commander  in  the  midst  of  active  operations.  I  expressed 
great  surprise  at  this,  and  referred  to  Hooker  having  urged  my  as- 
signment to  his  corps  on  the  field  of  battle,  and  spoke  of  the  letter 
he  had  written  to  Halleck  urging  my  promotion.  Burnside  said 
Hooker  had  explicitly  remarked  his  opposition  was  not  personal  to 
me,  for  he  considered  me  one  of  the  most  splendid  soldiers  in  the 
army;  but  it  was  on  the  principle  of  not  changing  commanders  alone 
that  he  objected.  Burnside  finally  said  he  was  going  up  to  see  Hal- 
leck, and  unless  he  ascertained  they  were  going  to  send  someone 
senior  to  me,  he  should  put  me  there,  and  all  that  he  regretted  now 
was  that  I  had  not  been  in  command  of  it  the  other  day.  More  than 
this  I  could  not  ask. 

I  have  received  your  letter  by  Clem.  Barclay.  Poor  fellow,  he 
did  not  know  till  his  arrival  that  his  nephew  (Dr.  B.'s  of  the  navy's 
son)  was  killed  in  Chapman  Biddle's  regiment.  This  regiment  be- 
haved very  well  and  did  good  service.  You  will  probably  see  Alex- 
ander Coxe  in  Philadelphia.  I  sent  him  up  to  Washington  with  the 
bodies  of  Dehon  and  General  Jackson,  and  told  him,  after  turning 
them  over  to  their  relatives,  he  might  run  up  to  Philadelphia  for  a 
few  days.    He  will  tell  you  all  about  the  fight. 

Camp  opposite  Fredericksburg,  December  20,  1862. 
My  last  letter  was  dated  the  17th  instant.     Since  that  day  I  have 
been  quite  busy  moving  camp,  and  to-day  have  been  occupied  in 
writing  my  official  report  of  the  recent  battle.     I  am  quite  anxious 


340  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

to  know  what  you  think  and  hear  of  my  doings.  For  my  part,  the 
more  I  think  of  that  battle,  the  more  annoyed  I  am  that  such  a  great 
chance  should  have  failed  me.  The  slightest  straw  almost  would 
have  kept  the  tide  in  our  favor.  We  had  driven  them  for  some  dis- 
tance. Lee  in  his  report  acknowledges  that  two  brigades  of  A.  P. 
Hill's  division  gave  way  before  our  attack.  All  we  had  to  do  was  to 
have  held  our  own,  to  have  organized  on  the  hill  we  had  gained,  and 
prepared  for  their  assault  till  our  reinforcements  could  get  up.  In- 
stead of  that,  owing  to  the  death  of  General  Jackson  and  the  wounding 
of  Colonel  Sinclair,  two  brigades  were  without  commanders.  It  being 
in  the  woods,  and  no  one  being  able  to  see  what  was  going  on  around, 
our  men  pushed  too  far,  and  got  right  on  a  large  body  of  the  enemy, 
drawn  up  in  line  ready  to  receive  them.  Of  course  they  immediately 
poured  in  a  deadly  fire,  which  staggered  my  disorganized  line,  and 
finally  drove  it  back,  with  the  loss  of  all  it  had  gained.  Had  it  been 
otherwise — that  is  to  say,  had  we  held  the  position  gained  till  our 
reinforcements  came  up — I  should  have  been  the  great  hero  of  the 
fight,  as  every  other  attack  had  not  only  failed,  but  without  even  the 
success  we  could  boast  of.  Well,  I  suppose  it  is  all  for  the  best,  and 
cannot  be  helped;  but  it  made  me  feel  worse  at  the  time  than  if  we 
had  been  repulsed  from  the  first.  Yesterday  I  went  to  see  Burnside, 
and  found  him  engaged  with  the  War  Investigating  Committee  of 
Congress.  They  were  just  going  to  lunch  and  insisted  on  my  going 
in.  Zach.  Chandler,  Ben.  Wade,  John  Covode  and  others  were  there, 
all  of  whom  treated  me  with  great  distinction,  particularly  Covode, 
who  claimed  me  as  a  Pennsylvanian.  Old  Chandler  inquired  very  af- 
fectionately after  you,  but  did  not  refer  to  your  loyalty.  They  exam- 
ined Burnside,  Sumner,  Hooker  and  Franklin.  What  the  result  will 
be  I  don't  know,  though  it  is  said  John  Covode  affirmed  that  when  he 
got  back  he  was  going  to  raise  a  howl,  and  intimated  it  would  not  be 
against  Burnside.  Burnside  proved  that  the  crossing  of  the  river 
had  been  peremptorily  ordered  from  Washington,  in  the  face  of  his 
opinion  and  of  the  majority  of  his  principal  officers.  It  is  understood 
Halleck  says:  "This  army  shall  go  to  Richmond,  if  it  has  to  go  on 
crutches,"  which  (as  over  ten  thousand  cripples  were  made  the  other 
day)  seems  likely  to  occur  before  long.  The  army  are  willing  enough 
to  go  to  Richmond,  if  they  could  only  see  the  way  to  get  there.  Two 
routes  have  already  been  tried  this  fall — the  one  by  Gordonsville  and 
this  by  Fredericksburg.  Both  have  failed,  and  the  only  one  deemed 
by  military  men  as  practicable  they  obstinately  refuse  to  let  us  take 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  341 

— by  the  Peninsula.     In  our  new  camp  I  have  fortunately  got  a  room 
in  a  house  for  my  headquarters,  so  that  I  am  quite  comfortable. 

Camp  opposite  Fredericksburg,  Va.,  December  23,  1862. 
Burnside  returned  last  night  from  Washington,  and  to-day  he  has 
issued  an  order  placing  me  in  command  of  the  Fifth  Army  Corps. 
As  this  step  has  not  been  taken  without  considerable  deliberation, 
and  after  consultation  with  Halleck  and  the  Secretary,  I  am  in  hopes 
that  it  will  be  more  permanent  than  my  assignment  to  the  First 
Corps,  which  lasted  only  ten  days.  Burnside  says  they  treated  him 
very  well  in  Washington,  which  I  don't  doubt,  after  seeing  his  letter 
to  Halleck,  wherein  he  assumes  all  the  responsibility  of  the  recent 
movement  and  failure.  To-day's  Washington  National  Republican 
comes  out  openly,  denouncing  him  as  incompetent,  and  demand- 
ing he  either  resign  or  be  removed.  I  think  he  would  personally 
have  no  objection  to  their  removing  him,  and  that  he  is  quite  in- 
dependent of  them;  willing  to  remain  if  they  let  him  alone,  but 
perfectly  willing  to  retire  if  they  desire  him  to.  On  my  way  to  Burn- 
side's  to-day  I  called  and  picked  up  George,1  whom  I  carried  with  me 
and  introduced  him  to  Burnside.  Alexander  Coxe  got  back  yester- 
day, and  brought  the  champagne  I  ordered,  and  I  immediately  sent 
for  Franklin,  Smith,  Reynolds,  Brooks  and  others  to  join  in  celebrat- 
ing my  promotion.  Whereupon  it  was  unanimously  agreed  that  Con- 
gress ought  to  establish  the  grade  of  lieutenant  general,  and  that  they 
would  all  unite  in  having  me  made  one,  provided  I  would  treat  with 
such  good  wine.     To-morrow  I  report  to  Hooker  and  take  command. 

Headquarters  Fifth  Army  Corps,  December  26,  1862. 
After  Burnside's  return  from  Washington,  which  I  think  took 
place  about  the  23d,  he  issued  an  order  placing  me  in  command  of 
this  corps,  and  directing  me  to  report  to  General  Hooker  for  that 
purpose.  Accordingly  I  rode  over  to  Hooker's,  on  the  24th,  and  found 
Butterfield  and  himself  together.  Butterfield  observed  soon  after 
my  arrival,  that  Hooker  had  just  informed  him  of  the  order  assign- 
ing me  here.  I  said  "Yes,  I  have  come  to  report  for  duty."  After 
a  few  moments  Butterfield  left,  when  Hooker  said,  "  I  told  Burnside, 
when  he  informed  me  of  his  intention,  that  there  was  no  officer  in 
the  army  I  would  prefer  to  you,  were  the  corps  without  a  commander 
and  the  question  of  selection  open,  but  Butterfield  having  been  placed 

1  Son  of  General  Meade. 


342         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

there  and  having  discharged  the  duties  to  my  satisfaction,  particu- 
larly through  the  late  battle,  I  deemed  myself  authorized  to  ask  that 
he  might  be  retained."  He  made  some  further  remarks  about  noth- 
ing personal  being  intended,  and  then  turned  to  his  table  and  issued 
the  order  relieving  Butterfield,  and  placing  me  in  command.  I  re- 
turned to  my  camp,  and  yesterday  moved  over  here.  After  the  first 
ice  was  broken,  Butterfield  was  very  civil.  He  insisted  on  me  eating 
my  Christmas  dinner  with  him,  and  really  had  a  very  handsome  en- 
tertainment, at  which  were  present  all  the  division  and  brigade  com- 
manders of  the  corps.  After  dinner,  when  they  had  all  left,  to  give 
Butterfield  a  chance,  I  told  him  I  considered  he  was  fully  justified  in 
being  disappointed  and  put  out;  that  if  I  had  been  assigned  to  a 
corps  in  disregard  of  the  rank  of  others,  been  retained  there  for  a 
month,  gone  through  a  battle  and  then  removed  on  account  of  rank, 
I  should  myself,  as  I  had  experienced  in  a  similar  instance,  feel  very 
much  annoyed  and  disgusted,  and  that  I  considered  such  feelings 
natural.  Poor  Butterfield  then  opened  his  heart,  I  having  hit  the 
nail  on  the  head,  and  told  me  that  when  first  assigned  he  went  to 
Burnside  and  asked  whether  it  was  a  temporary  affair,  or  not,  as  he 
should  arrange  matters  somewhat  differently  if  he  was  only  to  hold 
the  position  till  some  senior  brigadier  or  major  general  came  along, 
and  that  Burnside  assured  him  positively  and  distinctly  that  it  was 
permanent,  and  that  he  should  not  be  disturbed.  I  said  certainly 
that  aggravated  the  matter,  but  that  he  should  not  hold  me  respon- 
sible; that  the  mistake  and  misfortune  resulted  from  the  injustice 
that  was  done  me  when  he  was  first  assigned,  and  that  General  Burn- 
side had  told  me,  per  contra,  that  he  was  ignorant  at  the  time  that  I 
ranked  him  (Butterfield).  So  to-day  I  have  been  installed,  and  the 
affair  appears  to  be  definitely  and  satisfactorily  settled. 

I  have  received  a  very  handsome  letter  from  Mr.  Dehon,  thank- 
ing me  most  gratefully  for  all  I  have  done  for  his  poor  boy,  and 
speaking  most  feelingly  of  his  loss.  I  really  feel  for  him,  for  they 
were  wrapped  up  in  each  other. 

Camp  opposite  Fredericksburg,  Va.,  December  30,  1862. 
I  have  received  your  letters  of  the  25th  and  27th.  I  saw  the 
piece  in  the  Inquirer  you  refer  to,  and  it  was  certainly  very  hand- 
some, as  well  as  the  editorial.  I  trust,  however,  I  shall  be  able  to 
live  up  to  my  advertisements.  It  was  very  civil  in  Reynolds  to  call 
on  you.    I  am  not  surprised  he  did  not  indulge  in  any  complimentary 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  343 

remarks  about  me,  because,  in  the  first  place,  Reynolds  is  a  man  who 
never  says  or  does  such  things.  He  is  a  very  good  fellow,  and  I  have 
had  much  pleasant  intercourse  with  him  during  the  past  eighteen 
months,  and  considering  how  closely  we  have  been  together  and  the 
natural  rivalry  that  might  be  expected,  I  think  it  is  saying  a  good 
deal  for  both  that  we  have  continued  good  friends.  I  fear  all  hopes 
of  getting  home  for  the  present  have  disappeared.  Yesterday  we 
had  orders  to  be  in  readiness  to  move  at  twelve  hours*  notice,  which 
means,  I  presume,  (though  I  know  nothing)  that  an  advance  is  con- 
templated; whether  we  will  cross  above  or  below  is  a  matter  of 
conjecture;  or  whether  we  will  cross  at  all.  Still,  so  long  as  there  is 
a  talk  of  moving,  I  am  kept  here.  To-day  it  is  raining;  a  few  days' 
rain  will  stop  all  movement. 


To  John  Sergeant  Meade:1 

Camp  opposite  Fredericksburg,  December  31,  1862. 

Your  kind  letter,  dated  Christmas,  was  received  yesterday,  and 
I  am  very  much  obliged  to  you  for  your  affectionate  remembrance  of 
me.  You  say  truly,  we  have  a  great  deal  to  be  thankful  for,  and 
when  we  consider  the  distress  and  mourning  that  is  around  us,  our 
hearts  ought  to  be  filled  with  gratitude  for  the  mercy  that  has  been 
extended. 

John2  is  very  much  pleased  at  George's3  being  here,  and  takes  great 
interest  in  all  that  relates  to  him.  George  has  taken  a  great  fancy  to 
a  little  black  mare  I  have,  belonging  to  the  Government,  which  he 
has  given  me  various  hints  he  thought  I  might  buy  and  present  to 
him,  and  in  this  little  scheme  to  diminish  my  finances  to  the  tune  of 
one  hundred  and  twenty  dollars,  he  has  the  hearty  co-operation  of 
Master  John,  who  regularly  informs  me  every  morning  he  thinks  the 
boy  ought  to  have  the  black  mare. 

I  have  sent  George's  name  to  the  President  for  appointment  as 
one  of  my  aides,  with  the  rank  of  captain. 

To-day  is  my  wedding  and  birthday.  To-day  I  enter  on  the 
forty-seventh  year  of  my  life  and  the  twenty-third  of  my  wedded 
existence.  I  had  hoped  to  spend  this  day  with  your  dear  mother 
and  my  darling  children,  but  my  promotion  to  the  Fifth  Corps  and 
the  number  of  generals  that  have  been  sent  to  testify  before  the 

1  Son  of  General  Meade.  2  General  Meade's  body-servant. 

3  Son  of  General  Meade. 


344  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

Porter  and  McDowell  courts  have  prevented  my  getting  away. 
Should  it  be  decided  the  army  is  to  go  into  winter  quarters,  I  may 
yet  have  a  chance,  though  I  hardly  have  much  hope. 


To  Mrs.  George  G.  Meade: 

Camp  opposite  Fredericksburg,  January  2,  1863. 
I  think  I  wrote  you  we  were  on  the  eve  of  a  movement,  but  day 
before  yesterday  Burnside  got  a  telegram  from  the  President  direct- 
ing him  to  suspend  preparations  and  come  to  Washington.  Burn- 
side  proceeded  there  post-haste,  and  was  much  astonished  by  the 
President  telling  him  that  a  deputation  of  his  (Burnside's)  generals 
had  called  on  him  to  protest  against  any  further  attempt  to  cross 
the  river,  and  asking  him  to  stop  Burnside.  Burnside  asked  the 
names  of  these  officers,  which  the  President  declined  giving.  He 
then  resigned  his  command,  which  the  President  refused  to  accept. 
He  then  made  a  written  protest  against  Stanton  and  Halleck,  which 
he  read  to  the  President  in  their  presence,  stating  that  neither  had 
the  confidence  of  the  people  nor  the  army,  and  calling  on  him  to  re- 
move them  and  himself.  To  this  they  made  no  reply,  and  the  Presi- 
dent would  not  receive  his  paper,  though  he  took  no  offense  at  its 
contents.  Finding  he  could  get  nothing  out  of  any  of  them,  he  came 
back,  and  thus  matters  stand.  Burnside  told  me  all  this  himself 
this  morning,  and  read  me  his  paper,  which  was  right  up  and  down. 
All  this  is  confidential.  God  only  knows  what  is  to  become  of  us 
and  what  will  be  done.  No  one  in  Washington  has  the  courage  to 
say  or  do  anything  beyond  hampering  and  obstructing  us.  Burnside 
is  in  favor  of  advancing,  but  he  is  opposed  by  his  principal  generals 
■ — Sumner,  Franklin  and  Hooker.  I  had  a  long  talk  with  Franklin 
yesterday,  who  is  very  positive  in  his  opinion  that  we  cannot  go  to 
Richmond  on  this  line,  and  hence  there  is  no  object  in  our  attempt- 
ing to  move  on  it.  I  agreed  with  him  on  the  impracticability  of  this 
line,  but  I  did  not  think  for  that  reason  we  ought  to  stand  still,  be- 
cause we  must  move  some  time  or  other  in  some  direction,  and  we 
are  every  day  growing  weaker,  without  any  hope  of  reinforcements 
in  future.  In  April,  thirty-eight  two-year  regiments,  from  New  York, 
and  all  the  nine-month  men  go  out  of  service.  This  is  a  serious  con- 
sideration. Now,  while  I  am  not  in  favor  of  reattempting  to  cross 
here,  yet  I  was  in  favor  of  crossing,  if  a  suitable  place  could  be  found 
above  or  below,  where  we  could  rapidly  cross  and  attack  them  before 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  345 

they  could  get  ready  to  receive  us,  and  I  believed  we  could  whip 
them,  and  a  victory,  I  did  not  care  under  what  circumstances,  gained, 
or  with  what  results  followed,  would  be  of  immense  advantage  to  us. 
Failing  in  this,  I  was  for  marching  down  to  Urbana,  sixty  miles  below 
here,  where  we  could  cross  any  time  under  cover  of  the  gunboats,  and 
from  whence  we  had  only  twenty  miles  to  West  Point,  the  terminus  of 
the  York  River  Railroad.  I  agreed  with  Franklin  that  the  James  River 
was  our  proper  and  only  base;  but  as  they  were  determined  in  Wash- 
ington that  we  should  not  go  there,  I  thought,  rather  than  stand  still, 
we  ought  to  attempt  a  practicable,  though  less  desirable,  line;  and 
should  that  be  forbidden,  I  was  still  in  favor  of  making  an  attempt 
to  whip  them,  if  there  was  any  reasonable  probability  of  our  doing 
so,  even  though  we  should  not  be  either  able  or  desirous  of  following 
up  our  victory.  So  you  see  I  am  among  the  fire-eaters,  and  may  per- 
haps jeopardize  my  reputation  by  being  too  decided.  But  the  fact 
is,  I  am  tired  of  this  playing  war  without  risks.  We  must  encounter 
risks  if  we  fight,  and  we  cannot  carry  on  war  without  fighting.  That 
was  McClellan's  vice.  He  was  always  waiting  to  have  everything 
just  as  he  wanted  before  he  would  attack,  and  before  he  could  get 
things  arranged  as  he  wanted  them,  the  enemy  pounced  on  him  and 
thwarted  all  his  plans.  There  is  now  no  doubt  he  allowed  three  dis- 
tinct occasions  to  take  Richmond  slip  through  his  hands,  for  want  of 
nerve  to  run  what  he  considered  risks.  Such  a  general  will  never 
command  success,  though  he  may  avoid  disaster. 

I  send  you  a  piece  from  a  Boston  paper  on  poor  Dehon,  sent  to 
me  by  some  friend  or  relative.  It  does  no  more  than  justice  to  Dehon, 
who  was  a  gallant  officer  and  clever  gentleman.  I  have  felt  his  loss 
even  more  than  poor  Kuhn's,  because,  in  his  case,  I  was  directly  in- 
strumental in  placing  him  where  he  received  his  death  wound,  though 
at  the  time  I  sent  him  I  had  no  idea  of  the  great  danger  attending 
his  mission.  Kuhn,  you  know,  was  not  with  me  when  he  fell,  and  I 
have  never  been  able  to  ascertain  whether  he  fell  before  or  after  I 
was  wounded,  but  think  it  must  have  been  very  near  the  same  time, 
and  that  he  could  not  have  been  very  far  from  me,  though  I  did  not 
see  him. 

Headquarters  Fifth  Army  Corps,  January  4,  1863. 
I  was  at  general  headquarters  yesterday,  and  from  what  I  heard 
I  suspect  an  advance  is  not  far  off.     Burnside  had  just  received  the 
telegram  announcing  the  fight  at  Murfreesboro',  and  was  chafing 


346  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

under  the  fear  that  part  of  Lee's  forces  in  his  front  had  been  detached 
to  help  Joe  Johnston  down  there.  I  told  him  I  had  no  idea  they  had 
gone  that  far,  and  thought  it  more  likely  they  had  gone  to  assist  in 
an  attack  on  Gloucester  Point  or  Suffolk,  where  we  yesterday  heard 
there  was  fighting. 

Hooker  has  gone  up  to  Washington,  for  what  purpose  I  do  not 
know,  but  I  guess  to  see  what  chance  he  has  for  the  command,  in 
case  Burnside  is  removed,  although  he  asserts  most  positively  that 
he  will  not  command  this  army.  I  despair  more  and  more  of  getting 
off,  it  is  now  so  late  and  so  much  time  has  passed.  Reynolds  got 
back  yesterday;  he  said  he  had  seen  you  and  the  children  in  Phila- 
delphia, but  did  not  have  much  to  say.  He  is  a  man  of  very  few 
words.    Baldy  Smith  has  returned,  and  Franklin  is  off  for  a  few  days. 

Headquarters  Fifth  Army  Corps,  January  7,  1863. 
Your  assurances  of  the  exalted  position  I  occupy  are  very  grate- 
ful. I  don't  think,  however,  you  need  worry  yourself  about  my  get- 
ting much  higher  for  the  present.  There  are  too  many  ahead  of  me 
for  my  turn  to  come  for  some  time.  To-morrow  General  Burnside 
is  to  review  our  corps.  I  sent  Coxe  up  to  Washington,  who  has  re- 
turned with  the  materials  for  a  collation.  I  wish  you  could  be  here 
to  see  the  review.  Burnside  told  me  to-day  that  he  had  telegraphed 
to  the  President  for  authority  to  advance,  and  that  if  it  was  refused, 
he  should  insist  on  retiring.  I  have  reason  to  believe  great  efforts 
have  been  made  to  displace  him,  and  perhaps  this  act  of  his  may 
settle  it.  At  any  rate,  so  long  as  this  question  of  an  advance  is  open, 
I  cannot  get  away.  I  have  been  very  unfortunate,  as  almost  every 
one  has  managed  to  get  off  for  a  few  days. 

Camp  near  Falmouth,  Va.,  January  13,  1863. 
Now  that  I  am  back  I  can  hardly  realize  that  I  spent  day  before 
yesterday  with  you  and  the  dear  children.  I  had  a  very  comfortable 
journey  to  Washington,  sleeping  nearly  all  the  way.  I  reached  Wil- 
lards  about  7  a.m.,  breakfasted  and  walked  up  to  the  Bureau  to  see 
Woodruff.  At  11  presented  myself  to  the  court,  where  I  was  put  on 
the  stand  and  badgered  till  3.30  P.  M.,  the  court  trying  to  make  me 
condemn  McDowell's  tactics  and  strategy.  After  court,  walked 
down  the  street  with  Markoe  Bache  to  see  Margaret,1  returned  to 
the  hotel  and  dined  at  6  p.  m.,  loafed  for  an  hour  or  two  around  the 
1  Sister  of  General  Meade. 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  347 

hotel,  and  at  9  p.  m.,  left  in  a  special  steamer  for  Acquia  Creek, 
reaching  my  tent  and  bed  at  3  A.  M.,  this  morning.  I  met  at  Wil- 
lards,  Burnside's  Aide,  who  told  me  he  thought  I  might  venture  to 
remain  another  day,  but  as  I  really  had  finished  all  I  had  to  do  in 
Washington,  and  there  was  nothing  to  detain  me,  I  determined  to 
come  back.  To-day  I  have  been  employed  seeing  Hooker  and  Burn- 
side,  the  latter  of  whom  insisted  on  my  dining  with  him,  and  was 
very  complimentary  on  my  promptitude  in  returning,  saying  he  be- 
lieved I  was  the  only  officer  in  his  command  that  had  come  back 
when  he  was  told  to  do  so,  and  had  not  overstayed  his  leave.  I 
could  not  get  any  definite  information  about  our  movements,  though 
everything  looks  as  if  we  were  going  some  day  to  move. 

I  was  treated  with  great  distinction  in  Washington,  and  Aleck. 
Coxe  was  greatly  delighted  with  the  number  of  inquiries  as  to  who 
I  was,  and  the  very  general  knowledge  of  my  name,  but  not  of  my 
person.  He  overheard  two  gentlemen  talking,  one  of  whom  said, 
"What  major  general  is  that,"  to  which  the  other  replied,  "Meade." 
"Who  is  he,"  said  the  first,  "I  never  saw  him  before."  "No,  that 
is  very  likely,  for  he  is  one  of  our  fighting  generals,  is  always  on  the 
field,  and  does  not  spend  his  time  in  Washington  hotels."  I  saw  of 
course  a  good  many  people,  principally  army  officers. 

Camp  near  Falmouth,  Va.,  January  15,  1863. 
To-day  I  have  taken  a  long  ride  up  the  river,  looking  out  for 
suitable  crossing  places.  I  could  plainly  see  the  enemy's  pickets  and 
their  camps,  and  I  think  it  will  be  very  hard  to  find  any  place  where 
they  are  not  on  the  qui-vive  and  looking  out  for  us.  On  my  return 
I  met  the  pontoon-train  going  up  the  river,  which  is  significant, 
though  I  did  not  find  in  camp  any  orders,  as  I  expected. 

Camp  near  Falmouth,  Va.,  January  18,  1863. 
We  have  been  under  orders  to  move,  but  for  some  reason  or  other 
the  final  orders  have  not  yet  been  received.  I  believe  it  is  Burn- 
side's  intention  to  make  another  attempt  to  dislodge  the  enemy  on 
the  opposite  side,  but  profitting  by  the  experience  gained  in  the  last 
effort,  he  is  determined  this  time  to  proceed  cautiously  and  securely, 
to  cross  the  whole  army  near  one  place,  and  not  attack  until  after  a 
close  examination  of  their  position  he  is  satisfied  he  can  attack  with 
probability  of  success.  However,  the  attack  when  made  will  be  in 
heavy  force,  well  supported.    If  this  programme  is  carried  out,  I  be- 


348  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

lieve  we  shall  be  successful,  for  there  is  no  doubt  we  have  a  much 
larger  force  than  the  enemy,  and  with  anything  like  equal  advantages 
ought  to  whip  them.  All  this  is  confidential,  though  I  see  the  papers 
for  some  days  past  have  been  announcing  our  advance.  The  army 
is  in  good  condition,  though  there  are  those  who  insist  its  morale  is 
not  good,  but  of.  this  I  see  no  signs. 

Camp  near  Falmouth,  Va.,  January  23,  1863. 
I  have  not  written  to  you  for  several  days,  for  the  reasons  that  I 
have  had  no  opportunity,  and  that  I  was  aware  all  letters  from  the 
camp  were  stopped  in  Washington,  so  that  there  was  no  use  in  writ- 
ing. On  the  19th,  in  the  night,  we  received  orders  to  move  the  next 
day.  On  the  20th,  the  whole  army  moved  from  their  camp  to  a  posi- 
tion four  miles  up  the  river,  where  crossing  places  had  previously 
been  selected.  Everything  went  off  very  well  up  to  about  8  P.  M. 
of  the  20th.  The  army  reached  its  position.  The  pontoons,  artil- 
lery and  all  other  accessories  were  up  in  time,  and  we  all  thought  the 
next  morning  the  bridges  would  be  thrown  over  and  we  should  be 
at  it.  But  man  proposes  and  God  disposes.  About  9  P.  M.  a  ter- 
rific storm  of  wind  and  rain  set  in  and  continued  all  night.  At  once 
I  saw  the  game  was  up.  The  next  day  the  roads  were  almost  im- 
passable; the  pontoons,  in  attempting  to  get  them  to  the  water's 
edge,  stuck  on  the  bank,  and  a  hundred  men  could  not  budge  them. 
Instead  of  six  bridges  being  thrown  over  by  8  A.  M.,  it  was  found  late 
in  the  day  that  the  materials  for  one  only  could  be  got  to  the  water's 
edge.  Burnside  visited  us,  and  soon  saw  the  state  of  the  case.  Still 
in  hopes  something  might  happen,  he  directed  we  should  remain  in 
position.  All  that  night,  the  21st,  and  the  next  day,  the  22d,  it  con- 
tinued to  rain,  and  the  roads  to  get  into  such  a  condition,  that  early 
yesterday,  the  22d,  I  had  to  turn  out  the  whole  of  my  corps,  fifteen 
thousand  men,  and  go  to  work  and  bridge  with  logs,  or  corduroy,  as 
it  is  called,  nearly  the  whole  road  from  our  camp  to  the  crossing 
place,  eight  miles.  The  men  worked  cheerfully  at  this,  which  was 
accomplished  by  early  this  morning,  and  Burnside  having  recalled 
the  army  to  its  old  camp,  we  have  been  all  day  getting  our  artillery 
back,  and  to-morrow  the  infantry  will  return,  thus  consuming  two 
days  to  get  back,  when  it  took  only  a  few  hours  to  get  there.  I 
never  felt  so  disappointed  and  sorry  for  any  one  in  my  life  as  I  did 
for  Burnside.  He  really  seems  to  have  even  the  elements  against 
him.     I  told  him  warmly,  when  I  saw  him,  how  sorry  I  felt,  and  that 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  349 

I  had  almost  rather  have  lost  a  limb  than  that  the  storm  should  have 
occurred.  He  seemed  quite  philosophical,  said  he  could  not  resist 
the  elements  and  perhaps  it  was  as  well,  for  that  his  movement  had 
been  most  strongly  opposed  and  some  of  his  generals  had  told  him 
he  was  leading  the  men  to  a  slaughter  pen;  and  I  am  sorry  to  say 
there  were  many  men,  and  among  them  generals  high  in  command, 
who  openly  rejoiced  at  the  storm  and  the  obstacle  it  presented.  We 
were  very  much  amused  to  see  in  the  papers  to-day,  flaming  accounts 
of  our  crossing,  of  the  battle,  and  of  Hooker  being  mortally  wounded. 
I  hope  you  did  not  attach  any  importance  to  these  absurd  reports, 
which,  when  I  saw,  I  feared  you  might  have  been  anxious.  I  pre- 
sumed the  truth  had  been  telegraphed  and  that  you  would  know 
the  storm  had  frustrated  our  plans.  The  plan  was  based  on  the  pre- 
sumption that  we  would  take  the  enemy  unawares,  at  least  so  far  as 
the  place  of  crossing  was  concerned,  and  I  believe,  but  for  the  storm, 
we  should  have  succeeded  in  this.  What  will  be  done  now  I  can- 
not imagine,  the  mud  is  at  present  several  feet  thick  wherever  any 
wagons  pass  over  a  road,  and  if  the  weather  from  this  time,  should 
at  all  resemble  that  of  last  year,  it  will  effectually  stop  all  operations 
for  two  months  to  come. 

I  did  not  see  George1  during  our  fiasco,  though  I  was  at  one  time 
bivouacked  near  a  part  of  his  regiment,  but  his  company  was  not 
with  that  part. 

Doubleday  has  been  assigned  to  the  Reserves,  which  is  a  good 
thing  for  me,  for  now  they  will  think  a  great  deal  more  of  me  than 
before. 

Camp  near  Falmouth,  January  26,  1863. 

We  are  much  excited  by  rumors  of  what  is  going  to  be  done.  It 
is  generally  believed  Burnside  is  in  Washington,  though  when  you  go 
to  see  him,  as  I  did  yesterday,  you  are  informed  he  is  out  riding. 

This  war  will  never  be  terminated  until  one  side  or  the  other  has 
been  well  whipped,  and  this  result  cannot  be  brought  about  except 
by  fighting.  Hence,  although  I  like  fighting  as  little  as  any  man, 
yet  if  it  has  to  be  done,  and  I  don't  see  how  it  can  be  avoided,  I  am 
of  Shakespeare's  opinion,  "  if  it  were  done,  then  't  were  well  it  were 
done  quickly." 

I  send  you  three  letters  which  I  think  you  will  be  interested  in 
reading,  and  which  you  may  as  well  keep  as  mementoes  of  the  war. 

1  Son  of  General  Meade. 


350  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

The  first  is  from  Levi  Richards,  a  private  in  the  Pennsylvania  Re- 
serves, who  was  detailed  as  a  teamster  and  drove  my  wagon  while 
I  was  connected  with  the  Reserves.  His  letter  is  spontaneous,  he 
having  nothing,  as  he  says,  to  gain  by  it,  as  we  are  now  separated, 
but  it  is  gratifying  to  me  as  an  evidence  of  the  opinion  entertained 
of  me  by  the  soldiers  of  my  command.  The  second  is  from  Surgeon 
Pineo,  one  of  the  most  accomplished  officers  of  his  department,  who 
was  under  me,  while  I  had  command  of  the  First  Corps,  as  medical 
director.  He  asked  me  to  recommend  him  for  promotion,  which  I 
did,  and  his  letter  in  reply  shows  what  some  officers  think  of  me. 
The  other  is  from  Hon.  William  Wilkins,  formerly  judge  in  Pennsyl- 
vania, Senator  and  Secretary  of  War.  He  desires  a  favor  for  his 
grandson,  but  he  is  pleased  to  say  I  am  powerful  and  in  favor,  hence 
his  letter  indicates  in  some  measure  public  opinion  in  regard  to  me. 
I  send  them  because,  knowing  how  much  you  think  of  me,  I  know  it 
will  gratify  you  to  know  that  others  have  a  favorable  opinion.  This 
may  be  vanity,  but  I  deem  it  pardonable  in  writing  to  one's  wife. 

George1  gave  me  my  spectacles,  and  the  glasses  suit  exactly,  and 
are  truly  welcome,  for  a  day  or  two  before  we  moved,  I  was  on  horse- 
back, when  a  sudden  puff  of  wind  carried  away  the  only  pair  of 
spectacles  I  had,  and  for  a  few  minutes  I  was  in  despair,  until  fort- 
unately my  orderly  found  them.  Now  I  am  provided  against  such 
accidents. 

Camp  near  Falmouth,  Va.,  January  26,  1863 — 9  P.  M. 
I  wrote  you  a  long  letter  to-day,  little  thinking  while  I  was  quietly 
employed  writing  to  you  what  momentous  events  were  going  on  im- 
mediately around  me.  After  writing  to  you,  I  went  out  to  ride  for 
exercise,  and  on  my  return  at  6  P.  M.,  found  an  order  awaiting  me, 
announcing  Major  General  Hooker  as  in  command  of  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac  and  Major  General  Meade  in  command  of  the  Centre 
Grand  Division.  I  then  learned  for  the  first  time  that  this  news  ar- 
rived this  morning  (Burnside  having  brought  it  down  from  Wash- 
ington last  night),  and  that  he,  Burnside,  and  all  his  staff  had  gone 
off  this  morning,  and  that  Generals  Sumner  and  Franklin  had  both 
been  relieved  and  ordered  to  Washington.  You  can  readily  imagine 
my  surprise  at  all  this,  although  some  such  step  had  been  talked 
about  for  some  time  back.  As  to  my  commanding  a  grand  division, 
I  consider  it  a  mere  temporary  arrangement,  as  either  some  one  of 

1  Son  of  General  Meade. 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  351 

more  rank  will  be  sent,  or,  what  is  more  likely,  the  grand  division 
organization  broken  up  altogether,  as  it  was  purely  an  invention  of 
Burnside's,  and  has  not,  I  think,  been  considered  a  good  one.  You 
will,  doubtless,  be  anxious  to  know  what  I  think  of  these  changes. 
With  all  my  respect,  and  I  may  almost  say  affection,  for  Burnside — 
for  he  has  been  most  kind  and  considerate  towards  me — I  cannot 
shut  my  eyes  to  the  fact  that  he  was  not  equal  to  the  command  of 
so  large  an  army.  He  had  some  very  positive  qualifications,  such 
as  determination  and  nerve,  but  he  wanted  knowledge  and  judgment, 
and  was  deficient  in  that  enlarged  mental  capacity  which  is  essential 
in  a  commander.  Another  drawback  was  a  very  general  opinion 
among  officers  and  men,  brought  about  by  his  own  assertions,  that 
the  command  was  too  much  for  him.  This  greatly  weakened  his 
position.  As  to  Hooker,  you  know  my  opinion  of  him,  frequently 
expressed.  I  believe  my  opinion  is  more  favorable  than  any  other 
of  the  old  regular  officers,  most  of  whom  are  decided  in  their  hostility 
to  him.  I  believe  Hooker  is  a  good  soldier;  the  danger  he  runs  is 
of  subjecting  himself  to  bad  influences,  such  as  Dan  Butterfield  and 
Dan  Sickles,  who,  being  intellectually  more  clever  than  Hooker,  and 
leading  him  to  believe  they  are  very  influential,  will  obtain  an  inju- 
rious ascendancy  over  him  and  insensibly  affect  his  conduct.  I  may, 
however,  in  this  be  wrong;   time  will  prove. 

Camp  near  Falmouth,  Va.,  January  28,  1863. 
Your  anxiety  lest  I  should  be  placed  in  command  of  the  army 
causes  me  to  smile.  Still,  I  must  confess  when  such  men  as  Gibbon 
say  it  is  talked  about,  it  really  does  look  serious  and  alarming;  yet, 
when  I  look  back  on  the  good  fortune  which  has  thus  far  attended 
my  career,  I  cannot  believe  so  sudden  a  change  for  the  worse  can 
occur  as  would  happen  if  I  were  placed  in  command.  I  think,  there- 
fore, we  may  for  the  present  dismiss  our  fears  on  that  score.  General 
Hooker  has  been  two  days  in  Washington.  I  am  looking  anxiously 
for  his  return  to  hear  what  will  be  the  result.  Before  he  was  placed 
in  command  he  was  open-mouthed  and  constant  in  his  assertions  that 
he  did  not  want  to  command,  and  that  he  would  not  command  unless 
he  was  perfectly  untrammeled  and  allowed  in  every  respect  to  do 
exactly  as  he  pleased.  Now,  I  am  quite  confident  no  such  conditions 
will  be  acceded  to  in  Washington.  Hence,  either  "Fighting  Joe" 
will  have  to  back  down  or  some  one  else  will  be  sent  to  take  the 
command.    From  my  knowledge  of  friend  Hooker,  I  am  inclined  to 


352  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

surmise  the  former  will  be  the  case.  But  even  supposing  they  give 
him  carte-blanche,  his  position  is  anything  but  enviable.  This  army 
is  in  a  false  position,  both  as  regards  the  enemy  and  the  public.  With 
respect  to  the  enemy,  we  can  literally  do  nothing,  and  our  numbers 
are  inadequate  to  the  accomplishment  of  any  result  even  if  we  go  to 
the  James  River.  On  the  other  hand,  the  wise  public  are  under  the 
delusion  that  we  are  omnipotent,  and  that  it  is  only  necessary  to  go 
ahead  to  achieve  unheard-of  success.  Of  course,  under  such  circum- 
stances, neither  Caesar,  Napoleon  nor  any  other  mighty  genius  could 
fail  to  meet  with  condemnation,  never  mind  what  he  did,  and  Hooker, 
I  fancy,  will  find  in  time  his  fate  in  the  fate  of  his  predecessors,  namely, 
undue  and  exaggerated  praise  before  he  does  anything,  and  a  total 
absence  of  reason  and  intelligence  in  the  discussion  of  his  acts  when 
he  does  attempt  anything,  and  a  denial  of  even  ordinary  military 
qualifications  unless  he  achieves  impossibilities.  Such  being  the  case, 
he  certainly  is  not  to  be  envied.  I  think  when  his  head  is  cut  off, 
the  Administration  will  try  a  general  of  their  own  kidney,  either  Fre- 
mont, Hunter  or  some  other.  Of  course,  so  long  as  Hooker  is  absent, 
I  continue  in  command  of  the  Centre  Grand  Division,  but  I  am  more 
and  more  inclined  to  believe  that  his  visit  to  Washington  will  result 
in  the  abolition  of  the  grand-division  system  altogether,  and  the 
return  to  corps  alone.  I  hope  I  shall  retain  the  Fifth  Corps,  as  it  is 
one  of  the  best,  including  as  it  does  the  regulars. 

Humphreys  has  gone  to  Washington.  I  believe  I  wrote  you  he 
behaved  with  distinguished  gallantry  at  Fredericksburg.  It  appears 
that  soon  after  the  battle,  Burnside  told  him  both  the  President  and 
Secretary  assured  him  solemnly  that  Humphreys  should  be  immedi- 
ately promoted.  He  now  finds  a  long  list  sent  to  the  Senate,  in- 
cluding such  names  as  Butterfield,  Sickles,  Berry  and  others,  who 
have  really  done  nothing,  while  his  name  is  omitted,  and  he  cannot 
hear  that  there  is  any  record  in  the  Department  going  to  show  he  has 
ever  even  been  thought  of.  Under  these  circumstances  he  is  natu- 
rally very  indignant.  This  is  all  entre  nous.  Just  as  I  had  gotten 
thus  far,  I  heard  Hooker  had  returned,  and  notwithstanding  it  is 
storming  and  snowing  violently,  I  rode  three  miles  to  his  headquarters 
to  see  him,  and  have  just  returned.  He  seemed  in  excellent  spirits, 
said  they  had  treated  him  "en  prince"  in  Washington,  and  told  him 
he  had  only  to  ask  and  he  should  have  what  he  wanted.  He  did  not 
tell  me  his  plans,  but  intimated  that  as  soon  as  the  weather  and  the 
roads  permitted  he  was  prepared  to  try  something. 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  353 

Camp  near  Falmouth,  Va.,  January  30,  1863. 
A  good  deal  of  excitement  exists  in  the  army  from  a  report  pre- 
vailing that  the  provost  marshal  of  Washington,  or  rather  the  head 
of  the  detective  police  in  his  department,  is  in  the  habit  of  system- 
atically opening  the  letters  received  and  written  by  officers.  For  my 
part  I  can  hardly  credit  the  statement,  and  so  far  as  I  am  concerned 
am  willing  it  should  prove  true,  for  I  cannot  see  how  information  ob- 
tained in  this  manner  can  be  used  against  one.  I  have  endeavored 
to  the  best  of  my  ability  to  do  my  duty,  and  I  have  never  said  a  word 
to  any  one  around  me  that  the  most  hypercritical  could  find  fault 
with.  In  writing  to  you,  however,  the  wife  of  my  bosom  and  the 
only  confidential  friend  I  have  in  the  world,  I  have  without  doubt 
at  times  expressed  opinions  about  men  and  things,  that  would  not 
be  considered  orthodox,  but  I  maintain  no  government  in  the  world 
would  take  advantage  of  such  confidential  intercourse  to  find  a  man 
guilty,  and  I  don't  believe  that  any  of  my  letters  have  ever  been 
opened. 

Camp  near  Falmouth,  Va.,  February  1,  1863. 

Yesterday  I  received  by  the  flag  of  truce,  a  note  from  Frank 
Ingraham,1  who  says  he  is  a  private  in  the  Twenty-first  Mississippi 
Regiment,  now  at  Fredericksburg.  He  says  Ned  2  was  killed  last 
spring,  and  that  Apolline3  has  lost  her  husband,  who  died  from  ex- 
posure in  service;  that  his  mother  and  the  rest  are  all  well,  and  wish 
to  be  remembered  to  his  yankee  relatives. 

The  weather  continues  most  unfavorable,  rain  and  mud  are  the 
order  of  the  day,  and  in  my  judgment  it  will  be  some  months  before 
we  can  undertake  operations  of  any  magnitude.  I  am  afraid,  from 
what  I  see  in  the  papers,  that  General  Franklin  is  going  to  have 
trouble,  for  which  I  shall  be  truly  sorry,  for  I  really  like  Franklin. 

Camp  near  Falmouth,  Va.,  February  6,  1863. 
To-day  an  order  is  issued  abolishing  grand  divisions  and  return- 
ing to  the  system  of  corps.  I  am  announced  as  in  command  of  the 
Fifth  Corps.  This  is  what  I  expected  and  accords  with  my  ideas 
of  what  is  best  for  the  efficiency  of  the  army.  Baldy  Smith  has 
been  relieved  of  his  command  and  Sedgwick  takes  his  corps — cause 
unknown,  but  supposed  to  be  his  affiliation  with  Franklin,  and  the 
fear  that  he  would  not  co-operate  with  Hooker.     This,  however,  is 

1  Nephew  of  General  Meade.  2  Brother  of  Frank  Ingraham. 

3  Sister  of  Frank  Ingraham. 


354         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

mere  surmise,  I  have  not  seen  any  one  to  know  or  hear  what  is 
going  on. 

Last  evening  I  received  orders  to  send  out  an  expedition  this 
morning,  which  I  did;  but  it  has  been  storming  violently  all  day, 
and  this  afternoon  I  sent  to  recall  it.  The  Ninth  Corps,  which  came 
with  Burnside  from  North  Carolina,  is  not  announced  in  the  order 
published  to-day,  and  I  hear  it  is  under  orders  to  move — where  it  is 
going,  not  known,  but  the  probability  is  that  Burnside  has  asked  to 
have  it  with  him,  in  case  he  returns  to  North  Carolina. 

The  news  from  Charleston1  looks  very  badly,  I  hope  our  friend 
Frailey  will  come  out  all  right.  Stellwagon  of  the  Mercedita,  if  you 
remember  we  met  at  Mrs.  Frailey's  last  summer,  the  evening  I  went 
in  there.  Our  navy  has  hitherto  been  so  successful,  that  it  seems 
hard  to  realize  a  reverse. 

I  do  not  know  what  to  make  of  the  political  condition  of  the 
country.  One  thing  I  do  know,  I  have  been  long  enough  in  the  war 
to  want  to  give  them  one  thorough  good  licking  before  any  peace  is 
made,  and  to  accomplish  this  I  will  go  through  a  good  deal. 

Headquarters  Fifth  Army  Corps,  February  13,  1863. 
I  have  not  seen  General  Hooker  for  several  days,  indeed  his  course 
towards  me  is  so  inexplicable  in  refusing  me  leave  of  absence,  and  not 
vouchsafing  any  reason  for  it,  that  I  feel  indisposed  to  see  him.  Be- 
sides, I  do  not  like  his  entourage.  Such  gentlemen  as  Dan  Sickles 
and  Dan  Butterfield  are  not  the  persons  I  should  select  as  my  inti- 
mates, however  worthy  and  superior  they  may  be.  I  rode  over  to 
George's2  camp  to-day  and  paid  him  a  short  visit.  The  regiment, 
since  the  breaking  up  of  the  grand  divisions,  has  been  placed  under 
Stoneman,  who  has  command  of  all  the  cavalry.  This  will  give  them 
a  much  better  chance  of  seeing  service  than  when  attached  to  Head- 
quarters, which  is  a  lazy,  loafing  sort  of  duty.  Have  you  read 
General  Pope's  famous  report?  I  see  he  says  I  did  my  duty  in  all 
fidelity  to  the  Government,  for  which,  of  course,  I  am  truly  grateful. 

Headquarters  Fifth  Army  Corps,  February  15,  1863. 
I  thought  this  afternoon  I  would  not  have  to  write  to  you,  for  I 
got  a  note  from  Hooker,  saying  he  could  spare  me  for  seven  days  and 
telling  me  to  apply.     I  immediately  did  so,  sending  in  the  same  appli- 
cation which  he  had  twice  refused.     At  the  same  time  I  wrote  to 

1  Confederate  gun-boats  under  Com.  Ingraham  broke  the  Federal  blockade  at 
Charleston,  S.  C. 

2  Son  of  General  Meade. 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  355 

him,  that  I  did  not  desire  to  go,  if  there  was  the  slightest  reason  to 
believe  I  should  be  wanted.  It  will  be  too  much  happiness  to  get 
home  for  a  few  days  and  be  with  you  and  the  dear  children. 

I  have  had  an  application  from  young  Jay,1  of  New  York,  to 
come  upon  my  staff,  as  an  extra  aide.  He  was  appointed  an  addi- 
tional aide-de-camp  at  the  time  the  law  authorized  such  appoint- 
ments, and  has  been  serving  with  General  Morrell.  That  officer  hav- 
ing been  deprived  of  his  command,  Captain  Jay  has  applied  to  me. 
I  told  him,  if  the  War  Department  would  assign  him,  I  should  be 
glad  to  have  him. 

Bureau  Top.  Eng.  (Washington,  D.  C),  February  26,  1863. 
The  train  never  reached  this  place  until  ten  o'clock,  instead  of 
six-thirty  as  due.  In  consequence  I  missed  the  boat.  As  there  is 
none  till  to-morrow  morning  at  8  A.  M.,  thus  detaining  me  here  all 
day.  This  is  annoying,  because  I  wished  to  set  the  example  of  a 
prompt  and  punctual  return  within  the  time  allowed  me,  whereas  now 
I  shall  be  one  day  behind  time,  and  this  is  the  more  disagreeable 
because  there  is  a  report  in  town  that  the  enemy's  cavalry  have  ap- 
peared in  force  this  side  of  the  Rappahannock.  This  is  only  a  raid, 
as  they  cannot  possibly  be  so  foolish  as  to  attempt  any  advance  this 
side  of  the  river,  at  this  season  of  the  year.  The  first  person  I  met 
at  the  hotel  was  Cram,  and  I  am  going  to  dine  with  him  to-day.  I 
next  met  Sykes,  who  is  up  here  on  a  court-martial.  I  am  now  writ- 
ing a  few  lines  to  give  you  the  news,  am  going  to  see  Mrs.  Turnbull 
and  then  shall  dine  with  Cram. 

Headquarters  Fifth  Army  Corps,  February  27,  1863. 

I  wrote  you  a  few  lines  yesterday  from  Major  Woodruff's  office, 
advising  you  of  my  detention  in  Washington. 

I  met  hundreds  of  people  whom  I  knew,  such  as  Generals  Cad- 
walader,  McCall,  Hartsuff  and  others.  I  had  seen  Hudson  (McClel- 
lan's  aide)  in  the  morning,  and  he  asked  me  to  come  at  six  and  dine 
with  the  general.  I  declined  the  invitation  on  the  ground  of  pre- 
vious engagements,  but  said  I  would  drop  in  after  dinner.  As  it  was 
past  eight  o'clock  when  I  got  back,  I  went  in  to  the  private  parlor 
where  McClellan  was  dining,  and  found  a  party  of  some  dozen  or 
more,  all  officers  but  one,  a  Mr.  Cox,  Democratic  member  of  Con- 
gress from  Ohio.    Among  the  party  were  Andrew  Porter,  Sykes, 

1  William  Jay. 


356  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

Buchanan,  General  Van  Allen  and  others.  McClellan  received  me 
with  much  distinction  and  seated  me  alongside  of  himself,  and  asked 
very  kindly  after  you  and  the  children,  etc.  The  subject  of  conver- 
sation at  the  table  was  general,  and  referred  principally  to  military 

matters  and  pending  acts  of  legislation.     My   friend ,  who 

doubtless  had  heard  of  my  confirmation  and  was  in  consequence  dis- 
gusted, said  he  heard  I  was  to  be  given  an  Army  Corps  of  Niggers. 
I  laughingly  replied  I  had  not  been  informed  of  the  honor  awaiting 

me,  but  one  thing  I  begged  to  assure ,  that  if  the  niggers  were 

going  into  the  field  and  really  could  be  brought  heartily  to  fight,  I  was 
ready  to  command  them,  and  should  prefer  such  duty  to  others  that 

might  be  assigned  me.    As  this  was  a  fair  hit  at 's  position,  it 

silenced  him,  and  I  heard  nothing  further  about  commanding  niggers. 
After  spending  an  hour  in  pleasant  chat,  I  withdrew,  and  meeting 
Cram,  we  spent  the  night  till  near  twelve  o'clock,  talking  and  walking 
about  among  the  crowd  in  the  hotel.  This  morning  I  left  at  eight 
o'clock  and  reached  here  about  one  P.  M.,  being  half  a  day  behind 
my  time.  On  the  wharf  at  Acquia  Creek  I  met  Reynolds,  on  his  way 
out,  having  just  received  his  leave,  and  having  been,  as  I  expected, 
awaiting  my  return  to  have  his  granted. 

Headquarters  Fifth  Army  Corps,  March  7,  1863. 

Before  this  reaches  you,  you  will  have  seen  Alexander  Coxe,  who 
left  this  morning  for  home.  I  am  most  truly  sorry  to  lose  him,  for 
he  has  not  only  rendered  himself  most  useful  to  me,  but  has  attached 
himself  to  me  as  a  friend,  from  his  manly  character  and  social  quali- 
ties. I  sincerely  hope  he  will  be  benefited  by  rest  and  medical 
treatment  at  home,  and  will  be  able  to  return. 

Captain  Jay  has  joined  me,  and  seems  quite  a  clever  gentleman. 
We  have  also  had  at  our  mess  John  Williams,  who  has  been  taken 
away  from  Ricketts  and  ordered  to  report  to  this  army  for  duty, 
but  who  has  not  yet  been  assigned  to  any  general. 

The  bill  amalgamating  the  two  corps  of  Engineers  has  passed,  so 
the  old  Topographical  Corps  is  defunct,  and  I  shall  have  the  honor 
of  being  borne  on  the  register  as  a  Major  of  Engineers.  The  bill 
makes  one  brigadier  general  (Totten),  four  colonels  (of  which  Bache 
will  be  one),  ten  lieutenant  colonels,  twenty  majors  (of  whom  I  shall 
be  the  tenth),  thirty  captains,  thirty  first  lieutenants  and  ten  second 
lieutenants.  It  don't  make  much  difference  to  me,  if  the  war  lasts 
as  long  as  I  expect  it  to  and  I  survive  it. 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  357 

Camp  near  Falmouth,  Va.,  March  12,  1863. 

You  will  see  by  the  papers  that  we  have  all  been  confirmed,  with 
the  dates  of  our  appointment. 

You  have  never  mentioned  Reynolds  in  your  letters.  He  has 
been  off  on  ten-days'  leave,  and  I  presumed  he  would  be  in  Phila- 
delphia. Did  you  hear  of  his  being  there?  I  have  not  seen  him  since 
his  return  to  ask.  I  was  invited  to  his  headquarters  yesterday  to  dine, 
it  being  the  anniversary  of  the  organization  of  the  First  Corps;  and 
as  I  had  for  a  time  commanded  the  corps,  and  also  a  division  in  it, 
I  was  honored  with  an  invitation.    The  dinner  was  given  by  the  staff. 

This  evening  Captain  Magaw,  of  the  navy,  with  his  mother,  wife 
and  a  young  lady  friend,  made  their  appearance  at  headquarters,  and 
asked  hospitality.  He  commands  the  gun-boat  flotilla  in  the  Poto- 
mac. His  wife  is  quite  a  sweet,  pretty  woman,  is  the  daughter  of  a 
navy  officer,  and  was  born  at  Pensacola  when  my  sister,  Mrs.  Dallas, 
was  there,  and  is  named  after  her  and  Margaret.  The  young  men  on 
the  staff  turned  out  with  alacrity  and  fitted  up  a  tent  in  which  they 
are  quite  comfortable. 

Camp  near  Falmouth,  Va.,  March  13,  1863. 

I  am  glad  you  went  to  Professor  Cresson's  experiments  on  the 
polarization  of  light,  which  must  have  been  very  interesting,  even 
though  unintelligible! 

Captain  Magaw  and  ladies  left  us  to-day.  Though  we  were  ut- 
terly unprepared  for  such  visitors,  we  managed  to  make  them  quite 
comfortable,  and  they  left  delighted.  Yesterday  I  put  the  ladies  in 
an  ambulance  and  mounted  Magaw  on  Baldy,  and  we  went  over  and 
took  a  look  at  Fredericksburg,  and  afterwards  called  on  Hooker. 
The  General  was,  however,  absent  at  a  grand  wedding  which  took 
place  yesterday  in  camp,  followed  last  night  by  a  ball,  and  I  under- 
stand another  ball  is  given  to-night  by  General  Sickles.  Not  being 
honored  with  an  invitation  to  these  festivities,  I  did  not  go. 


To  Mr.  John  Sergeant  Meade: * 

Camp  near  Falmouth,  Va.,  March  15,  1863. 
I  am  obliged  to  go  up  to  Washington  to-day,  to  appear  before  the 
"  Committee  on  the  Conduct  of  the  War."     I  have  no  idea  what  they 

1  Son  of  General  Meade. 


358         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

want  me  for,  but  presume  it  is  in  relation  to  the  Fredericksburg  bat- 
tle, and  that  my  being  called  is  due  to  the  testimony  of  General  Burn- 
side,  who  has  perhaps  referred  to  me  in  his  statement.  I  am  very 
sorry  I  have  been  called,  because  my  relations  and  feelings  towards 
all  parties  are  and  have  been  of  the  most  friendly  character,  and  I  shall 
be  sorry  to  become  involved  in  any  way  in  the  controversies  growing 
out  of  this  affair. 

I  have  only  seen  George1  once  since  my  return;  the  weather  and 
roads  have  been  so  bad  that  neither  of  us  could  get  to  the  camp  of  the 
other.  The  regiment  has  been  very  highly  complimented  by  General 
Stoneman.  One  squadron  has  been  armed  with  carbines,  and  it  is 
expected  that  in  a  short  time  the  whole  regiment  will  be  thus  equipped 
and  the  turkey-driving  implement 2  abandoned. 

I  am  completely  fuddled  about  politics,  and  am  afraid  the  people 
are  very  much  demoralized.  I  trust  one  thing  or  another  will  be  done. 
Either  carry  on  the  war  as  it  ought  to  be,  with  overwhelming  means, 
both  material  and  personal,  or  else  give  it  up  altogether.  I  am  tired 
of  half-way  measures  and  efforts,  and  of  the  indecisive  character  of 
operations  up  to  this  time.  I  don't  know  whether  these  sentiments 
will  be  considered  disloyal,  but  they  are  certainly  mine;  with  the 
understanding,  however,  that  I  am  in  favor  of  the  first,  namely,  a 
vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war  with  all  the  means  in  our  power. 


To  Mrs.  George  G.  Meade: 

Camp  near  Falmouth,  Va.,  March  17,  1863. 
I  returned  to-day  from  Washington.  I  went  up  day  before  yester- 
day, the  15th,  arriving  in  Washington  about  7  p.m.  I  went  to  Wil- 
lard's,  where,  as  usual,  I  saw  a  great  many  people.  Finding  Burnside 
was  in  the  house,  I  sent  up  my  name  and  was  ushered  into  his  room, 
where  I  found  himself  and  Mrs.  Burnside,  the  latter  a  very  quiet, 
lady-like  and  exceedingly  nice  personage,  quite  pretty  and  rather 
younger  than  I  expected  to  see.  Burnside  was  very  glad  to  see  me, 
and  we  had  a  long  talk.  Among  other  things  he  read  me  a  corre- 
spondence he  had  had  with  Franklin.  Franklin  had  called  his  at- 
tention to  the  letter  which  appeared  in  the  Times,  said  this  was 
known  to  be  written  by  Raymond,  the  editor,  and  it  was  generally 
believed  his  information  was  derived  either  from  Burnside  himself  or 

1  Son  of  General  Meade.  2  Lance  carried  by  some  cavalry  regiments. 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  359 

some  of  his  staff.  Hence  this  letter  was  considered  authority,  and 
as  it  did  him,  Franklin,  great  injustice,  he  appealed  to  his,  Burnside's, 
magnanimity  to  correct  the  errors  and  give  publicity  to  his  correction. 
Burnside  replied  that  he  had  not  read  the  article  till  Franklin  called 
his  attention  to  it;  that  he  was  not  responsible  for  it,  nor  was  he  aware 
that  any  of  his  staff  had  had  any  part  in  its  production.  Still,  he  was 
bound  to  say  that  in  its  facts  it  was  true;  that  as  to  the  inferences 
drawn  from  these  facts,  he  had  nothing  to  say  about  them  and  must 
refer  him  to  Raymond,  the  reputed  author.  Several  letters  had 
passed,  Franklin  trying  to  get  Burnside  to  (as  he,  Burnside,  expressed 
it)  whitewash  him.  This  Burnside  said  he  was  not  going  to  do;  that 
Franklin  must  stand  on  his  own  merits  and  the  facts  of  the  case;  that 
he  had  never  made  any  accusation  against  him,  except  to  say  that  the 
crossing  of  the  river,  being  against  his,  Franklin's,  judgment,  he 
thought  Franklin  had  been  wanting  in  a  zealous  and  hearty  co-opera- 
tion with  his  plans.  That  about  the  time  my  attack  failed,  hearing 
from  one  of  his,  Burnside's,  staff  officers,  just  from  the  field,  that 
Franklin  was  not  attacking  with  the  force  and  vigor  he  ought  to,  he 
immediately  despatched  him  an  order  "directing  him  to  attack  with 
his  whole  force  if  necessary"  which  order  he  assumed  the  responsibil- 
ity of  not  executing,  and  he  must  now  take  the  consequences,  if  blame 
was  attached  to  him  for  it. 

The  next  morning  I  went  up  to  the  Capitol,  to  the  committee 
room,  and  found  only  the  clerk  present.  He  said  the  committee  had 
been  awaiting  me  some  days;  that  Senators  Chandler  and  Wade  were 
the  only  two  members  present,  and  now  down  town;  that  he  would 
hunt  them  up,  and  have  them  at  the  room  by  three  o'clock,  if  I  would 
return  at  that  hour.  At  three  I  again  presented  myself  to  the  com- 
mittee, and  found  old  Ben  Wade,  Senator  from  Ohio,  awaiting  me. 
He  said  the  committee  wished  to  examine  me  in  regard  to  my  attack 
at  Fredericksburg.  I  told  him  I  presumed  such  was  the  object  in 
summoning  me,  and  with  this  in  view  I  had  brought  my  official  report, 
which  I  would  read  to  him,  and  if  he  wanted  any  more  information, 
I  was  prepared  to  give  it.  After  hearing  my  report,  he  said  it  covered 
the  whole  ground,  and  he  would  only  ask  me  one  or  two  questions. 
First,  was  I  aware  that  General  Burnside,  about  the  time  of  my  at- 
tack, had  ordered  General  Franklin  to  attack  with  his  whole  force? 
I  answered,  "At  the  time  of  the  battle,  No;  indeed,  I  only  learned 
this  fact  yesterday  evening,  from  General  Burnside  himself."  Sec- 
ondly, what,  in  my  judgment,  as  a  military  man,  would  have  been  the 


360  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

effect  if  General  Franklin  had,  when  my  attack  was  successful,  ad- 
vanced his  whole  line?  I  said  I  believed  such  a  movement  would  have 
resulted  in  the  driving  back  of  the  enemy's  right  wing;  though  it 
would,  without  doubt,  have  produced  a  desperate  and  hard-contested 
fight;  but  when  I  reflected  on  the  success  that  attended  my  attack, 
which  was  made  with  less  than  ten  thousand  men  (supports  and  all), 
I  could  not  resist  the  belief  that  the  attack  of  fifty  thousand  men 
would  have  been  followed  by  success.  This  was  all  he  asked,  and 
except  the  last  question,  the  answer  to  which  was  a  mere  matter  of 
opinion,  I  don't  think  any  one  can  take  exception  to  my  testimony. 
My  conversations  with  Burnside  and  Wade  satisfied  me  that  Franklin 
was  to  be  made  responsible  for  the  failure  at  Fredericksburg,  and  the 
committee  is  seeking  all  the  testimony  they  can  procure  to  substan- 
tiate this  theory  of  theirs.  Now,  Franklin  has,  first,  his  orders,  as 
received  from  Burnside,  and  then  the  fact  that  the  execution  of  these 
orders  was  entrusted  to  Reynolds,  for  his  defense.  Before  the  com- 
mittee, of  course,  he  will  not  be  heard,  but  after  their  report  comes 
out,  it  will  be  incumbent  on  him  to  notice  their  statements  and  de- 
mand an  investigation.  I  feel  very  sorry  for  Franklin,  because  I  like 
him,  and  because  he  has  always  been  consistently  friendly  to  me. 

After  returning  from  the  Capitol,  I  dined  with  General  and  Mrs. 
Burnside  and  Parke.  Parke  said  he  was  about  being  left  off  the  list 
of  major  generals,  when  Burnside's  opportune  arrival  saved  him, 
Halleck  giving  as  a  reason  that  he  had  exercised  no  command  since 
his  appointment.  Burnside,  however,  had  his  name  sent  in,  and 
now  he  is  going  to  supersede  Baldy  Smith  and  take  command  of  the 
Ninth  Corps,  which  is  to  accompany  Burnside  in  his  new  command, 
to  which  he,  Burnside,  expects  to  be  ordered  in  a  few  days. 

The  best  piece  of  news  I  learned  when  in  Washington  was  that  the 
President  was  about  issuing  his  proclamation  putting  in  force  the 
conscription  law,  and  ordering  immediately  a  draft  of  five  hundred 
thousand  men.  Only  let  him  do  this,  and  enforce  it  and  get  the 
men,  and  the  North  is  bound  to  carry  the  day. 

I  sometimes  feel  very  nervous  about  my  position,  they  are  knock- 
ing over  generals  at  such  a  rate.  Among  others,  Wright,  who  was 
my  beau  ideal  of  a  soldier,  and  whom  I  had  picked  out  as  the  most 
rising  man,  has  had  his  major-generalcy  and  his  command  both  taken 
away  from  him,  because  he  could  not  satisfy  the  extremists  of  Ohio 
(anti-slavery)  and  those  of  Kentucky  (pro-slavery),  but  tried  by  a 
moderate  course  to  steer  between  them. 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  361 

Did  I  tell  you  the  old  Reserves  had  subscribed  fifteen  hundred 
dollars  to  present  me  with  a  sword,  sash,  belt,  etc.?  It  is  expected 
they  will  be  ready  about  the  close  of  the  month,  when  I  am  to  go, 
if  possible,  to  their  camp  near  Washington  to  receive  them. 

Falmouth,  Va.,  March  21,  1863. 

I  had  seen  in  the  papers  a  glowing  account  of  the  "Merry  Wives 
of  Windsor/'  which  must  have  been  a  great  treat.  There  is  nothing 
I  feel  so  much  the  deprivation  of  as  hearing  good  music,  and  I  was 
very  sorry  that  there  was  no  opportunity  to  indulge  myself  while  in 
Philadelphia. 

We  have  literally  nothing  new  or  exciting  in  camp.  Averill's 
brilliant  cavalry  foray  has  been  the  camp  talk.  The  enemy,  through 
Richmond  papers,  admit  they  were  whipped  and  believe  it  to  be  the 
commencement  of  Hooker's  campaign,  and  already  talk  of  the  prob- 
able necessity  of  Lee's  having  to  fall  back  nearer  Richmond.  This 
confirms  what  we  have  suspected,  that  their  force  opposite  to  us  had 
been  much  reduced,  and  that  when  we  pressed  them  they  would 
retire.  There  is  not  much  chance  of  doing  this  at  present,  however. 
Yesterday  it  snowed  all  day,  and  to-day  it  is  raining,  so  that  our 
roads  are  again,  or  will  be,  in  a  dreadful  condition. 

Falmouth,  Va.,  March  29,  1863. 
I  received  yesterday  your  letter  of  the  26th.  The  same  mail 
brought  me  a  letter  from  Franklin.  It  is  evident  from  Franklin's 
letter  that  my  surmise  was  correct,  that  he  had  taken  it  into  his 
head  that  I  had  been  talking  to  Burnside  and  furnishing  him  with 
data  for  the  controversy.  I  don't  intend  to  quarrel  with  Franklin 
if  I  can  help  it,  because  I  feel  that  in  all  this  war  he  has  shown  more 
real  regard  for  me  and  appreciation  for  me  than  any  other  man.  I 
have  never  had  any  official  relations  with  Franklin,  till  Fredericks- 
burg, and  I  know  that  he  has  on  numerous  occasions  referred  to  me 
as  one  who  has  not  been  advanced  in  proportion  to  his  merits.  Be- 
sides this  feeling,  selfish  to  be  sure,  my  judgment  is  that  Burnside 
is  making  a  mistake  in  holding  Franklin  responsible  for  the  disaster 
at  Fredericksburg.  Franklin  may  be  chargeable  with  a  want  of  en- 
ergy, with  failing,  without  reference  to  orders,  to  take  advantage  of 
a  grand  opportunity  for  distinction,  with,  in  fact,  not  doing  more 
than  he  was  strictly  required  to  do;  but  it  is  absurd  to  say  he  failed 


362  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

to  obey,  or  in  any  way  obstructed  the  prompt  execution  of  his  orders; 
that  is,  so  far  as  I  know  them. 

Burnside  says  he  sent  him  orders  about  the  middle  of  the  day  to 
attack  with  his  whole  force.  Franklin,  I  understand,  denies  having 
received  any  such  orders.  Moreover,  Baldy  Smith,  I  hear,  has 
sworn  that  a  day  or  two  before  Franklin  was  relieved,  Burnside  told 
him  (Baldy  Smith)  that  he  was  going  to  give  up  the  command  of  the 
army  and  urge  the  President  to  put  Franklin  in  his  place.  This 
seems  very  inconsistent  with  his  subsequent  course,  as  there  is  no 
doubt  Franklin's  command  was  taken  away  from  him  on  the  repre- 
sentations of  Burnside.  My  position,  with  my  friendly  feelings  for 
both,  is  not  only  peculiar  but  embarrassing. 

We  had  some  grand  races  day  before  yesterday,  gotten  up  by 
Birney.  I  went  over  there  and  met  Governor  Curtin.  He  returned 
with  me  and  inspected  several  of  the  Pennsylvania  regiments  in  my 
command,  making  little  speeches  to  each. 

Falmouth,  Va.,  March  30,  1863. 

I  am  truly  glad  to  hear  Franklin  called  to  see  you.  I  am  sure 
you  will  bear  testimony  to  the  respect  and  good  feeling  I  have  al- 
ways expressed  towards  Franklin,  and  my  earnest  desire  to  avoid 
being  drawn  into  the  controversy  between  himself  and  Burnside.  I 
think  Franklin  missed  a  great  chance  at  Fredericksburg,  and  I  rather 
infer  from  his  letter  that  he  thinks  so  now;  but  I  have  always  said 
he  was  hampered  by  his  orders  and  a  want  of  information  as  to 
Burnside's  real  views  and  plans.  A  great  captain  would  have  cast 
them  aside  and  assumed  responsibility.  At  the  same  time  I  must 
say  that  he  knew  and  I  know  that  if  he  had  failed,  then  his  going 
beyond  his  orders  would  prove  utter  ruin. 

Deserters  from  the  other  side  say  the  men  are  really  suffering 
from  the  want  of  sufficient  food,  but  that  their  spirit  is  undaunted, 
and  that  they  are  ready  to  fight.  The  morale  of  our  army  is  better 
than  it  ever  was,  so  you  may  look  out  for  tough  fighting  next  time. 

Falmouth,  Va.,  April  5,  1863. 
Yesterday  I  received  yours  of  the  2d  instant,  announcing  you  had 
been  to  Bailey's  to  see  my  sword.  I  saw  the  item  in  the  Inquirer 
you  allude  to,  and  was  not  a  little  taken  down  by  another  in  the 
next  column,  in  which  the  presentation  fever  was  most  justly  in- 
veighed against.     I  did  all  I  could  to  prevent  anything  being  given 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  363 

to  me,  and  on  several  occasions  when  I  was  approached  to  know 
what  I  would  like  to  have,  I  always  refused  to  take  anything,  and 
earnestly  requested  as  a  personal  favor  to  have  the  thing  stopped. 
This  last  affair  was  gotten  up  after  I  had  left  the  division,  and  the 
first  I  knew  of  it  was  that  the  sword  had  been  ordered  and  would 
soon  be  ready  for  presentation.  There  is  to  be  a  grand  jollification 
at  Willard's,  I  hear,  on  the  occasion,  when  the  Governor  and  divers 
other  big-bugs  will  be  present  to  gas  and  make  me  feel  uncomfort- 
able. I  would  give  a  good  deal  to  escape  this  ordeal,  and  am  in 
hopes  we  shall  be  on  the  move  before  they  get  ready.  I  would  much 
prefer  the  men  giving  their  money  to  their  wives,  or,  if  they  are  not 
so  blessed,  to  the  widows  and  orphans  that  the  war  has  made.  I 
see  by  the  Inquirer  of  yesterday  that  the  18th  instant  is  the  day 
appointed  for  the  presentation,  but  I  rather  think  that  by  that  date 
I  shall  have  other  work  on  hand. 

Some  one  has  sent  me  a  copy  of  the  Evening  Journal  with 
Wilkeson's  letter  about  Birney  in  it. 

Falmouth,  Va.,  April  9,  1863. 
I  have  omitted  writing  for  a  day  or  two,  as  I  have  been  very 
much  occupied  in  the  ceremonies  incidental  to  the  President's  visit. 
I  think  my  last  letter  told  you  he  arrived  here  on  Sunday,  in  the 
midst  of  a  violent  snow  storm.  He  was  to  have  had  a  cavalry  re- 
view on  that  day,  but  the  weather  prevented  it.  The  next  day, 
Monday,  the  cavalry  review  came  off;  but  notwithstanding  the  large 
number  of  men  on  parade,  the  weather,  which  was  cloudy  and  raw, 
and  the  ground,  which  was  very  muddy,  detracted  from  the  effect 
greatly.  Orders  were  given  for  an  infantry  review  the  next  day 
(Tuesday).  I  was  invited  on  this  day  (Monday)  to  dine  with  Gen- 
eral Hooker,  to  meet  the  President  and  Mrs.  Lincoln.  We  had  a 
very  handsome  and  pleasant  dinner.  The  President  and  Mrs.  Lin- 
coln, Mr.  Bates,  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  a  Dr.  Henry,  of  Colorado, 
who  accompanied  the  President,  Mrs.  Stoneman,  wife  of  Major  Gen- 
eral Stoneman,  besides  the  corps  commanders,  constituted  the  party. 
The  next  day,  owing  to  the  ground  not  being  in  condition,  the  in- 
fantry review  was  postponed;  but  the  President  did  me  the  honor 
to  visit  my  camps  and  inspect  them,  and  I  believe  (leaving  out  the 
fatigue)  passed  a  very  pleasant  day.  Yesterday  (Wednesday)  we 
had  the  grand  infantry  review,  there  being  out  four  corps,  or  over 
sixty  thousand  men.    The  review  passed  off  very  well  indeed.     The 


364  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

day,  during  the  early  part  of  it,  was  not  favorable,  being  cloudy  and 
raw,  but  after  noon  the  sun  came  out  and  rendered  everything  more 
cheerful.  Mrs.  Carroll  and  Mrs.  Griffin  and  the  two  Misses  Carroll, 
together  with  two  other  young  ladies,  having  come  down  to  General 
Griffin's,  I  was  invited  to  meet  them  at  dinner,  which  I  did  yester- 
day evening,  and  had  a  very  pleasant  time.  So  you  see  we  are  try- 
ing to  smooth  a  little  the  horrors  of  war.  I  saw  George1  the  day  of 
the  cavalry  review.  He  told  me  he  was  to  have  a  leave  that  day, 
so  that  he  will  undoubtedly  be  there  when  this  reaches  you. 

The  day  I  dined  with  Hooker,  he  told  me,  in  the  presence  of  Mr. 
Bates,  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  that  he  (Hooker)  had  told  the  Presi- 
dent that  the  vacant  brigadiership  in  the  regular  army  lay  between 
Sedgwick  and  myself.  I  replied  that  I  had  no  pretensions  to  it,  and 
that  if  I  were  the  President  I  would  leave  it  open  till  after  the  next 
battle.  The  next  day,  when  riding  through  the  camp,  Hooker  said 
the  President  had  told  him  he  intended  to  leave  this  position  open 
till  after  the  next  fight. 

You  have  seen  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  the  Conduct  of 
the  War.  It  is  terribly  severe  upon  Franklin.  Still,  I  took  occa- 
sion when  I  had  a  chance  to  say  a  good  word  for  Franklin  to  the 
President,  who  seemed  very  ready  to  hear  anything  in  his  behalf, 
and  said  promptly  that  he  always  liked  Franklin  and  believed  him 
to  be  a  true  man.  The  President  looks  careworn  and  exhausted. 
It  is  said  he  has  been  brought  here  for  relaxation  and  amusement, 
and  that  his  health  is  seriously  threatened.  He  expresses  himself 
greatly  pleased  with  all  he  has  seen,  and  his  friends  say  he  has  im- 
proved already. 

Camp  near  Falmouth,  April  11,  1863. 
The  President  has  now  reviewed  the  whole  army,  and  expresses 
himself  highly  delighted  with  all  he  has  seen.  Since  our  review,  I 
have  attended  the  other  reviews  and  have  been  making  myself  (or 
at  least  trying  so  to  do)  very  agreeable  to  Mrs.  Lincoln,  who  seems 
an  amiable  sort  of  personage.  In  view  also  of  the  vacant  brigadier- 
ship  in  the  regular  army,  I  have  ventured  to  tell  the  President  one 
or  two  stories,  and  I  think  I  have  made  decided  progress  in  his  affec- 
tions. By-the-by,  talking  of  this  vacancy,  I  have  been  very  much 
gratified  at  the  congratulations  I  have  received  from  several  distin- 
guished general  officers  on  the  prominence  that  has  been  given  my 
1  Son  of  General  Meade. 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  365 

name  in  connection  with  this  appointment.  The  other  day,  Major 
General  Stoneman  came  up  to  me  and  said  he  was  very  glad  to  hear 
I  was  so  much  talked  of  in  connection  with  this  vacancy;  that  he 
hoped  I  would  get  it,  and  that  he  believed  the  voice  of  the  army 
would  be  in  my  favor.  Coming  as  this  does  from  those  who  are 
cognizant  of  my  services,  some  of  whom  are  themselves  candidates, 
I  cannot  but  regard  it  as  most  complimentary  and  gratifying,  and  I 
am  sure  it  will  please  you.  Stoneman  also  told  me  that,  hearing  I 
had  a  boy  in  the  Lancers,  he  had  sent  for  him  and  introduced  him  to 
Mrs.  Stoneman.  Stoneman  also  spoke  very  handsomely  of  the  Lan- 
cers, and  said  he  intended  they  should  have  full  chance  to  show  what 
they  were  made  of. 

Falmouth,  Va.,  April  12,  1863. 

I  feel  very  sad  when  I  think  of  young  Dehon  and  Hamilton  Kuhn, 
both  so  full  of  life  and  promising  so  much;  to  be  cut  off  in  the  way 
they  were,  is  truly  mournful,  and  I  feel  sometimes  as  if  I  was  indi- 
vidually responsible,  and  in  some  measure  the  cause  of  the  misfort- 
une of  their  friends. 

I  have  had  another  hard  day's  work.  No  sooner  had  the  Presi- 
dent left,  than  a  Major  General  Follarde,  of  the  Swiss  army,  comes 
down  here,  with  orders  to  Hooker  to  show  him  every  attention,  and 
as  he  does  not  speak  English,  and  I  have  some  pretensions  to  speak- 
ing French,  Hooker  turned  him  over  to  me,  and  I  have,  to-day,  been 
taking  him  all  through  my  camps  and  showing  him  my  command. 
He  seems  like  all  foreign  officers  of  rank,  intelligent  and  educated. 
He  expressed  himself  delighted  and  wonder-struck  with  all  he  saw, 
and  says  our  troops  will  compare  favorably  with  the  best  troops  in 
Europe,  and  he  has  seen  them  all.  If  he  goes  back  to  Philadelphia, 
I  will  give  him  a  letter  to  you,  for  I  think  he  will  interest  you. 

I  note  what  you  say  of  General  Hooker.  I  think  he  will  outlive 
that  scandal,  for  it  most  certainly  is  a  scandal.  Whatever  may  have 
been  his  habits  in  former  times,  since  I  have  been  associated  with 
him  in  the  army  I  can  bear  testimony  of  the  utter  falsehood  of  the 
charge  of  drunkenness. 

I  spoke  to  the  President  when  here  about  Franklin,  and  endeav- 
ored to  convince  him  that  the  whole  affair  turned  on  a  misappre- 
hension, Burnside  thinking  he  was  saying  and  ordering  one  thing 
and  Franklin  understanding  another.  I  know  that  Franklin  did  not, 
nor  did  any  of  those  around  him.,  believe  or  understand  that  Burn- 


366  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

side  intended  our  attack  for  the  main  attack,  which  Burnside  now 
avers  was  always  his  intention. 

Camp  near  Falmouth,  April  14,  1863. 

Yesterday  I  received  a  letter  asking  me  to  appoint  a  day  to  re- 
ceive the  sword,  etc.  I  referred  it  to  General  Hooker,  who  replied 
that  it  was  entirely  out  of  the  question,  my  being  absent  at  this 
time,  and  recommending  the  postponement  of  the  presentation,  which 
I  accordingly  wrote  to  the  committee.  I  am  just  as  well  satisfied, 
for  I  looked  with  great  horror  at  the  prospect  of  being  made  a  lion, 
and  having  to  roar  for  the  benefit  of  outsiders.  I  trust  now  they 
will  come  quietly  down  here,  make  the  presentation,  and  let  me  send 
the  sword  back  to  you,  for  it  is  too  precious  to  carry  in  the  field. 

I  have  been  busy  all  day  making  preparations  for  the  march. 

Camp  near  Falmouth,  Va.,  April  17,  1863. 

I  regret  to  see  you  are  in  bad  spirits  and  take  so  much  to  heart 
our  apparent  reverses.  The  affair  at  Charleston  was  pretty  much 
as  I  expected,  except  I  did  think  the  ironclads  would  be  able  to 
pass  Sumter  and  get  at  the  town.  I  did  not  expect  this  would  give 
us  the  place,  or  that  they  could  reduce  the  batteries.  They  never 
have  yet  reduced  any  batteries  of  consequence,  except  those  at  Port 
Royal  and  Fort  Donelson,  but  they  have  proved  their  capacity  to 
run  by  them  and  stand  being  shot  at,  which  I  think  they  did  in  an 
eminent  degree  at  Charleston.  I  see  some  of  the  papers  are  disposed 
to  criticise  and  find  fault  with  duPont,  but  I  have  just  read  a  vigor- 
ous defense  of  him  in  the  New  York  Tribune,  so  he  is  all  right. 
You  must  not  be  so  low-spirited.  War  is  a  game  of  ups  and  downs, 
and  we  must  have  our  reverses  mixed  up  with  our  successes.  Look 
out  for  "Fighting  Joe's"  army,  for  the  grand  reaction  in  our  favor. 
A  big  rain  storm  we  had  on  the  14th  has  kept  us  quiet  for  awhile, 
but  Joe  says  we  are  to  do  great  things  when  we  start. 

The  great  lady  in  the  camp  is  the  Princess  Slam  Slam,  who  is 
quite  a  pretty  young  woman.  The  Prince  Slam  Slam  has  a  regi- 
ment in  Sigel's  corps. 

April  18,  1863. 
To-day  is  fine  and  beautiful,  and  if  we  only  have  a  continuance 
of  such  weather,  we  shall  soon  be  on  the  move.     I  suppose  the  sooner 
we  get  off  the  better.    General  Hooker  seems  to  be  very  sanguine  of 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  367 

success,  but  is  remarkably  reticent  of  his  information  and  plans;  I 
really  know  nothing  of  what  he  intends  to  do,  or  when  or  where  he 
proposes  doing  anything.  This  secrecy  I  presume  is  advantageous, 
so  far  as  it  prevents  the  enemy's  becoming  aware  of  our  plans.  At 
the  same  time  it  may  be  carried  too  far,  and  important  plans  may 
be  frustrated  by  subordinates,  from  their  ignorance  of  how  much 
depended  on  their  share  of  the  work.  This  was  the  case  at  Fredericks- 
burg. Franklin  was  not  properly  advised,  that  is  to  say,  not  fully 
advised,  as  to  Burnside's  plan.  I  am  sure  if  he  had  been  so  advised, 
his  movements  would  have  been  different. 

I  suppose  you  have  seen  Jeff  Davis's  proclamation  on  the  subject 
of  food.  It  undoubtedly  is  a  confession  of  weakness,  but  we  should 
be  very  careful  how  we  allow  ourselves  to  be  led  astray  by  it.  Not 
a  single  exertion  on  our  part  should  be  relaxed,  not  a  man  less  called 
out  than  before.  We  might  as  well  make  up  our  minds  to  the  fact 
that  our  only  hope  of  peace  is  in  the  complete  overpowering  of  the 
military  force  of  the  South,  and  to  do  this  we  must  have  immense 
armies  to  outnumber  them  everywhere.  I  fear,  however,  that  this 
plain  dictate  of  common  sense  will  never  have  its  proper  influence. 
Already  I  hear  a  talk  of  not  enforcing  the  conscription  law.  Cer- 
tainly no  such  efforts  are  being  made  to  put  the  machinery  of  the 
law  into  motion  as  would  indicate  an  early  calling  out  of  the  drafted 
men.  In  the  course  of  the  next  month  and  the  one  ensuing,  all  the 
two-year  and  nine-month  men  go  out  of  service.  Of  the  latter  class 
there  were  called  out  three  hundred  thousand.  How  many  are  in 
service  I  don't  know.  I  do  know,  however,  that  this  army  loses  in 
the  next  twenty  days  nearly  twenty-five  thousand  men,  and  that  I 
see  no  indication  of  their  being  replaced.  Over  eight  thousand  go 
out  of  my  corps  alone.  These  facts  have  been  well-known  at  Wash- 
ington for  some  time  past,  and  pressed  upon  the  attention  of  the 
authorities,  and  perhaps  arrangements  unknown  to  me  have  been 
made  to  meet  the  difficulty. 

Camp  near  Falmouth,  Va.,  April  20,  1863. 
I  can  see  by  the  public  journals  that  the  navy  are  in  the  affair 
at  Charleston  about  to  imitate  the  bad  example  of  the  army  by 
squabbling  among  themselves  after  a  battle  with  greater  energy  than 
they  display  fighting  the  enemy.  DuPont  will  undoubtedly  have  to 
bear  the  brunt  of  the  failure  at  Charleston,  but  as  I  see  the  Tribune 
most  warmly  and  energetically  espouses  his  cause,  I  presume  he  is  all 


368  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

safe.  I  never  had  any  idea  the  ironclads  would  be  able  to  do  much 
more  than  they  did.  They  are  simply  able  to  stand  fire,  but  have 
no  more  offensive  power,  indeed  not  as  much  as  ordinary  vessels  of 
war. 

I  see  Seymour  has  been  sent  by  Hunter  to  endeavor  to  have 
countermanded  the  order  sending  the  ironclads  to  the  Mississippi. 
This  order,  if  ever  given,  was  in  my  judgment  very  injudicious,  for 
these  vessels  will  be  of  no  use  on  that  river  in  reducing  the  works 
of  Vicksburg  and  Port  Hudson.  The  only  service  they  can  be  put 
to  there  would  be  to  patrol  the  river  between  the  two  places,  and 
prevent  supplies  to  the  rebels  from  the  Red  River  Country. 

Yesterday  the  Richmond  papers  announced  the  fall  of  Suffolk, 
and  we  were  all  pretty  blue;  but  this  morning  we  have  a  telegram 
from  General  Peck  reporting  that  he  has  stormed  and  carried  a  bat- 
tery of  six  guns  that  the  enemy  had  built,  and  had  captured  a  por- 
tion of  an  Alabama  regiment  that  was  defending  it.  This  is  great 
news,  not  so  much  for  the  actual  amount  of  the  success,  as  for  the 
facts — first,  that  it  is  the  reverse  of  what  the  rebels  had  reported, 
and,  second,  because  it  is  the  first  time  in  this  war  that  our  troops 
have  carried  a  battery  in  position  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  an 
example,  I  trust,  will  be  speedily  and  often  imitated  by  us. 

Day  before  yesterday,  I  was  astonished  at  receiving  a  very  beau- 
tiful bouquet  of  flowers,  which  had  attached  to  it  a  card  on  which 
was  written,  "With  the  compliments  of  Mrs.  A.  Lincoln."  At  first 
I  was  very  much  tickled,  and  my  vanity  insinuated  that  my  fine 
appearance  had  taken  Mrs.  L's  eye  and  that  my  fortune  was  made. 
This  delusion,  however,  was  speedily  dissolved  by  the  orderly  who 
brought  the  bouquet  inquiring  the  road  to  General  Griffin's  and 
Sykes's  quarters,  when  I  ascertained  that  all  the  principal  generals 
had  been  similarly  honored. 

I  understand  George1  joined  his  regiment  up  the  river,  the  day 
after  he  arrived.    He  went  up  in  a  violent  storm. 

Camp  near  Falmouth,  Va.,  April  22,  1863. 
You  don't  seem  to  like  my  Loyal  League  letter,  or  rather  you  seem 
to  depreciate  my  writing  at  all.  I  could  not  decline  to  answer  the 
invitation  extended  to  me,  and  to  decline  simply  on  the  ground  of 
public  duties  would  have  been  refusing  to  give  my  views,  which  un- 
doubtedly was  the  object  of  the  invitation,  as  no  one  could  have  sup- 
1  Son  of  General  Meade. 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS 

posed  I  could  attend.  The  letter  I  wrote  was  carefully  worded,  to 
avoid  anything  like  a  partisan  complexion.  I  said  nothing  but  what 
I  am  willing  to  stand  up  to.  I  am  in  favor  of  a  vigorous  prosecution 
of  the  war,  and  am  opposed  to  any  separation  of  government  in  what 
was,  is,  and  should  be  the  United  States.  I  stated  distinctly  that  I 
subscribed  to  the  platform  because  it  was  national  and  not  partisan. 
It  is  impossible  to  satisfy  all  parties;  the  only  thing  you  can  do  is 
to  give  none  a  reason  for  claiming  you  as  their  own. 

Camp  near  Falmouth,  Va.,  April  25,  1863. 

George's1  panniers  arrived  yesterday.  They  are  certainly  very 
elegant  affairs  and  I  presume  Master  George  got  his  pay  in  Wash- 
ington to  enable  him  to  indulge  in  such  luxuries.  I  have  for  my  use 
two  champagne  baskets  covered  with  canvas,  but  young  lieutenants 
are  far  ahead  of  generals  now-a-days. 

The  extraordinarily  bad  weather  continues.  It  seems  as  if  it 
would  never  stop  raining,  and  until  it  does,  we  must  remain  quiet. 
I  cannot  hear  anything  of  the  movements  of  the  cavalry.  The  last 
I  heard  they  were  up  the  Rappahannock,  detained  by  the  rains,  and 
I  take  it  for  granted  they  are  there  still. 

I  join  most  heartily  with  you  in  prayers  and  wishes  for  this  ter- 
rible war  to  be  brought  to  a  close;  but  I  fear  our  prayers  and  wishes 
will  avail  but  little.  If  I  could  only  see  the  country  alive  to  the 
magnitude  of  the  war,  and  efforts  being  made  to  exert  and  use  the 
superior  resources  in  the  way  they  should  be  employed,  I  might  have 
some  hopes  that  the  war  might  be  terminated  by  our  success.  Let 
us  hope  matters  will  turn  out  better  than  we  have  a  right  to  expect. 
War  is  a  game  of  chances  and  accidents.  A  little  success  on  our 
part  will  have  a  great  influence  to  bring  things  to  a  right  condition, 
and  I  think  the  spirit  of  this  army  is  to  try  hard  to  be  successful. 

Camp  near  Falmouth,  Va.,  April  26,  1863. 
Hooker  seems  very  confident  of  success,  but  lets  no  one  into  his 
secrets.  I  heard  him  say  that  not  a  human  being  knew  his  plans 
either  in  the  army  or  at  Washington.  For  my  part  I  am  willing  to 
be  in  ignorance,  for  it  prevents  all  criticism  and  faultfinding  in  ad- 
vance. All  I  ask  and  pray  for  is  to  be  told  explicitly  and  clearly 
what  I  am  expected  to  do,  and  then  I  shall  try,  to  the  best  of  my 
ability,  to  accomplish  the  task  set  before  me.     This  afternoon,  while 

1  Son  of  General  Meade. 


370  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

at  headquarters,  I  saw  the  arrival  of  Mr.  Seward  with  several  ladies, 
and  three  or  four  of  the  foreign  Ministers,  from  Washington.  I  was 
not  introduced  to  them,  as  I  was  on  business  and  in  a  hurry  to  get 
home. 

I  have  been  riding  all  day  and  am  a  little  fatigued. 

April  30,  1863. 
The  papers  will  of  course  tell  you  the  army  has  moved.     I  write 
to  tell  you  that  there  is  as  yet  but  a  little  skirmishing;  we  are  across 
the  river  and  have  out-manceuvered  the  enemy,  but  are  not  yet  out 
of  the  woods. 

May  2,  p.  m. 
We  have  had  no  great  fighting  as  yet,  though  Sykes's  division,  of 
my  corps,  had  quite  a  skirmish  yesterday.     It  is  doubtful  what  the 
enemy  are  going  to  do,  but  many  believe  they  are  evacuating. 

Camp  near  Falmouth,  Va.,  May  7,  1863. 

I  reached  here  last  evening,  fatigued  and  exhausted  with  a  ten 
days'  campaign,  pained  and  humiliated  at  its  unsatisfactory  result, 
but  grateful  to  our  heavenly  Father  that,  in  His  infinite  goodness, 
He  permitted  me  to  escape  all  the  dangers  I  had  to  pass  through.1 
The  papers  will  give  you  all  the  details  of  the  movement,  so  that  I 
shall  confine  myself  to  a  general  account  of  my  own  doings.  General 
Hooker's  plan  was  well  conceived  and  its  early  part  well  executed.  It 
was  briefly  thus :  A  portion  of  the  army  were  to  make  a  forced  march, 
cross  the  Rappahannock  so  high  up  as  to  preclude  opposition,  cross 
the  Rapidan  at  the  lower  fords,  drive  away  the  defenders  of  the 
works  placed  at  the  crossings  of  the  Rappahannock  nearest  to  Fred- 
ericksburg, and  when  one  of  these  was  opened,  the  rest  of  the  army 
was  to  join  the  advanced  corps,  be  concentrated,  and  push  the  enemy 
away  from  Fredericksburg. 

I  have  advised  you  that  on  Monday,  the  27th  ulto.,  my  corps, 
the  Fifth,  together  with  the  Eleventh  and  Twelfth,  left  camp  and 
reached  Kelly's  Ford  on  the  28th.  That  night  and  early  next  morn- 
ing we  crossed  the  Rappahannock,  the  Eleventh  and  Twelfth  Corps 
moving  on  one  road  to  Germanna  Ford  and  I  on  another  to  Ely's 
ford,  of  the  Rapidan.     These  fords  were  reached  and  crossed  by  the 

1  Battle  of  Chancellorsville,  May  3-5,  1863.  Federal  loss,  killed,  wounded, 
and  missing,  12,145  (0.  R.). 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  371 

evening  of  the  29th.  On  the  30th  we  advanced  and  concentrated  at 
Chancellorsville,  a  small  place  on  the  plank  road  from  Fredericksburg 
to  Gordonsville,  and  distant  some  ten  miles  from  Fredericksburg.  In 
this  movement  we  uncovered  the  United  States  ford  and  established 
communication  with  our  left  wing  opposite  Fredericksburg;  thus  far 
the  movement  was  successful.  On  the  1st  inst.  two  more  corps  were 
brought  over  to  Chancellorsville,  and  the  Fifth  and  Twelfth  corps 
advanced  from  Chancellorsville  towards  Fredericksburg;  but  just  as 
we  reached  the  enemy  we  were  recalled.  On  our  retiring  the  enemy 
attacked  Sykes's  division  of  my  corps  and  we  had  a  smart  fight  till 
dark.  The  next  day,  May  2d,  the  enemy  attacked  in  force,  and 
after  a  day's  hard  fighting,  owing  to  the  bad  behavior  of  a  portion 
of  our  troops,  the  Eleventh  Corps,  we  had  to  fall  back  and  draw  in 
our  lines. 

I  ought  to  have  mentioned  that,  simultaneously  with  our  cross- 
ing the  Rappahannock  above,  Sedgwick  and  Reynolds  crossed  below 
Fredericksburg,  and  after  occupying  the  attention  of  the  enemy,  so 
soon  as  we  were  established  at  Chancellorsville,  they  were  withdrawn, 
and  Reynolds  joined  us  on  the  30th.  When  the  force  of  the  enemy 
was  perceived,  Sedgwick  was  ordered  to  recross  at  Fredericksburg 
and  attack  in  their  rear,  which  he  did,  on  the  2d  inst.  On  the  3d 
we  had  a  very  heavy  fight,  in  which  we  held  our  own,  but  did  not 
advance,  awaiting  Sedgwick's  operations.  On  the  4th  remained 
quiet,  and  in  the  evening  learned  that  Sedgwick  was  held  in  check 
by  superior  forces,  and  his  position  critical.  The  enemy  not  attack- 
ing us  on  the  5th,  as  we  hoped,  and  finding  him  too  strong  to  attack 
without  danger  of  sacrificing  the  army  in  case  of  defeat,  Hooker  de- 
termined to  withdraw  to  this  side  of  the  river,  which  we  did  without 
pursuit,  on  the  night  of  the  5th. 

Camp  near  Falmouth,  Va.,  May  8,  1863. 
When  I  last  wrote  I  could  get  no  definite  information  of  George's1 
whereabouts,  but  to-day  Captain  Newhall 2  has  returned  to  head- 
quarters and  reports  the  cavalry  all  back  across  the  Rappahannock, 
except  two  regiments  that  continued  on  and  have  arrived  at  York- 
town,  having  succeeded  in  destroying  several  bridges  on  the  railroads 
from  hence  and  Gordonsville  to  Richmond.  Unfortunately  our  with- 
drawal across  the  Rappahannock  will  prevent  advantage  being  taken 

1  Son  of  General  Meade. 

2  Frederick  C.  Newhall,  of  Philadelphia,  aide-de-camp  to  General  Pleasanton. 


372  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

of  the  cavalry  success,  as  they  will  now  have  time  to  repair  damages 
before  we  can  get  at  them  again. 

Just  after  closing  my  letter  yesterday  I  was  summoned  to  head- 
quarters, where  I  found  the  President  and  General  Halleck.  The 
former  said  he  had  come  down  to  enquire  for  himself  as  to  the  con- 
dition of  affairs  and  desired  to  see  corps  commanders.  He  and  Hal- 
leck spent  a  couple  of  hours,  took  lunch,  and  talked  of  all  sorts  of 
things,  but  nothing  was  said  of  our  recent  operations,  or  any  refer- 
ence made  to  the  future,  nor  was  any  corps  commander  called  on  for 
an  opinion.  The  President  remarked  that  the  result  was  in  his  judg- 
ment most  unfortunate;  that  he  did  not  blame  any  one — he  believed 
every  one  had  done  all  in  his  power;  and  that  the  disaster  was  one 
that  could  not  be  helped.  Nevertheless  he  thought  its  effect,  both 
at  home  and  abroad,  would  be  more  serious  and  injurious  than  any 
previous  act  of  the  war.  In  this  I  agree  with  him;  and  when  it  comes 
to  be  known  that  it  might  and  should  have  been  avoided,  I  think  the 
country  will  hold  some  one  responsible.  My  conscience  and  record 
are  fortunately  clear.  I  opposed  the  withdrawal  with  all  my  influ- 
ence, and  I  tried  all  I  could,  on  Sunday  morning,  to  be  permitted  to 
take  my  corps  into  action,  and  to  have  a  general  battle  with  the 
whole  army  engaged,  but  I  was  overruled  and  censured  for  sending 
in  a  brigade  of  Humphreys's,  which  I  did  in  spite  of  orders  to  the 
contrary.  General  Hooker  has  disappointed  all  his  friends  by  fail- 
ing to  show  his  fighting  qualities  at  the  pinch.  He  was  more  cau- 
tious and  took  to  digging  quicker  even  than  McClellan,  thus  prov- 
ing that  a  man  may  talk  very  big  when  he  has  no  responsibility,  but 
that  it  is  quite  a  different  thing,  acting  when  you  are  responsible 
and  talking  when  others  are.  Who  would  have  believed  a  few  days 
ago  that  Hooker  would  withdraw  his  army,  in  opposition  to  the  opin- 
ion of  a  majority  of  his  corps  commanders?  yet  such  is  absolutely 
and  actually  the  case. 

My  corps  did  not  have  much  of  a  chance.  On  Friday,  Sykes's 
division  had  a  very  handsome  little  affair,  in  which  his  command 
behaved  very  well  and  gained  decided  advantages,  driving  the  enemy 
before  them;  but  Sykes  was  recalled  just  as  his  advance  was  success- 
ful. In  the  evening  he  repelled  an  attack  of  the  enemy.  On  Sunday, 
Humphreys's  two  brigades  were  engaged,  creditably  and  successfully, 
and  on  Monday  a  brigade  of  Griffin's  was  sent  forward  to  engage 
and  feel  the  enemy's  position,  which  duty  was  successfully  accom- 
plished.   The  heavy  fighting,  however,  of  Saturday  and  Sunday  was 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  373 

done  by  Slocuni,  Couch  and  Sickles,  particularly  the  latter,  whose 
losses  are  greater  than  any  other  corps,  unless  it  be  Sedgwick's,  which 
suffered  very  severely  in  his  attempt  to  attack  the  enemy  from  Fred- 
ericksburg. 

I  have  been  a  good  deal  flattered  by  the  expression  of  opinion  on 
the  part  of  many  officers,  that  they  thought  and  wished  I  should  be 
placed  in  command,  and  poor  Hooker  himself,  after  he  had  deter- 
mined to  withdraw,  said  to  me,  in  the  most  desponding  manner,  that 
he  was  ready  to  turn  over  to  me  the  Army  of  the  Potomac;  that  he 
had  enough  of  it,  and  almost  wished  he  had  never  been  born.  Since 
seeing  the  President,  however,  he  seems  in  better  spirits,  and  I  sup- 
pose, unless  some  strong  pressure  is  brought  to  bear  from  external 
sources,  he  will  not  be  disturbed.  Hooker  has  one  great  advantage 
over  his  predecessors  in  not  having  any  intriguer  among  his  subor- 
dinate generals,  who  are  working  like  beavers  to  get  him  out  and 
themselves  in. 

For  some  reason  or  other  they  have  prohibited  bringing  news- 
papers to  camp,  so  that  I  am  completely  in  the  dark  as  to  public 
opinion. 

Camp  near  Falmouth,  May  10,  1863. 
There  is  a  great  deal  of  talking  in  the  camp,  and  I  see  the  press 
is  beginning  to  attack  Hooker.  I  think  these  last  operations  have 
shaken  the  confidence  of  the  army  in  Hooker's  judgment,  particu- 
larly among  the  superior  officers,  I  have  been  much  gratified  at  the 
frequent  expression  of  opinion  that  I  ought  to  be  placed  in  command. 
Three  of  my  seniors  (Couch,  Slocum  and  Sedgwick)  have  sent  me 
word  that  they  were  willing  to  serve  under  me.  Couch,  I  hear,  told 
the  President  he  would  not  serve  any  longer  under  Hooker,  and  rec- 
ommended my  assignment  to  the  command.  I  mention  all  this  con- 
fidentially. I  do  not  attach  any  importance  to  it,  and  do  not  believe 
there  is  the  slightest  probability  of  my  being  placed  in  command.  I 
think  I  know  myself,  and  am  sincere  when  I  say  I  do  not  desire  the 
command;  hence  I  can  quietly  attend  to  my  duties,  uninfluenced  by 
what  is  going  on  around  me,  at  the  same  time  expressing,  as  I  feel, 
great  gratification  that  the  army  and  my  senior  generals  should  think 
so  well  of  my  services  and  capacity  as  to  be  willing  to  serve  under 
me.  Having  no  political  influence,  being  no  intriguer,  and  indeed 
unambitious  of  the  distinction,  it  is  hardly  probable  I  shall  be  called 
on  to  accept  or  decline.    I  see  the  papers  attribute  Hooker's  with- 


374         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

drawal  to  the  weak  councils  of  his  corps  commanders.  This  is  a 
base  calumny.  Four  out  of  six  of  his  corps  commanders  were  posi- 
tive and  emphatic  in  their  opposition  to  the  withdrawal,  and  he  did 
it  contrary  to  their  advice.  Hooker,  however,  I  should  judge,  feels 
very  secure,  and  does  not  seem  concerned.  I  have  no  idea  what  his 
next  move  will  be.  For  my  part  it  would  seem  that  all  projects 
based  on  pursuing  this  line  of  operations  having  been  tried  and  failed, 
we  should  try  some  other  route.  Yet  the  Administration  is  so  wedded 
to  this  line  that  it  will  be  difficult  to  get  authority  to  change. 

Camp  near  Falmouth,  Va.,  May  12,  1863. 

I  did  not  suppose  you  would  credit  the  canard  in  the  papers  about 
our  crossing  and  Lee's  retreating.  This  story,  however,  with  minute 
details,  I  see  is  published  in  Forney's  Press,  an  Administration 
organ,  that  must  have  known  and  did  know  better.  It  has  been 
circulated  for  some  purpose,  and  is  doubtless  considered  a  great  piece 
of  strategy.  There  is  no  doubt  Hooker  assured  the  President  that 
he  would  soon  cross  again  and  repair  all  disaster,  but  I  fear  he  finds 
the  execution  of  this  promise  more  difficult  than  the  making.  The 
enemy  have  all  returned  to  their  old  positions  and  they  have  been 
seen  to-day  busily  engaged  throwing  up  dirt  and  strengthening  all  the 
crossings  by  additional  works,  though  one  would  suppose,  from  the 
work  they  had  previously  executed,  there  was  no  room  for  more. 

To-day  I  had  a  visit  from  Governor  Curtin.  The  Governor  is 
very  much  depressed,  and  I  tried  to  put  him  in  better  spirits. 

I  cannot  write  you  fully  in  relation  to  all  the  recent  operations. 
All  I  can  say  is  that  Hooker  has  disappointed  the  army  and  myself, 
in  failing  to  show  the  nerve  and  coup  d'ail  at  the  critical  moment, 
which  all  had  given  him  credit  for  before  he  was  tried.  It  is  another 
proof  of  what  a  sense  of  responsibility  will  do  to  modify  a  man's 
character,  and  should  be  a  warning  to  all  of  us  to  be  very  cautious 
how  we  criticise  our  neighbors,  or  predict  what  we  would  do  our- 
selves if  placed  in  similar  circumstances.  My  only  fear  is  that 
Hooker,  goaded  by  the  attacks  that  are  now  made  on  him,  may  be 
induced  to  take  some  desperate  step  in  the  hope  of  retrieving  his 
waning  fortunes.  At  the  same  time,  as  I  have  already  told  you,  he 
was  fully  aware  when  he  ordered  the  withdrawal  of  the  army,  that 
he  was  running  the  risk,  and  great  risk,  of  self-sacrifice.  For  he  said 
he  knew  his  personal  interests  were  involved  in  advancing.  I  believe 
he  acted  sincerely,  and  for  what  he  considered  the  interests  of  the 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  375 

army  and  the  country,  but  I  differed  with  him  in  judgment,  and  I 
fear  events  will  confirm  my  view.  I  was  clearly  in  favor  of  tempt- 
ing the  hazard  of  the  die,  and  letting  Washington  take  care  of  itself. 
I  am  sorry  for  Hooker,  because  I  like  him  and  my  relations  have 
always  been  agreeable  with  him;  but  I  cannot  shut  my  eyes  to  the 
fact  that  he  has  on  this  occasion  missed  a  brilliant  opportunity  of 
making  himself.  Our  losses  are  terrible;  they  are  said  to  exceed 
fifteen  thousand  men,  greater  than  in  any  other  battle  or  series  of 
battles,  greater  than  in  the  whole  of  the  celebrated  six  days'  fighting 
before  Richmond,  and  greater  than  McClellan's  Maryland  cam- 
paign. This  large  loss,  together  with  the  loss  of  over  twenty  thou- 
sand nine-months'  and  two-years'  men,  will  very  materially  reduce 
this  army,  and  unless  it  be  speedily  reinforced  will  paralyze  its 
movements. 

Stoneman's  success  was  very  complete,  and  his  whole  operation 
brilliant  in  the  extreme.  The  enemy  acknowledge  he  has  beaten 
Stuart,  and  that  the  latter's  laurels  are  faded.  Alas,  that  we  should 
not  have  taken  advantage  of  his  success!  As  it  is,  before  we  can 
advance  or  press  them  back,  they  will  have  repaired  all  the  damages 
Stoneman  inflicted  on  them. 

May  13,  1863. 
I  have  not  been  a  great  deal  at  headquarters,  being  occupied  with 
my  command,  particularly  writing  my  official  report.  I  have  com- 
pleted this  and  gotten  it  off  my  hands,  which  is  a  great  relief.  There 
is  much  talking  in  the  army,  but  I  doubt  very  much  whether  Hooker 
is  in  any  danger  of  losing  his  command.  The  Government  seems  to 
be  satisfied  with  him,  judging  from  the  tone  of  those  papers  known 
to  be  connected  with  it. 

Camp  near  Falmouth,  Va.,  May  15,  1863. 
I  received  to-day  your  letter  of  the  12th  instant,  advising  me  of 
George's1  arrival  at  home,  which  relieved  me  greatly,  although  I  only 
yesterday  learned  of  his  being  sick  and  having  gone  to  Washington. 
In  utter  ignorance  of  his  being  sick,  and  supposing  him  with  his 
regiment,  I  saw  Hooker  and  got  the  order  issued  assigning  him  to 
duty  on  my  staff.    It  was  only  my  accidentally  meeting  Lieutenant 

1Son  of  General  Meade,  taken  sick  with  the  measles  while  on  Stoneman's 
cavalry  raid,  and  having  to  ford  a  deep  river,  the  rash  was  driven  in,  making  him 
ill,  necessitating  his  being  sent  home. 


376         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

Furness,1  of  George's  regiment,  on  Stoneman's  staff,  who  first  told  me 
George  had  been  very  sick  on  the  expedition,  but  that  he  was  better, 
and  that  he  (Furness)  had  seen  George  and  Benoni  Lockwood  both 
in  the  cars  on  their  way  to  Washington. 

I  have  been  very  much  worried  to-day  by  very  extraordinary 
conduct  on  the  part  of  Governor  Curtin.  He  came  to  see  me,  and 
in  the  familiarity  of  private  conversation,  after  expressing  himself 
very  much  depressed,  drew  out  of  me  opinions  such  as  I  have  writ- 
ten to  you  about  General  Hooker,  in  which  I  stated  my  disappoint- 
ment at  the  caution  and  prudence  exhibited  by  General  Hooker  at 
the  critical  moment  of  the  battle;  at  his  assuming  the  defensive, 
when  I  thought  the  offensive  ought  to  have  been  assumed;  and  at  the 
withdrawal  of  the  army,  to  which  I  was  opposed.  This  opinion  was 
expressed  privately,  as  one  gentleman  would  speak  to  another;  was 
never  intended  for  the  injury  of  General  Hooker,  or  for  any  other  pur- 
pose than  simply  to  make  known  my  views.  Imagine,  then,  my  sur- 
prise when  General  Hooker,  who  has  just  returned  from  Washington, 
sent  for  me,  and  said  that  General  Cadwalader  had  told  him  that 
Governor  Curtin  had  reported  in  Washington  that  he  (General 
Hooker)  had  entirely  lost  the  confidence  of  the  army,  and  that  both 
Generals  Reynolds  and  Meade  had  lost  all  confidence  in  him.  Of 
course,  I  told  Hooker  that  Governor  Curtin  had  no  warrant  for  using 
my  name  in  this  manner.  I  then  repeated  to  Hooker  what  I  had 
said  to  Governor  Curtin,  and  told  him  that  he  knew  that  I  had  dif- 
fered with  him  in  judgment  on  the  points  above  stated,  and  that  he 
had  no  right  to  complain  of  my  expressing  my  views  to  others,  which 
he  was  aware  I  had  expressed  to  him  at  the  time  the  events  were 
occurring.  To  this  Hooker  assented  and  expressed  himself  satisfied 
with  my  statement. 


To  John  Sergeant  Meade : 2 

Camp  near  Falmouth,  Va.,  May  17,  1863. 
There  is  nothing  specially  new  here.  We  have  lost  many  men 
by  the  casualties  of  the  recent  battle,  and  many  more  since  by  reason 
of  the  expiration  of  service.  In  the  meantime,  the  enemy  have  been 
largely  reinforced  from  the  army  recently  on  the  Blackwater.  Under 
these  circumstances  I  don't  see  how  we  can  advance  without  addi- 

1  Frank  Furness,  of  Philadelphia.  2  Son  of  General  Meade. 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  377 

tional  troops,  and  as  yet  I  do  not  hear  of  any  coming.  Still,  the  talk 
is  that  we  are  to  move  very  soon.  Yesterday  I  went  to  see  General 
Stoneman  and  Lieutenant  Colonel.  Smith1,  to  thank  them  for  their 
kindness  to  George2,  which  I  did,  and  said  a  great  many  fine  things 
on  the  part  of  your  mother.  Stoneman  said  he  was  afraid  George 
would  have  considered  him  rough  and  harsh,  as  he  had  to  change  him 
in  a  dark,  rainy  night  from  a  buggy  to  a  wagon,  in  a  great  hurry,  and 
had  to  speak  very  sharply.  I  told  him  that  George  remembered 
nothing  but  his  exceeding  kindness. 


To  Mrs.  George  G.  Meade: 

Camp  near  Falmouth,  Va.,  May  19,  1863. 
I  am  sorry  to  tell  you  I  am  at  open  war  with  Hooker.  He  yes- 
terday came  to  see  me  and  referred  to  an  article  in  the  Herald, 
stating  that  four  of  his  corps  commanders  were  opposed  to  the  with- 
drawal of  the  army.  He  said  this  was  not  so,  and  that  Reynolds  and 
myself  had  determined  him  to  withdraw.  I  expressed  the  utmost 
surprise  at  this  statement;  when  he  said  that  I  had  expressed  the 
opinion  that  it  was  impracticable  to  withdraw  the  army,  and  there- 
fore I  had  favored  an  advance,  and  as  he  knew  it  was  perfectly  prac- 
ticable to  withdraw,  he  did  not  consider  my  opinion  as  being  in  favor 
of  an  advance.  I  replied  to  him  that  this  was  a  very  ingenious  way 
of  stating  what  I  had  said;  that  my  opinion  was  clear  and  emphatic 
for  an  advance;  that  I  had  gone  so  far  as  to  say  that  I  would  not 
be  governed  by  any  consideration  regarding  the  safety  of  Washington, 
for  I  thought  that  argument  had  paralyzed  this  army  too  long.  I 
further  said  that  if  the  enemy  were  considered  so  strong  that  the 
safety  of  the  army  might  be  jeopardized  in  attacking  them,  then  I 
considered  a  withdrawal  impracticable  without  running  greater  risk 
of  destroying  the  army  than  by  advancing,  and  that  it  seemed  rather 
singular  that  he  should  set  me  down  as  the  advocate  of  a  measure 
which  he  acknowledged  I  asserted  to  be  impracticable.  He  reiter- 
ated his  opinion  and  said  he  should  proclaim  it.  I  answered  I  should 
deny  it,  and  should  call  on  those  who  were  present  to  testify  as  to 
whether  he  or  I  was  right.  The  fact  is,  he  now  finds  he  has  com- 
mitted a  grave  error,  which  at  the  time  he  was  prepared  to  assume 
the  responsibility  of,  but  now  desires  to  cast  it  off  on  to  the  shoulders 
of  others;  but  I  rather  think  he  will  find  himself  mistaken.     At  any 

1  Charles  R.  Smith,  of  Philadelphia.  2  Son  of  General  Meade. 


378         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

rate,  the  entente  cordiale  is  destroyed  between  us,  and  I  don't  regret 
it,  as  it  makes  me  more  independent  and  free.  I  also  told  him  that 
it  was  my  impression  at  the  time,  but  that  of  course  it  could  only 
be  known  to  himself  and  his  God,  that  he  had  made  up  his  mind  to 
withdraw  the  army  before  he  had  heard  the  opinions  of  his  corps 
commanders.  To  this  he  did  not  make  any  reply,  and  I  am  satis- 
fied that  such  was  the  case.  I  have  not  seen  Reynolds,  or  any  of 
the  others  present  on  the  occasion,  since  I  had  this  conversation  with 
him,  but  I  intend  to  address  each  a  letter  and  ask  for  their  impres- 
sions of  what  I  did  say.  Such  things  are  very  painful  and  embar- 
rassing, but  I  have  always  feared  the  time  would  come  when  they 
would  be  inevitable  with  Hooker;  for  I  knew  no  one  would  be  per- 
mitted to  stand  in  his  way.  I  suppose  he  has  heard  some  of  the 
stories  flying  round  camp  in  regard  to  my  having  the  command,  and 
these,  in  connection  with  what  George  Cadwalader  told  him  Governor 
Curtin  said,  have  induced  him  to  believe  that  I  am  maneuvering  to 
get  him  relieved,  that  I  may  step  in  his  shoes.  God  knows  the  in- 
justice he  does  me,  and  that  I  have  never  spoken  a  word  to  any  one 
except  Governor  Curtin,  and  to  him  I  never  referred  to  Hooker's 
being  relieved,  but  only  criticised  his  recent  operations,  saying  noth- 
ing more,  or  if  as  much,  as  I  have  written  to  you.  I  can  tell  him 
that  if  he  had  no  stronger  enemy  than  I  am,  he  might  rest  much 
more  secure  than  he  can,  knowing  all  that  I  do.  I  wish  he  could 
hear  what  some  others  say;  he  would  look  on  me  very  differently. 

There  are  two  English  officers  on  a  visit  to  the  camp.  One  of 
them,  Lord  Abinger  (formerly  Mr.  Scarlett),  Lieutenant  Colonel  of 
the  Scots  Fusileer  Guards,  brought  me  a  letter  from  George  Ramsay. 
I  am  going  to-morrow  to  review  my  corps,  and  have  invited  them  to 
be  present.  Lord  Abinger  seems  a  very  nice  fellow.  He  was  in 
Philadelphia  in  1857,  and  speaks  a  great  deal  about  his  visit  and  the 
people  there.  He  recognized  Major  Biddle,  asked  after  his  mother, 
and  altogether  appears  quite  at  home  in  Philadelphia  society. 

I  have  lost  nearly  a  division  by  the  expiration  of  service  of  the 
two-years'  and  nine-months'  men,  so  that  I  have  had  to  break  up 
Humphreys's  division,  and  he  is  going  to  take  command  of  the  divi- 
sion recently  commanded  by  General  Berry,  in  Sickles's  corps.  I 
am  very  sorry  to  lose  Humphreys.  He  is  a  most  valuable  officer, 
besides  being  an  associate  of  the  most  agreeable  character. 

My  relations  with  Hooker  are  such  that  I  cannot  ask  for  the 
necessary  leave  to  go  up  to  Washington,  to  receive  my  sword;   so 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  379 

unless  they  take  some  action  and  get  the  Secretary  to  authorize  my 
going  up,  I  fear  it  will  be  some  time  before  I  come  into  possession. 
Just  think,  it  is  nearly  two  years,  indeed  over  two  years,  since 
we  have  been  separated. 

Camp  near  Falmouth,  Va.,  May  20,  1863. 
The  battle  of  Chancellorsville  was  a  miserable  failure,  in  which 
Hooker  disappointed  me  greatly.  His  plan  was  admirably  designed, 
and  the  early  part  of  it,  entrusted  to  others,  was  well  executed;  but 
after  he  had  assembled  his  army  on  the  other  side  near  Chancellors- 
ville, instead  of  striking  at  once  vigorously  and  instantly,  before  the 
enemy,  who  were  surprised,  could  concentrate,  he  delayed;  gave 
them  thirty-six  hours  to  bring  up  and  dispose  of  their  troops;  per- 
mitted them  to  attack  him,  and  after  their  doing  so,  failed  to  take 
advantage  of  their  error  in  dividing  and  separating  their  forces,  but 
allowed  them  to  engage  only  about  half  his  army  and  to  unite  their 
forces  after  driving  back  a  portion  of  ours.  He  then  assumed  the 
defensive,  doing  nothing  for  two  days,  while  we  could  hear  Sedg- 
wick's guns,  and  knew  they  were  trying  to  crush  him  and  must  suc- 
ceed. Finally  he  withdrew  to  this  side,  giving  up  all  the  advantages 
gained,  and  having  to  recross  with  all  the  obstacles  and  difficulties 
increased.  Notwithstanding  these  are  my  views,  I  have  abstained 
from  making  them  known  to  any  one,  out  of  consideration  for  Hooker, 
who  has  always  pretended  to  be  very  friendly  to  me.  I  declined  to 
join  Couch  in  a  representation  to  the  President,  when  he  was  down 
here,  and  I  refused  to  join  Slocum,  who  desired  to  take  action  to 
have  Hooker  removed.  I  told  both  these  gentlemen  I  would  not 
join  in  any  movement  against  Hooker,  but  that  if  the  President  chose 
to  call  on  me  officially  for  my  opinions,  I  would  give  them.  I  have 
spoken  to  no  one  but  Governor  Curtin,  and  to  him  only  because  he 
came  to  see  me  and  spoke  so  freely  and  bitterly  against  Hooker,  that 
I  allowed  myself  to  say  a  part  of  what  I  have  above  written.  I  con- 
sidered my  conversation  with  Governor  Curtin  private,  and  did  not 
expect  he  would  repeat  it  or  quote  me.  I  have  seen  Senators  Wade, 
Chandler,  Wilson  and  Doolittle,  all  of  whom  have  been  down  here 
to  find  out  what  they  could,  but  I  have  abstained  from  saying  any- 
thing, as  they  did  not  think  proper  to  ask  me  any  questions.  Hooker 
is  safe,  I  think,  from  the  difficulty  of  finding  a  successor,  and  from  the 
ridiculous  appearance  we  present  of  changing  our  generals  after  each 
battle.    He  may,  and  I  trust  he  will,  do  better  next  time;  but  unless 


380  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

he  shows  more  aptitude  than  in  the  last  affair,  he  will  be  very  apt 
to  be  defeated  again.  Lee  committed  a  terrible  blunder  in  allowing 
us  to  come  back;  he  might  have  destroyed  us  by  a  vigorous  attack 
while  we  were  retreating. 

The  review  of  my  corps  passed  off  very  well  yesterday,  and  Lord 
Abinger  expressed  himself  greatly  pleased.  After  the  review  I  had 
a  collation  at  my  quarters,  which  seemed  to  be  equally  pleasing  to  his 
lordship.  He  said  that  if  he  had  time  to  stop  in  Philadelphia,  he 
would  hunt  you  up. 

Turnbull,  who  was  at  the  review,  showed  me  a  few  lines  he  had  re- 
ceived from  Proctor  Smith,  by  a  flag  of  truce  that  went  after  the 
wounded.  Smith  is  Chief  Engineer  on  Lee's  staff.  He  begs  to  be 
remembered  to  you  and  me.  Beckham  is  major  of  artillery  and 
commands  a  battery  with  Stuart's  cavalry.    Smith  is  colonel. 

Camp  neah  Falmouth,  Va.,  May  23,  1863. 
The  story  of  Hooker  losing  his  head,  and  my  saving  the  army,  is 
a  canard,  founded  on  some  plausible  basis.  When  Hooker  was  obliged 
to  give  up  Chancellorsville  and  draw  in  his  lines,  T  fortunately  had 
anticipated  this,  and  was  prepared  with  my  troops  to  take  up  the 
new  line  in  a  very  short  time,  and  to  receive  within  it  the  broken 
columns  from  the  old  line.  About  this  time  Hooker,  who  had  just 
been  stunned  by  being  struck  with  a  pillar  of  a  house,  hit  by  a  shot, 
felt  himself  fainting  and  had  to  dismount  from  his  horse  and  lie  on 
his  back  for  ten  or  fifteen  minutes.  During  this  time  he  was  con- 
stantly calling  for  me,  and  this  operation  above  referred  to  was  exe- 
cuted by  me.  Outsiders,  particularly  his  staff,  not  knowing  my  pre- 
vious preparations  and  expectation  of  having  to  do  this,  and  seeing 
it  so  well  and  quickly  done,  were  astonished,  and  gave  me  more  credit 
than  I  was  entitled  to,  and  hence  arose  the  story  that  I  saved  the 
army.  Hooker  never  lost  his  head,  nor  did  he  ever  allow  himself  to  be 
influenced  by  me  or  my  advice.  The  objection  I  have  to  Hooker  is 
that  he  did  not  and  would  not  listen  to  those  around  him;  that  he  acted 
deliberately  on  his  own  judgment,  and  in  doing  so,  committed,  as  I 
think,  fatal  errors.  If  he  had  lost  his  head,  and  I  had  been  placed 
in  command,  you  may  rest  assured  a  very  different  result  would  have 
been  arrived  at,  whether  better  or  worse  for  us  cannot  be  told  now; 
but  it  certainly  would  have  been  more  decisive  one  way  or  the  other. 
Secretary  Chase  was  in  camp  day  before  yesterday  at  headquarters. 
He  neither  honored  me  with  a  visit,  nor  did  he  invite  me  to  visit 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  381 

him;  of  course  I  did  not  see  him.  He  returned  in  the  afternoon, 
accompanied  by  Wilkes,  of  the  Spirit  of  the  Times.  It  is  under- 
stood that  the  Cabinet  is  divided,  Chase  upholding  Hooker,  Blair 
and  Seward  in  opposition.  I  have  always  thought  Hooker  would 
be  allowed  another  chance,  and  I  sincerely  trust  and  hope,  and  in- 
deed believe,  he  will  do  better,  as  I  think  he  now  sees  the  policy  of 
caution  is  not  a  good  one.  Until  our  recent  imbroglio,  he  has  always 
spoken  of  me  very  warmly,  though  he  has  never  asked  my  advice, 
or  listened  to  my  suggestions.  What  he  is  going  to  do  or  say  now  I 
don't  know,  but  I  shall  not  count  on  any  very  friendly  offices  from 
him.  Still,  I  should  be  sorry  to  see  him  removed,  unless  a  decidedly 
better  man  is  substituted. 

Camp  near  Falmouth,  Va.,  May  25,  1863. 

I  have  addressed  a  circular  letter  to  each  of  the  officers  present 
at  the  much-talked-of  council  of  war,  asking  them  to  give  me  their 
recollections  of  what  I  said,  and  unless  I  am  terribly  mistaken,  their 
answers  will  afford  me  ample  means  of  refuting  Hooker's  assertion 
that  my  opinion  sustained  him  in  withdrawing  the  army. 

We  have  to-day  the  glorious  news  from  Grant.1  It  is  in  sad  con- 
trast with  our  miserable  fiasco  here,  the  more  sad  when  you  reflect 
that  ours  was  entirely  unnecessary,  and  that  we  have  never  had  such 
an  opportunity  of  gaining  a  great  victory  before. 

Did  I  tell  you  that  Curtin  promptly  answered  my  letter,  saying 
that  General  Cadwalader  had  entirely  misapprehended  what  he  said 
to  him;  that  he  (Curtin)  had  never  so  understood  me,  or  repeated 
to  Cadwalader  that  I  had  lost  all  confidence  in  Hooker? 

Camp  near  Falmouth,  Va.,  May  26,  1863. 

George's2  appointment  as  Aide-de-Camp  and  Captain  arrived  yes- 
terday. 

We  have  nothing  new;  everything  is  quiet  on  our  side.  I  am 
looking  for  a  movement  on  the  part  of  the  enemy  that  will  stir  us  up 
pretty  soon.  Stoneman  is  off  on  leave,  and  I  don't  think  will  return 
here  again.  He  does  not  want  to,  and  Hooker  does  not  want  him 
back.  Hooker  is  very  severe  on  him,  and  says  his  raid  amounted 
to  nothing  at  all;  that  he  was  eight  days  going  and  only  two  coming 

1  Vicksburg,  Miss.,  invested  by  the  Federal  troops  under  Major-General 
Ulysses  S.  Grant.     Confederate  troops  under  General  John  C.  Pemberton. 

2  Son  of  General  Meade. 


382         LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

back,  and  many  other  things  of  this  kind  tending  to  disparage  Stone- 
man. 

Only  one  officer  (Reynolds)  has  as  yet  answered  my  circular  letter, 
and  he  says:  "  Your  opinion  was  decided  and  emphatic  for  an  advance 
at  daylight."  The  attempt  to  fasten  on  me  the  responsibility  of 
withdrawing  the  army  is  one  of  the  shallowest  inventions  that  Hooker 
could  have  devised,  which,  if  he  ever  brings  to  a  public  issue,  must 
recoil  on  him. 

There  are  many  things  I  would  like  to  tell  you,  but  cannot  at 
present;  but  I  have  no  doubt  in  due  time  they  will  all  be  made 
public.  I  have  no  doubt  the  Administration  has  determined  to  sus- 
tain Hooker,  and  to  this  I  do  not  object,  as  I  really  believe  he  will 
do  better  next  time,  and  still  think  there  is  a  great  deal  of  merit  in 
him. 

Camp  near  Falmouth,  Va.,  June  3,  1863. 
George  made  his  appearance  this  morning;  he  seems  quite  de- 
lighted with  the  change  in  his  position,  and  particularly  tickled  at 
being  made  a  captain.  Lieutenant  Colonel  Webb  (son  of  James 
Watson  Webb),  who  is  on  my  staff,  has  just  returned  from  a  short 
leave  in  New  York.  He  says  every  one  in  New  York  is  talking  of 
the  fight  at  Chancellorsville,  and  is  well  posted  up  in  all  its  details. 

Camp  above  Falmouth,  June  6,  1863. 
My  last  letter  told  you  that  my  corps  had  been  moved  up  the 
river,  charged  with  the  duty  of  guarding  the  several  crossing  places, 
and  preventing,  if  possible,  the  passage  of  the  river  by  the  enemy. 
General  Hooker  had  received  intelligence  which  induced  him  to  be- 
lieve Lee  was  about  attempting  a  manoeuvre  similar  to  the  one  we 
tried  last  month.  I  have  consequently  been  actively  employed  riding 
about,  superintending  the  posting  of  troops,  giving  instructions,  etc. 
As  yet  everything  has  been  very  quiet  on  our  part  of  the  line.  To-day, 
however,  Hooker  had  reason  to  believe  most  of  the  enemy  had  left 
his  immediate  front  on  the  heights  back  of  Fredericksburg.  He  ac- 
cordingly undertook  to  throw  a  bridge  across,  where  Franklin  crossed 
last  December.  About  ^ve  o'clock  yesterday  evening  we  heard  heavy 
firing,  which  lasted  nearly  two  hours,  which,  I  understand,  was  our 
batteries,  endeavoring  to  drive  the  enemy  from  the  rifle-pits  they  had 
dug  to  oppose  the  construction  of  the  bridge.  I  do  not  know  whether 
we  succeeded  or  not,  as,  being  some  miles  away,  I  have  no  means  of 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  383 

ascertaining.  It  has  been  my  opinion  for  some  time  that  Lee  would 
assume  the  offensive  so  soon  as  he  was  reinforced  sufficiently  to  jus- 
tify him  in  doing  so;  but  whether  he  has  yet  commenced  is,  I  think, 
not  positively  settled.  Nor  have  I  quite  made  up  my  mind  what  he 
will  do  when  he  moves.  I  should  think  it  would  be  policy  on  his 
part  to  endeavor  to  overcome  this  army  before  he  undertakes  any 
invasion  of  the  North.  His  experience  of  last  summer  should  teach 
him  the  danger  of  leaving  an  army  on  his  flank  and  rear,  and  if  he 
can  once  destroy  or  cripple  this  army,  he  will  have  no  opposition  to 
his  progress  of  invasion.  It  is  this  reasoning  which  makes  me  wonder 
at  the  supineness  and  apathy  of  the  Government  and  people,  leav- 
ing this  army  reduced  as  it  has  been  by  casualties  of  battle  and  ex- 
piration of  service,  and  apparently  making  no  effort  to  reinforce  it. 

June  8,  1863. 
I  think  for  the  present  the  storm  has  blown  over.  Both  Lee  and 
Hooker  appear  to  be  playing  at  cross-purposes.  Hooker  took  it  into 
his  head  that  Lee  was  moving  and  made  preparations  accordingly. 
These  preparations  were  construed  by  Lee  into  a  movement  on  our 
part,  etc.  Sedgwick  is  still,  I  understand,  across,  below  Fredericks- 
burg, but  is  unmolested  by  the  enemy.  Pleasanton,  with  a  large  force 
of  cavalry,  will  cross  above  to-day,  and  push  his  way  towards  Cul- 
peper  and  Gordonsville,  to  see  what  they  are  doing  in  that  direction. 

Camp,  June  11,  1863. 
This  army  is  weakened,  and  its  morale  not  so  good  as  at  the  last 
battle,  and  the  enemy  are  undoubtedly  stronger  and  in  better  morale. 
Still,  I  do  not  despair,  but  that  if  they  assume  the  offensive  and  force 
us  into  a  defensive  attitude,  that  our  morale  will  be  raised,  and  with 
a  moderate  degree  of  good  luck  and  good  management,  we  will  give 
them  better  than  they  can  send.  War  is  very  uncertain  in  its  re- 
sults, and  often  when  affairs  look  the  most  desperate  they  suddenly 
assume  a  more  hopeful  state.  See  the  changes  and  transitions  at 
Vicksburg,  to  say  nothing  of  our  own  experience.  This  makes  me 
hope  that  it  will  be  our  turn  next  time.  The  day  before  yesterday 
Pleasanton,  with  all  the  cavalry  and  two  brigades  of  infantry,  crossed 
just  above  us,  and  had  a  very  brilliant  affair  with  the  enemy's  cav- 
alry, who  it  appears  were  just  ready  and  about  starting  on  a  grand 
raid,  some  say  into  Pennsylvania.1  They  outnumbered  us,  but  after 
1  Battle  of  Brandy  Station,  Va.,  June  9,  1863.  ' 


384  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

handling  them  pretty  severely,  Pleasanton  came  back.  The  Lancers 
particularly  distinguished  themselves,  though  I  am  sorry  to  hear  with 
considerable  loss.1  It  is  said  Major  Morris2  is  missing,  supposed  to 
have  been  thrown  from  his  horse  and  fallen  into  the  enemy's  hands. 
Captain  Davis3  was  killed.  Lennig4  is  missing,  believed  to  be 
wounded.  Captain  Leiper5  is  missing.  Lieutenant  Ellis6  is  wounded. 
Lieutenant  Colladay,7  missing.  Charley  Cadwalader8  was  with  them, 
also  Captain  Dahlgren,  of  General  Hooker's  staff.  This  latter  officer 
says  he  was  with  Morris,  and  had  just  jumped  a  ditch,  when  his 
horse  was  shot.  On  dismounting,  and  looking  around,  he  saw  Mor- 
ris's horse  without  a  rider,  and  he  thinks  Morris  was  thrown  in  jump- 
ing the  ditch.  Charles  Coxe9  is  all  right,  so  also  is  Willie  White,10  who 
had  two  horses  shot  under  him,  and  broke  two  sabres.  Newhalt11 
was  on  Pleasanton's  staff,  and  was  not  with  the  regiment  when  it 
made  a  dashing  and  gallant  charge  on  a  battery,  getting  in  among 
the  guns,  which  they  would  have  captured  had  they  been  promptly 
supported.  Harry  Winsor12  is  safe,  also  Welsh.13  I  am  glad  the  regi- 
ment has  had  a  chance  and  so  brilliantly  availed  themselves  of  it. 
George14  is  quite  disgusted  with  his  luck,  but  I  tell  him  a  live  dog  is 
better  than  a  dead  lion. 

The  backing  out  of  Burnside's  course  towards  the  Chicago  Times 
looks  suspicious  on  the  part  of  the  President.  If  peace  can  be 
secured  without  loss  of  honor,  no  one  would  be  more  rejoiced  than  I; 
but  I  do  not  see  how  this  can  be  brought  about,  with  matters  as 
they  stand  at  present.  If  we  could  only  thoroughly  whip  these  fel- 
lows two  or  three  times,  regular  out-and-out  defeats;  but  I  don't 
advocate  peace  until  we  have  clearly  shown  them,  as  we  ought  to 
have  done  long  since,  our  superiority  in  the  field.  I  can  hardly  ex- 
pect you  to  enter  fully  into  these  views,  but  if  you  had  been  humili- 
ated as  I  have  been  by  seeing  your  cause  and  party  defeated  when 
they  should  be  victorious,  you  would  be  roiled,  too,  and  would  not 
be  willing  to  give  up  till  things  assumed  an  aspect  more  consistent 
with  your  pride  and  honor. 

1  "Rush's  Lancers,"  6th  Pa.  Cav. 

2  Robert  Morris,  Jr.,  of  Philadelphia,  captured  and  died  in  Libby  Prison. 

3  Charles  B.  Davis,  of  Philadelphia.  4  Thompson  Lennig,  of  Philadelphia. 
5  Charles  L.  Leiper,  of  Philadelphia.          6  Rudolph  Ellis,  of  Philadelphia. 

7  Samuel  R.  Colladay.  8  Charles  E.  Cadwalader,  of  Philadelphia. 

9  Charles  B.  Coxe,  of  Philadelphia.  10  William  White,  of  Philadelphia,. 

11  Frederick  C.  Newhall,  of  Philadelphia.       12  Henry  Winsor,  Jr.,  of  Boston. 
13  Osgood  Welsh,  of  Philadelphia.  14  Son  of  General  Meade. 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  385 

We  are  now  on  the  qui  vive  to  know  what  the  enemy  are  going 
to  do.  I  am  removed  from  Hooker's  headquarters  and  know  noth- 
ing of  what  is  going  on,  either  of  plans  or  surmises.  In  some  respects 
this  is  convenient,  as  I  am  spared  much  speculation.  In  other  re- 
spects it  is  not  so  agreeable,  because  I  like  to  form  my  own  judgment 
on  what  is  going  on,  and  to  make  my  preparations  accordingly.  If 
Lee  is  going  to  assume  the  offensive,  I  presume  he  will  not  long 
delay;  but  whether  he  will  move  to  our  right,  trying  to  get  between 
us  and  Washington,  or  whether  he  will  move  up  the  valley  as  he  did 
last  summer,  or  whether  he  will  attack  us  here,  are  questions  the 
future  only  can  solve.  All  we  can  do  is  to  be  on  the  lookout  and 
ready.  Perhaps  Hooker  may  find  a  chance  to  assume  the  offensive 
and  reverse  matters,  as  the  enemy  did  at  Chancellorsville.  This  I 
think  would  be  good  luck  for  us. 

Camp  above  Falmouth,  June  13,  1863. 
Everything  continues  very  quiet,  and  two  corps  having  been 
moved  above  me  on  the  river,  I  feel  quite  secure  and  comfortable. 
Reynolds  moved  up  yesterday,  and  stopped  to  see  me  as  he  passed. 
He  told  me  that  being  informed  by  a  friend  in  Washington,  that  he 
was  talked  of  for  the  command  of  this  army,  he  immediately  went 
to  the  President  and  told  him  he  did  not  want  the  command  and 
would  not  take  it.  He  spoke,  he  says,  very  freely  to  the  President 
about  Hooker,  but  the  President  said  he  was  not  disposed  to  throw 
away  a  gun  because  it  missed  fire  once;  that  he  would  pick  the  lock 
and  try  it  again.  To-day  I  hear  Hooker  is  going  to  place  Reynolds 
in  command  of  the  right  wing  of  the  army — that  is,  his  corps,  Bir- 
ney's  and  mine. 

Camp  near  Manassas,  June  16,  1863. 
George1  wrote  to  you  yesterday  and  informed  you  the  army  had 
been  withdrawn  from  the  Rappahannock.  We  are  now  collecting 
in  the  vicinity  of  this  place  and  Centreville,  awaiting  orders;  I  pre- 
sume, also,  the  development  of  the  enemy's  movements.  He  has 
not  as  yet  followed  us  from  the  Rappahannock,  and  it  is  reported 
that  he  is  in  heavy  force  up  the  Valley  of  the  Shenandoah,  having 
taken  Harper's  Ferry  and  advanced  to  Chambersburg.  I  think  Lee 
has  made  a  mistake  in  going  into  Maryland  before  meeting  our  army. 
I  hope  his  movement  will  arouse  the  North,  and  that  now  men  enough 

1  Son  of  General  Meade. 


386  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

will  be  turned  out,  not  only  to  drive  him  back,  but  to  follow  and 
crush  him.  If  his  course  does  not  awake  the  North  from  the  leth- 
argy it  has  been  in,  nothing  will  ever  save  us.  We  have  had  the 
usual  hard  service  of  active  operations  for  the  last  few  days,  loss  of 
rest  and  hard  riding,  but  both  George  and  I  stand  it  very  well. 

Green  Springs,  Va.,1  June  18,  1863. 
We  reached  here  last  evening,  on  our  way  to  Leesburg.  The 
enemy,  as  far  as  we  can  learn,  are  in  the  Valley  of  the  Shenandoah, 
occupying  the  line  they  did  when  McClellan  crossed  the  Potomac 
last  fall.  We  cannot  learn  that  any  great  force  has  crossed  into 
Maryland  or  Pennsylvania.  Should  this  prove  true,  we  shall  have 
to  go  to  the  valley  after  them. 

Aldie,  June  20,  1863. 
We  came  here  yesterday  afternoon  to  sustain  Pleasanton,  who 
has  had  several  brilliant  skirmishes  with  the  enemy's  cavalry  in  this 
vicinity,  and  who  thought  they  were  bringing  up  infantry.  To-day 
we  hear  Ewell  has  crossed  the  Potomac  at  Williamsport.  This  indi- 
cates an  invasion  of  Maryland,  of  which  I  have  hitherto  been  skep- 
tical. If  this  should  prove  true,  we  will  have  to  rush  after  them. 
I  had  almost  rather  they  would  come  here  and  save  us  marches.  I 
am  in  pretty  good  spirits — a  little  disgusted  at  the  smallness  of  my 
corps,  only  ten  thousand  men,  but  I  believe  they  will  do  as  much 
as  any  equal  numbers. 

Camp  at  Aldie,  Va.,  June  23,  1863. 

Yesterday  General  Pleasanton  drove  the  enemy's  cavalry  across 
what  is  called  the  Loudoun  Valley,  or  the  valley  formed  by  the 
South  Mountain  and  Bull  Run  Mountains.  He  did  not  find  any 
infantry  in  Loudoun  Valley,  and  reports  Lee's  army  about  Win- 
chester, in  the  Valley  of  the  Shenandoah,  and  that  A.  P.  Hill,  whom 
we  left  at  Fredericksburg,  is  coming  up  the  valley  to  join  Lee.  When 
Hill  joins  Lee,  he  will  have  a  large  army,  numerically  much  superior 
to  ours,  and  he  will  then,  I  presume,  develop  his  plans. 

I  have  seen  a  paper  now  and  then,  and  have  been  greatly  amused 
at  the  evident  fears  of  the  good  people  of  the  North,  and  the  utter 
want  of  proper  spirit  in  the  measures  proposed  to  be  taken.  I  did 
think  at  first  that  the  rebels  crossing  the  line  would  result  in  benefit 

1  Gum  Springs  on  map. 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  387 

to  our  cause,  by  arousing  the  people  to  a  sense  of  the  necessity  of 
raising  men  to  fill  their  armies  to  defend  the  frontier,  and  that  the 
Government  would  take  advantage  of  the  excitement  to  insist  on  the 
execution  of  the  enrollment  bill;  but  when  I  see  the  President  calling 
out  six  months'  men,  and  see  the  troops  at  Harrisburg  refusing  to 
be  mustered  in  for  fear  they  may  be  kept  six  months  in  service,  I 
give  up  in  despair.  I  hope  it  will  turn  out  better,  and  we  have  been 
disappointed  so  many  times  when  we  had  reason  to  look  for  success, 
it  may  be,  now  that  we  are  preparing  for  a  reverse,  we  may  suddenly 
find  ourselves  in  luck. 

This  is  a  beautiful  country  where  I  am  now  encamped.  It  is 
right  on  the  Bull  Run  Mountains,  which,  though  not  very  high,  yet 
are  sufficiently  so  to  give  effect  to  the  scenery  and  purify  the  air. 
Charles  F.  Mercer  lived  in  Aldie;  President  Monroe's  estate  was 
here,  and  the  mansion  of  the  old  Berkeley  family,  showing  that  in 
old  times  it  was  the  abode  of  the  aristocracy.  It  is  a  great  contrast 
to  the  arid  region  around  Fredericksburg  that  we  left. 

Camp  at  Aldie,  Va.,  June  25,  1863. 
Reynolds's  honors,  commanding  the  right  wing,  only  lasted  two 
days,  for  as  soon  as  we  got  to  Manassas,  General  Hooker  informed 
him  he  would  communicate  direct  with  corps  commanders.  Rey- 
nolds was  at  first  quite  indignant,  and  took  it  into  his  head  that 
Hooker  expected  our  withdrawal  from  the  Rappahannock  was  going 
to  be  disputed,  and  that  he  had  selected  him  for  a  scapegoat  to  bear 
the  brunt  of  the  shock.  Everything,  however,  passed  off  quietly,  as 
Lee  was  well  on  his  way  up  the  Valley  of  the  Shenandoah,  and  A.  P. 
Hill,  who  was  left  to  guard  Fredericksburg,  was  glad  enough  to  let 
us  go,  that  he  might  follow  Lee,  as  he  has  done  and  rejoined  him, 
although  we  could  readily  have  prevented  him,  and  in  my  judgment 
should  have  done  so.  What  Lee's  object  is  in  moving  up  the  valley 
is  not  yet  clearly  developed.  He  has  massed  his  army  between  Win- 
chester and  Martinsburg.  The  invasion  of  Maryland  and  Pennsyl- 
vania, so  far  as  I  can  gather,  has  as  yet  been  a  mere  foraging  expe- 
dition, collecting  supplies  and  horses  for  his  army.  He  does  not,  at 
the  latest  accounts,  seem  to  have  crossed  any  of  his  good  troops;  he 
has  perhaps  been  waiting  for  Hill,  also  to  see  what  Hooker  and  the 
authorities  at  Washington  were  going  to  do,  before  he  struck  a  blow. 
That  he  has  assumed  the  offensive  and  is  going  to  strike  a  blow  there 
can  be  no  doubt,  and  that  it  will  be  a  very  formidable  one  is  equally 


388  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  MEADE 

certain,  unless  his  forces  have  been  very  much  exaggerated.  He  is 
said  to  have  collected  over  ninety  thousand  infantry  and  fifteen  thou- 
sand cavalry,  with  a  large  amount  of  artillery.  Hooker  has  at  pres- 
ent no  such  force  to  oppose  him,  but  I  trust  the  Government  will 
reinforce  Hooker  with  troops  that  have  been  scattered  at  Suffolk, 
Baltimore,  Washington  and  other  places,  and  that  such  will  be  the 
case  seems  probable,  from  a  despatch  I  received  from  headquarters 
yesterday,  asking  me  if  I  would  like  to  have  the  Pennsylvania  Re- 
serves attached  to  my  corps.  I  replied,  promptly:  "Yes;  they  or 
any  other  reinforcements  that  could  be  obtained."  I  understand 
the  Reserves  are  seven  thousand  strong,  which  will  be  a  very  de- 
cided addition  to  my  present  weak  corps.  I  have  seen  very  few  pa- 
pers lately,  and  therefore  know  little  or  nothing  of  what  is  going  on. 
I  see  you  are  still  troubled  with  visions  of  my  being  placed  in 
command.  I  thought  that  had  all  blown  over,  and  I  think  it  has, 
except  in  your  imagination,  and  that  of  some  others  of  my  kind 
friends.  I  have  no  doubt  great  efforts  have  been  made  to  get  Mc- 
Clellan  back,  and  advantage  has  been  taken  of  the  excitement  pro- 
duced by  the  invasion  of  Maryland  to  push  his  claims;  but  his  friends 
ought  to  see  that  his  restoration  is  out  of  the  question,  so  long  as  the 
present  Administration  remains  in  office,  and  that  until  they  can  re- 
move Stanton  and  Chase,  all  hope  of  restoring  McClellan  is  idle.  I 
have  no  doubt,  as  you  surmise,  his  friends  would  look  with  no  favor 
on  my  being  placed  in  command.  They  could  not  say  I  was  an 
unprincipled  intriguer,  who  had  risen  by  criticising  and  defaming  my 
predecessors  and  superiors.  They  could  not  say  I  was  incompetent, 
because  I  have  not  been  tried,  and  so  far  as  I  have  been  tried  I  have 
been  singularly  successful.  They  could  not  say  I  had  never  been 
under  fire,  because  it  is  notorious  no  general  officer,  not  even  Fight- 
ing Joe  himself,  has  been  in  more  battles,  or  more  exposed,  than  my 
record  evidences.  The  only  thing  they  can  say,  and  I  am  willing 
to  admit  the  justice  of  the  argument,  is  that  it  remains  to  be  seen 
whether  I  have  the  capacity  to  handle  successfully  a  large  army.  I 
do  not  stand,  however,  any  chance,  because  I  have  no  friends,  polit- 
ical or  others,  who  press  or  advance  my  claims  or  pretensions,  and 
there  are  so  many  others  who  are  pressed  by  influential  politicians 
that  it  is  folly  to  think  I  stand  any  chance  upon  mere  merit  alone. 
Besides,  I  have  not  the  vanity  to  think  my  capacity  so  pre-eminent, 
and  I  know  there  are  plenty  of  others  equally  competent  with  myself, 
though  their  names  may  not  have  been  so  much  mentioned.     For 


CIVIL  WAR  LETTERS  389 

these  reasons  I  have  never  indulged  In  any  dreams  of  ambition,  con- 
tented to  await  events,  and  do  my  duty  in  the  sphere  it  pleases  God 
to  place  me  in,  and  I  really  think  it  would  be  as  well  for  you  to  take 
the  same  philosophical  view;  but  do  you  know,  I  think  your  ambi- 
tion is  being  roused  and  that  you  are  beginning  to  be  bitten  with 
the  dazzling  prospect  of  having  for  a  husband  a  commanding  general 
of  an  army.     How  is  this? 

This  is  a  beautiful  country  we  are  now  in,  and  we  are  reveling  in 
lovely  landscapes,  with  such  luxuries  as  fresh  butter,  milk,  eggs,  lamb, 
chickens  and  other  delicacies,  to  which  we  have  for  a  long  time  been 
strangers.  There  are  some  nice  people  about  here,  though  strong 
"secesh."  I  went  the  other  day  to  see  a  fine  view,  which  is  to  be 
had  from  the  Monroe  estate.  It  is  at  present  in  the  hands  of  a  Ma- 
jor Fairfax,  who  is  on  Longstreet's  staff.  While  on  the  ground  I  re- 
ceived a  polite  message  from  Mrs.  Fairfax,  saying  she  would  be  glad 
to  see  me  and  show  me  the  house,  whereupon  I  called,  and  found 
her  very  affable  and  ladylike  and  very  courteous.  I  apologized  for 
my  intrusion,  but  she  said  she  did  not  so  consider  it;  that  she  was 
always  glad  to  see  the  officers  of  our  army,  knowing  they  took  an 
interest  in  the  place  from  its  having  been  the  former  residence  of  a 
President  of  the  United  States.  She  referred  to  the  war  in  a  deli- 
cate manner,  and  said  her  husband,  the  Major,  was  at  home  when 
Pleasanton  attacked  Aldie,  and  that  he  had  barely  time  to  mount 
his  horse  and  get  off  before  their  people  were  obliged  to  retire.  I 
spent  a  half-hour  chatting  with  her  and  left.  Generally  the  women, 
when  they  find  you  are  a  gentleman,  and  not  violent  and  bloodthirsty 
in  your  feelings,  are  disposed  to  be  civil  and  affable. 

Young  Morrow,  of  George's  company,  has  returned  from  Rich- 
mond. He  told  George  that  he  saw  a  great  deal  of  Beckham  when 
he  was  first  captured,  who  inquired  very  particularly  after  me. 

Everything  is  very  quiet  here.  The  enemy  have  a  small  cavalry 
force  watching  us,  but  no  signs  of  their  army  this  side  of  the  Blue 
Ridge.  At  what  moment  they  may  show  themselves,  or  when  we 
will  advance,  is  more  than  I  can  tell.  I  hear  nothing  whatever  from 
headquarters,  and  am  as  much  in  the  dark  as  to  proposed  plans  here 
on  the  ground  as  you  are  in  Philadelphia.  This  is  what  Joe  Hooker 
thinks  profound  sagacity — keeping  his  corps  commanders,  who  are 
to  execute  his  plans,  in  total  ignorance  of  them  until  they  are  devel- 
oped in  the  execution  of  orders. 


